Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2054719
Mauro Tiago Njelezi
ABSTRACT Resulting from several social, political, economic and above all radical Islamic factors, the armed conflict in Cabo Delgado raised a variety of questions in the national and international system, among them the modus operandi of the group, now called Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. Thus, the present article analyses the way in which the modes of insurgency and subversion help to understand the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. For this purpose, a methodological study was established in which the semi-structured interview technique involved officers and documentary analysis for data collection. The results of the study show that the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá is circumscribed to the organisation of numerous semi-autonomous cells which carry out guerrilla, terrorist and subversive actions. Furthermore, it was highlighted that the conflict was initiated by a minority of individuals subordinate to a radical religious ideology, and the objective of its operationalisation, until then, was carried out in three phases: preparatory, agitation and insurrection.
由于社会、政治、经济和最重要的伊斯兰激进因素的影响，德尔加多角的武装冲突在国内和国际体系中提出了各种问题，其中包括现在被称为Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm 的组织的运作方式。因此，本文分析了叛乱和颠覆的模式如何有助于理解Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm的运作方式。为此目的，建立了一项方法学研究，其中涉及官员的半结构化面谈技术和收集数据的文件分析。研究结果表明，Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm的行动方式仅限于组织许多半自主的小组，进行游击、恐怖主义和颠覆行动。此外，有人强调指出，冲突是由隶属于激进宗教意识形态的少数人发起的，在此之前，其行动目标分三个阶段进行:准备、煽动和起义。
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Pub Date : 2022-09-05DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2114375
Washington Mazorodze, Enock Ndawana
ABSTRACT This study discusses the human security costs and benefits generated by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic-induced state monopoly on the urban public transport system in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) since March 2020. Using empirical evidence from Harare, it argues that the ZUPCO initiative had far-reaching safety and security implications on urban residents’ lives during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study found that though the ZUPCO initiative mainly benefited commuters through affordable fares, it had many human security costs. The costs included reduced safety and decreased and unreliable services, which exposed the commuting public to the risk of contracting COVID-19 and other security challenges. The state monopoly on urban transport exacerbated the social and economic impact of COVID-19, promoted inequalities, police corruption and urban residents’ use of informal transport services, which were unsafe and costly. The study concludes that the Zimbabwean government lacks the capacity to provide services in the urban transport sector, akin to nearly every sector in the country. As a stop-gap measure, the government is encouraged to regulate and allow private players to complement its efforts for the benefit, convenience, security, and safety of commuters until it develops an efficient urban public transport system.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976
Darlington Mutanda
ABSTRACT The perceived economic threat has given rise to narrow nationalism in South Africa, which has given birth to direct, cultural and structural forms of violence, commonly referred to as xenophobia, which is actually Afrophobia. The main argument is that in as much as there is evidence of the influx of mainly African migrants in South Africa, and these have been largely accused of various crimes and contributing to rising unemployment, this perception trivialises the need for a multipronged and people-centred approach to South Africa’s and Africa’s underlying domestic challenges. Xenophobia should not be seen as only a South African but also an Africa problem, which consequently requires a national and continental response strategy. This then implies that South Africa has a role in stemming the challenges that have given impetus to a new form of narrow nationalism. On the other hand, the article attempts to explain what a continental response strategy might entail. In fact, the narratives of African migrants as pervasive criminals and job snatchers conveniently relieves the post-apartheid government which is expected to enhance service delivery and create opportunities for the locals, as well as giving dignity to the immigrants.
