Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2058408
Oluwaseun Tella
ABSTRACT In recent times, the concept of soft power has emerged as one of the most important terms in international relations. It has been applied to various aspects of statecraft from democracy promotion to peace-making, cultural diplomacy, economic diplomacy, counter-terrorism and disaster management, to name but a few. However, there is a dearth of literature on the political economy of soft power. Given that economic interests substantially drive states’ foreign policies, it is surprising that this aspect of states’ power of attraction has been neglected. It is against this backdrop that this article examines the political economy of soft power focusing on South Africa. In doing so, it engages South Africa’s neo-liberal order and the influx of its multinational companies in Africa and submits that despite the criticism it encounters in this regard, Pretoria has exercised soft power within the purview of political economy.
{"title":"The political economy of soft power: South Africa’s neo-liberal order and multinational corporations’ attraction in Africa","authors":"Oluwaseun Tella","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2058408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2058408","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent times, the concept of soft power has emerged as one of the most important terms in international relations. It has been applied to various aspects of statecraft from democracy promotion to peace-making, cultural diplomacy, economic diplomacy, counter-terrorism and disaster management, to name but a few. However, there is a dearth of literature on the political economy of soft power. Given that economic interests substantially drive states’ foreign policies, it is surprising that this aspect of states’ power of attraction has been neglected. It is against this backdrop that this article examines the political economy of soft power focusing on South Africa. In doing so, it engages South Africa’s neo-liberal order and the influx of its multinational companies in Africa and submits that despite the criticism it encounters in this regard, Pretoria has exercised soft power within the purview of political economy.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"211 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48598609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2087856
Aly Verjee
The editors of Researching the Inner Life of the African Peace and Security Architecture have produced an eclectic and wide-ranging book. From a study of voting record alignment at the United Nations Security Council (chapter by Engel) to discussions of feminist institutionalism (chapter by Haastrup) and informal international practices (chapter by Tieku), the book covers considerable ground, broadening thinking about the already expansive subject of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). In the thematic and authorial diversity of contributions, the book e ff ectively makes the case that APSA, although commonly conceived of as being narrowly tied to the institutions of the African Union (AU) and Africa ’ s various regional economic communities (RECs), is ‘ more than merely a legal framework … ’ (p. 4) and should rather be understood ‘ as a set of norms and practices, guided by formal and informal rules, acting as an expression of politics … ’ of both formal and informal institutions (p. 4). The ten core chapters of the book introductory and concluding chapters) the Tieku ’ s illuminating insights into ‘ inner ’ the book informal Tieku toler-ance African-led Se er
{"title":"Researching the Inner Life of the African Peace and Security Architecture","authors":"Aly Verjee","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2087856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2087856","url":null,"abstract":"The editors of Researching the Inner Life of the African Peace and Security Architecture have produced an eclectic and wide-ranging book. From a study of voting record alignment at the United Nations Security Council (chapter by Engel) to discussions of feminist institutionalism (chapter by Haastrup) and informal international practices (chapter by Tieku), the book covers considerable ground, broadening thinking about the already expansive subject of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). In the thematic and authorial diversity of contributions, the book e ff ectively makes the case that APSA, although commonly conceived of as being narrowly tied to the institutions of the African Union (AU) and Africa ’ s various regional economic communities (RECs), is ‘ more than merely a legal framework … ’ (p. 4) and should rather be understood ‘ as a set of norms and practices, guided by formal and informal rules, acting as an expression of politics … ’ of both formal and informal institutions (p. 4). The ten core chapters of the book introductory and concluding chapters) the Tieku ’ s illuminating insights into ‘ inner ’ the book informal Tieku toler-ance African-led Se er","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"240 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46887826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2075708
E. Etim, O. Duke, J. Fatile, Augustine Ugar Akah
ABSTRACT In this study, we adopted the negotiation management model (NMM) and the elaborated social identity model (ESIM) to assess and match with global best practices the conduct of personnel of the Nigerian Police Force during the End SARS protest. We used the descriptive mixed-method research design to answer the research questions after taking stock of some achievements recorded by SARS and critical factors that led to the protest. We discovered, among others, that the Nigerian Police Force lacks a functional public complaint mechanism through which members of the society can express their grievances concerning the activities of personnel of the force. Further, the orthodox belief that a dominant show of force would compel protesters to comply with government directives failed during the End SARS protest. Our finding validates H. F. Guggenheim Foundation Guide that the police's response to peaceful gatherings as if they were riots and their failure to prevent a violent development at an early stage would lead to the degeneration of protests. The study makes recommendations on achieving a peaceful and well-managed protest if a demonstration becomes inevitable.
{"title":"Protest policing strategy and human rights: A study of End SARS protests in Nigeria","authors":"E. Etim, O. Duke, J. Fatile, Augustine Ugar Akah","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2075708","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2075708","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this study, we adopted the negotiation management model (NMM) and the elaborated social identity model (ESIM) to assess and match with global best practices the conduct of personnel of the Nigerian Police Force during the End SARS protest. We used the descriptive mixed-method research design to answer the research questions after taking stock of some achievements recorded by SARS and critical factors that led to the protest. We discovered, among others, that the Nigerian Police Force lacks a functional public complaint mechanism through which members of the society can express their grievances concerning the activities of personnel of the force. Further, the orthodox belief that a dominant show of force would compel protesters to comply with government directives failed during the End SARS protest. Our finding validates H. F. Guggenheim Foundation Guide that the police's response to peaceful gatherings as if they were riots and their failure to prevent a violent development at an early stage would lead to the degeneration of protests. The study makes recommendations on achieving a peaceful and well-managed protest if a demonstration becomes inevitable.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"226 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43328411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1960401
Annie Barbara Chikwanha
ABSTRACT This article analyses the roles of key liberation war actors in shaping the new security regime in Zimbabwe. This is done through analysing the trajectory of the security sector reforms (SSR) and the missed opportunities for transformation since 1980. The post 1980 security establishment was dominated by the logistical posturing of the liberation war security structures. This allowed for the infusion of the exile formed liberation culture values that evolved during war-time governance practices. SSR in the country remained deliberately skewed towards technical capacity building, without attempts to align the security provision with the universal human rights doctrine. The findings show that the partisan oriented SSR approach has contributed to the elusive human security paradigm in the country.
{"title":"The liberation culture and missed opportunities for security sector reform in Zimbabwe: 1980–2018","authors":"Annie Barbara Chikwanha","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.1960401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.1960401","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the roles of key liberation war actors in shaping the new security regime in Zimbabwe. This is done through analysing the trajectory of the security sector reforms (SSR) and the missed opportunities for transformation since 1980. The post 1980 security establishment was dominated by the logistical posturing of the liberation war security structures. This allowed for the infusion of the exile formed liberation culture values that evolved during war-time governance practices. SSR in the country remained deliberately skewed towards technical capacity building, without attempts to align the security provision with the universal human rights doctrine. The findings show that the partisan oriented SSR approach has contributed to the elusive human security paradigm in the country.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"123 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49486612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-08DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.2009889
S. Wicks, Caleb Weiss
ABSTRACT Algerian leadership was once instrumental in organising and fomenting jihad in North Africa and the Sahel. Alongside leadership decapitations, counter-terrorism crackdowns, and a ‘Sahelian shift’ following the influx of Sahelian members, Algerian influence has since significantly waned. Today, Algerian influence is mainly seen in cautionary tales against extremism and infighting. In contrast, few Algerian jihadists still play a role within the overall hierarchy of al-Qaeda's North African and Sahelian branches. As such, it is ultimately a new generation – a non-Algerian generation – that is leading the jihadist charge in northern Africa and the Sahel. However, although diminished, Algerian leadership remains persistently valuable to al-Qaeda’s senior leadership due to their strategic utilitarian view.
{"title":"Evolution of Algerian influence in African Jihadist movements","authors":"S. Wicks, Caleb Weiss","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.2009889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.2009889","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Algerian leadership was once instrumental in organising and fomenting jihad in North Africa and the Sahel. Alongside leadership decapitations, counter-terrorism crackdowns, and a ‘Sahelian shift’ following the influx of Sahelian members, Algerian influence has since significantly waned. Today, Algerian influence is mainly seen in cautionary tales against extremism and infighting. In contrast, few Algerian jihadists still play a role within the overall hierarchy of al-Qaeda's North African and Sahelian branches. As such, it is ultimately a new generation – a non-Algerian generation – that is leading the jihadist charge in northern Africa and the Sahel. However, although diminished, Algerian leadership remains persistently valuable to al-Qaeda’s senior leadership due to their strategic utilitarian view.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"139 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46421070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-24DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.2014917
Sallek Yaks Musa, L. Heinecken
ABSTRACT The focus of this study is on the effect of military (un)professionalism on civil-military relations and citizens’ security in Nigeria. To sketch the context, the article provides a brief background on the nature of armed conflict, which necessitated the deployment of the military in internal operations. Following this is a brief description of the extent and nature of military abuse, which strains civil-military relations. Using the principles of what constitutes military professionalism, the study shows that the conduct of the Nigerian military, together with the lack of civil control undermines internal security operations and has eroded trust in the armed forces. The influence on civil-military relations is analysed, with reference to a qualitative study conducted among civilians affected by military abuse in Plateau State. The findings show that the unprofessionalism of the Nigerian military undermines military effectiveness, civil-military relations, and exacerbates the insecurity of citizens.