{"title":"Economic threat, new nationalism and xenophobia in South Africa: Some reflections","authors":"Darlington Mutanda","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The perceived economic threat has given rise to narrow nationalism in South Africa, which has given birth to direct, cultural and structural forms of violence, commonly referred to as xenophobia, which is actually Afrophobia. The main argument is that in as much as there is evidence of the influx of mainly African migrants in South Africa, and these have been largely accused of various crimes and contributing to rising unemployment, this perception trivialises the need for a multipronged and people-centred approach to South Africa’s and Africa’s underlying domestic challenges. Xenophobia should not be seen as only a South African but also an Africa problem, which consequently requires a national and continental response strategy. This then implies that South Africa has a role in stemming the challenges that have given impetus to a new form of narrow nationalism. On the other hand, the article attempts to explain what a continental response strategy might entail. In fact, the narratives of African migrants as pervasive criminals and job snatchers conveniently relieves the post-apartheid government which is expected to enhance service delivery and create opportunities for the locals, as well as giving dignity to the immigrants.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47926576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2127659
Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto
In this edition our authors remind us that although the scourge of organised crime and political violence remains part of societies in Africa, popular views are not always helpful when it comes to finding solutions for sustainable peace and security. For instance, one popular perception is that illicit and criminal activities are always linked to political opposition and insurgency; another is that immigrants are the cause of violent crime in society. Although we accept the evidence that shows a link between the drivers of insecurity such as crime, political resistance and illegal immigration, research shows that this is not always the case in all spaces. However, what does show a strong correlation is the link between government-driven peace initiatives with local ownership, non-governmental organisations and non-violent political movements that bring agency to the quest for assured, sustainable peace. In their article ‘Piracy as a result of IUU fishing: Challenging the causal link’, Sasha Jesperson and Rune Henriksen demonstrate that illicit activities such as illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing and piracy as organised crime can take place in the same space (in this case the Gulf of Guinea). However, although both piracy and IUU are drivers of insecurity, there is not necessarily a causal link between the two activities. Gwinyayi Albert Dzinesa, in his article ‘The Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission: Towards an integrated national infrastructure for peace?’, presents a solution to security challenges which aims to overcome the limitations of the ‘statist, top-down approaches’ that are not sufficient to build peace. A mechanism such as the Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission can be effective if it is part of a ‘broad peace infrastructure, weaving horizontal and vertical relationships with various local stakeholders with the assistance of international partners’. The principles of the initiative are national and local ownership, inclusivity, gender mainstreaming and cooperation and capacity-building for sustainability, with external support where necessary. In the same context, Simbarashe Gukurume emphasises non-violent resistance as a form of political opposition in his article ‘Youth and the temporalities of non-violent struggles in Zimbabwe: #ThisFlag Movement’. He points out that young people with ‘techno-savviness’ present agency and social navigation for mass mobilisation to defy a government in a nonviolent way. In his article ‘Peace agreements with no peace: A critical review of peace agreements in the Central African Republic’, Robert Kosho Ndiyun identifies the different ‘paths of peace’ available to societies. In this regard he identifies the sustainability of peace as an essential element of any pathway adopted by communities that aims to guarantee assured peace, prevent a reversion to conflict and authoritarian rule and create an opportunity to repair harm after violent conflict. Matthew Kimble and Sh
在本期中，我们的作者提醒我们，尽管有组织犯罪和政治暴力的祸害仍然是非洲社会的一部分，但在寻找可持续和平与安全的解决方案时，流行观点并不总是有帮助的。例如，一种普遍的看法是，非法和犯罪活动总是与政治反对派和叛乱联系在一起；另一个是移民是社会暴力犯罪的原因。尽管我们接受了表明犯罪、政治抵抗和非法移民等不安全因素之间存在联系的证据，但研究表明，并非所有领域都是如此。然而，政府驱动的和平倡议与地方所有权、非政府组织和非暴力政治运动之间的联系确实显示出了强烈的相关性，这些组织将机构带到了寻求有保障的可持续和平的过程中。Sasha Jesperson和Rune Henriksen在他们的文章《非法、未报告和无管制捕鱼造成的海盗行为：质疑因果关系》中证明，非法、无管制和未报告的捕鱼以及作为有组织犯罪的海盗行为等非法活动可以在同一空间发生（在本例中是几内亚湾）。然而，尽管海盗行为和非法、无管制和未报告都是不安全的驱动因素，但这两种活动之间不一定存在因果关系。Gwinyayi Albert Dzinesa在他的文章《津巴布韦和平与和解委员会：建立一个综合的国家和平基础设施？》中，提出了一个解决安全挑战的方案，旨在克服不足以建设和平的“中央集权、自上而下的方法”的局限性。津巴布韦和平与和解委员会这样的机制如果是“广泛的和平基础设施的一部分，在国际伙伴的协助下与当地各利益攸关方建立横向和纵向关系”，就可以发挥作用。该倡议的原则是国家和地方自主权、包容性、性别平等主流化、合作和能力建设，以促进可持续性，并在必要时得到外部支持。在同样的背景下，Simbarashe Gukurume在他的文章《津巴布韦的青年和非暴力斗争的暂时性：#ThisFlag运动》中强调非暴力抵抗是一种政治反对派形式。他指出，具有“技术知识”的年轻人目前正在进行大规模动员，以非暴力的方式反抗政府。Robert Kosho Ndiyun在他的文章《没有和平的和平协议：对中非共和国和平协议的批判性审查》中指出了社会可以走的不同“和平道路”。在这方面，他认为和平的可持续性是社区采取的任何途径的一个基本要素，这些途径旨在保证有保障的和平，防止冲突和独裁统治的逆转，并创造机会在暴力冲突后修复伤害。Matthew Kimble和Shannon Bosch在他们的文章《私人
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2049329
S. Jesperson, R. Henriksen
ABSTRACT With declining global fish stocks, there is a growing literature on the negative impact of illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. While undoubtedly damaging, there is increasing analysis on the wider impact of IUU fishing, without sufficient evidence to support causal claims. This is particularly evident in the links between IUU fishing and piracy. IUU fishing was blamed for the surge of piracy in the Gulf of Aden in in the late 1990s/ early 2000s and is more recently presented as a driver for piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. In reviewing available evidence, this article finds that while there is a correlation between IUU fishing and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, in that they both occur in the same areas, current evidence does not support a causal link between the two.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653
M. Kimble, S. Bosch
Abstract Using the current conflict in northern Mozambique as a case study, we argue that the South African government and its current legislation on private military and security companies (PMSCs) has prevented it from being a more effective agent for peace in the region. South Africa’s current legislation – the Foreign Military Assistance Act of 1998 (FMA) and the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities Act of 2006 (PMA) – creates a situation, a deliberate and intentional one, where PMSCs are unable to operate effectively effectively. Therefore PMSCs do not operate from South Africa, despite South African PMSCs being well regarded and experienced internationally. The FMA and PMA also oppose a general international trend which is seeing increased use and acceptance of PMSCs. We argue that the conflict in northern Mozambique is an example where legislation which is more accepting of the PMSC industry would have allowed South Africa to provide more (and earlier) assistance to Mozambique. This would have helped Mozambique and the region, but, importantly, it would also have been a valuable tool in South Africa’s foreign diplomacy and projected the potential for the use of smart power.
{"title":"Private military and security companies: South Africa’s neglected resource","authors":"M. Kimble, S. Bosch","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using the current conflict in northern Mozambique as a case study, we argue that the South African government and its current legislation on private military and security companies (PMSCs) has prevented it from being a more effective agent for peace in the region. South Africa’s current legislation – the Foreign Military Assistance Act of 1998 (FMA) and the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities Act of 2006 (PMA) – creates a situation, a deliberate and intentional one, where PMSCs are unable to operate effectively effectively. Therefore PMSCs do not operate from South Africa, despite South African PMSCs being well regarded and experienced internationally. The FMA and PMA also oppose a general international trend which is seeing increased use and acceptance of PMSCs. We argue that the conflict in northern Mozambique is an example where legislation which is more accepting of the PMSC industry would have allowed South Africa to provide more (and earlier) assistance to Mozambique. This would have helped Mozambique and the region, but, importantly, it would also have been a valuable tool in South Africa’s foreign diplomacy and projected the potential for the use of smart power.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43090529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086477
Robert Kosho Ndiyun
ABSTRACT Societies faced with authoritarian rule or conflict usually adopt different paths to peace. The course adopted by each community to guarantee stability determines the extent to which the sustainability of the peace can be assured. Every attempt to pacify a society should aim to prevent a relapse to conflict or authoritarian rule while considering the damage caused and sorting out measures to repair the harm. The history of military coups and conflicts in the Central African Republic (CAR) is well documented. Still, the attempted remedies have greatly side-lined the raison d’être of the responses in guaranteeing peace and preventing relapse to conflict. As the CAR remains politically and socially unstable, an analysis of the failure of peace agreements to ensure stability constitutes a field of inquiry that urgently necessitates a more profound investigation to save the country from recurrent hostilities and guarantee a peaceful society for the citizens. Peace includes an aspiration manifested by both the CAR authorities and non-state armed groups in the course of hostilities and on the negotiation table. Central Africans indicate an interest in peace, but such interest often manifested and materialised in peace agreements has barely been implemented.
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Pub Date : 2022-06-20DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086475
G. Dzinesa
ABSTRACT The National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) in Zimbabwe is potentially a crucial architect of coordinated and integrated infrastructure for peace (I4P). But it is not without its critics and sceptics. The Commission is the institutional centrepiece of government’s post-conflict justice, peace, healing and reconciliation programme. It is mandated with developing national and sub-national architecture to drive the peacebuilding agenda. The NPRC is relatively young and is in the process of emplacing structures to acquire the organisational capacity to execute its mandate efficaciously within major constraints. While statist, top-down approaches are hardly sufficient to build peace, the Commission is evolving into a broad peace infrastructure, weaving horizontal and vertical relationships with various local stakeholders with the assistance of international partners. The NPRC is leading Zimbabwe’s I4P project in a context-specific manner that promotes the principles of national and local ownership, inclusivity, gender mainstreaming, cooperation and capacity building for sustainability. The Commission, notwithstanding its well-documented weaknesses, has achieved important milestones towards a prospective integrated national I4P. This article broadens the existing literature on the NPRC by examining milestones in the implementation of its mandate, particularly demonstrating how it is morphing into a potential cornerstone of a broad national I4P with external support.
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Pub Date : 2022-06-17DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086476
S. Gukurume
ABSTRACT Youth in fragile and conflict-ridden spaces are often constructed as violent and restless subjects who dismember the social fabric of society. Yet, many young people are using non-violent tactics and strategies to articulate their grievances and frustrations with the state of their economies. Young people in such decaying economies live under precarious and uncertain existential conditions. Drawing on the #ThisFlag movement in Zimbabwe, this article sheds light on the complex temporalities of non-violent resistance in post-colonial Africa and the place of social media in creating new and alternative forms of protest. The article examines the ways in which young people mobilising under the #ThisFlag movement deployed cyberspaces to launch concerted non-violent resistance against the Mugabe and Mnangagwa regimes. It also discusses various non-violent tactics the #ThisFlag movement deployed to tactically navigate the precarious terrain of political activism. I argue that young people instrumentalised their techno-savviness to mass-mobilise and enact novel and defiant forms of non-violent political action which posed a serious threat to ZANU-PF’s durable political hegemony. I also argue that #ThisFlag’s use of non-violent resistance should be understood as an exercise of agency and social navigation in a context of protracted violence against government critics and opposition political activists.
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2090084
Lisa Otto, Dries Velthuizen
Welcome to this edition of the African Security Review. In this issue, our authors offer a bouquet of contributions that highlight the centrality of human security from several perspectives. The real and potential harm of historical religions and ideologies that intentionally seek to harm other people, both physically and mentally, requires counter-narratives that emphasise the vital importance of human rights and other democratic freedoms. The importance of the projection of soft power in the political economy of what remains a liberal world, without importing or exporting regional geopolitical tensions, is such a counter-narrative to the violent nature of hard-power projection. What emerges from the work of our authors is the requirement for civil oversight, professionalism and protection of citizens in the unfortunate cases where the state decides to execute its mandate to wield the sword. In her article, ‘The liberation culture and missed opportunities for security sector reform in Zimbabwe: 1980–2018’, Annie Barbara Chikwanha found that Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Zimbabwe is political party orientated and deliberately focussing on technical capacity building and is not aligned with human rights principles or clearly expressing a human security paradigm. In the same vein, Sallek Yaks Musa and Lindy Heinecken analysed and evaluated the effect of military ‘(un)professionalism’ on civil–military relations and security in Nigeria, departing from the principles of military professionalism. The authors found that the lack of civil control of the Nigerian military compromises internal security, military effectiveness, erodes trust in the armed forces and therefore civil–military relations, contributing to the insecurity of citizens. Emma Etim, Otu Duke, Jacob Fatile and Augustine Ugar Akah in their article ‘Protest policing strategy and human rights: A study of End SARS protests in Nigeria’ demonstrated practicalities of how unprofessional armed forces complicates the management of protest action. The authors found that police response to peaceful gatherings as if all protest actions are riots, and failure to prevent violence at an early stage, leads to the escalation of protests into violence that could have been avoided. In his article, ‘Lies or half-truths? Boko Haram’s ideology from a social movement theory perspective’, Akali Omeni shows that ideological and political interpretation of religious scriptures to rationalise radical activism requires counter-narratives to expose ‘lies and half-truths’. Sammie Wicks and Caleb Weiss wrote on the ‘Evolution of Algerian influence in African Jihadist movements’ and pointed out that Algerian leaders continue to influence al-Qaeda’s senior leadership in jihadism in northern Africa and the Sahel, despite diminishing support for this ideology from a new generation of leaders. Oluwaseun Tella explained in his article ‘The political economy of soft power: South Africa’s neoliberal order and multinational
欢迎阅读本期《非洲安全评论》。在本期中，我们的作者提供了一系列的贡献，从几个角度突出了人类安全的中心地位。历史上的宗教和意识形态有意在身体和精神上伤害他人，这些宗教和意识形态的真实和潜在危害需要强调人权和其他民主自由至关重要的反叙事。在仍然是一个自由世界的政治经济中，在不输入或输出地区地缘政治紧张局势的情况下，软实力投射的重要性，与硬实力投射的暴力本质恰恰相反。从我们的作者的工作中得出的结论是，在国家决定执行其行使权力的情况下，需要公民监督、专业精神和保护公民。Annie Barbara Chikwanha在她的文章《津巴布韦安全部门改革的解放文化和错失的机会:1980-2018》中发现，津巴布韦的安全部门改革(SSR)以政党为导向，故意侧重于技术能力建设，与人权原则不一致，也没有明确表达人类安全范式。本着同样的精神，Sallek Yaks Musa和Lindy Heinecken从军事专业主义的原则出发，分析和评估了军事“(非)专业主义”对尼日利亚军民关系和安全的影响。发件人发现，尼日利亚军队缺乏文官控制，损害了国内安全、军事效能，侵蚀了对武装部队的信任，从而破坏了军民关系，造成了公民的不安全。Emma Etim, Otu Duke, Jacob Fatile和Augustine Ugar Akah在他们的文章“抗议警务策略与人权:尼日利亚结束SARS抗议的研究”中展示了不专业的武装部队如何使抗议行动的管理复杂化的实际情况。作者发现，警察对和平集会的反应就好像所有的抗议活动都是骚乱，而且未能在早期阶段阻止暴力，导致抗议活动升级为本可以避免的暴力。在他的文章《谎言还是半真半假?》“博科圣地的意识形态从社会运动理论的角度来看”，Akali Omeni表明，宗教经典的意识形态和政治解释使激进的行动主义合理化，需要反叙事来揭露“谎言和半真半假”。Sammie Wicks和Caleb Weiss在“阿尔及利亚对非洲圣战运动影响的演变”一文中指出，尽管新一代领导人对这种意识形态的支持越来越少，但阿尔及利亚领导人仍在继续影响基地组织在北非和萨赫勒地区的圣战高级领导层。oluwasun Tella在他的文章《软实力的政治经济学:南非的新自由主义秩序和跨国公司在非洲的吸引力》中解释说，南非的经济利益仍然处于南非外交政策的前沿，并解释了南非如何在全球政治经济的新自由主义秩序中投射软实力，尽管对跨国公司涌入非洲的批评。从类似的角度来看，Christian Bueger和Jan Stockbruegger讨论了“海上安全和西印度洋的军事化困境”，并认为该地区依赖外部军事力量来保护重要的航运
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