{"title":"The effect of military (un)professionalism on civil-military relations and security in Nigeria","authors":"Sallek Yaks Musa, L. Heinecken","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.2014917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.2014917","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The focus of this study is on the effect of military (un)professionalism on civil-military relations and citizens’ security in Nigeria. To sketch the context, the article provides a brief background on the nature of armed conflict, which necessitated the deployment of the military in internal operations. Following this is a brief description of the extent and nature of military abuse, which strains civil-military relations. Using the principles of what constitutes military professionalism, the study shows that the conduct of the Nigerian military, together with the lack of civil control undermines internal security operations and has eroded trust in the armed forces. The influence on civil-military relations is analysed, with reference to a qualitative study conducted among civilians affected by military abuse in Plateau State. The findings show that the unprofessionalism of the Nigerian military undermines military effectiveness, civil-military relations, and exacerbates the insecurity of citizens.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"157 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42124039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.2005108
Ayele Tariku
ABSTRACT Academic literature gave less emphasis to the causes of insecurity of the society in Africa, and the role of the indigenous institutions to minimise the insecurity problems. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the sources of insecurity and the roles of the afersata (indigenous communal court) in solving insecurity problems in Ethiopia focusing on the Semen and Begemider Governorate General. This Governorate General existed in Ethiopia from the periods 1941–1974 comprising various cultural groups within it. It included Amhara, Agaw, Kimant, Tigrie, Kunama, and Bete Israel groups. Qualitative methodology was employed for this research, in which archival sources available in the North Gondar Administrative Zone were significantly utilised. Besides, secondary and oral sources were thoroughly scrutinised. The finding shows that banditry, imposition of unfair taxes and fees, and mal-administration had threatened the security of human livelihood in Semen and Begemider Governorate General from the periods 1941–1974. Indigenous institutions such as Afersata played pivotal roles in minimising these security problems at least by identifying unknown offenders in the community.
{"title":"Security problems and afersata in Ethiopia: The case of Semen and Begemider Governorate-General (1941-1974)","authors":"Ayele Tariku","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.2005108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.2005108","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Academic literature gave less emphasis to the causes of insecurity of the society in Africa, and the role of the indigenous institutions to minimise the insecurity problems. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the sources of insecurity and the roles of the afersata (indigenous communal court) in solving insecurity problems in Ethiopia focusing on the Semen and Begemider Governorate General. This Governorate General existed in Ethiopia from the periods 1941–1974 comprising various cultural groups within it. It included Amhara, Agaw, Kimant, Tigrie, Kunama, and Bete Israel groups. Qualitative methodology was employed for this research, in which archival sources available in the North Gondar Administrative Zone were significantly utilised. Besides, secondary and oral sources were thoroughly scrutinised. The finding shows that banditry, imposition of unfair taxes and fees, and mal-administration had threatened the security of human livelihood in Semen and Begemider Governorate General from the periods 1941–1974. Indigenous institutions such as Afersata played pivotal roles in minimising these security problems at least by identifying unknown offenders in the community.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"66 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48323207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.2009530
J. Ishiyama, Post Basnet
ABSTRACT In this article, we examine the growth of ethnopolitical divisions in Ethiopia. Using recently released Afrobarometer data and comparing current levels of ethnonational identity with previous data released in 2013, we find an erosion in support for a national Ethiopian identity, and rapidly growing ethnonational identities among Oromo and Tigrayan respondents, but not Amhara. This suggests that the attempts by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to promote ‘Ethiopianess’ as a unifying principle for the country will face great challenges. In addition, although it is tempting to lay the blame for this growing ethnonationalism at the ‘feet’ of the ethnofederal system in Ethiopia (as many scholars have) this study cannot directly address the connection between ethnic federalism and ethnic conflict and instability. However, what is clear is that there is a growing sense of ethnonationalism (or the idea that ethnic identity is now more important than a national Ethiopian identity) for a significant part of the population and this is consistent with the expectations of the critics of ethnofederalism. This also suggests greater challenges to Ethiopian unity in the near future.
{"title":"Ethnic versus national identity in Ethiopia: Is ethnic identity growing and among whom?","authors":"J. Ishiyama, Post Basnet","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.2009530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.2009530","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we examine the growth of ethnopolitical divisions in Ethiopia. Using recently released Afrobarometer data and comparing current levels of ethnonational identity with previous data released in 2013, we find an erosion in support for a national Ethiopian identity, and rapidly growing ethnonational identities among Oromo and Tigrayan respondents, but not Amhara. This suggests that the attempts by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to promote ‘Ethiopianess’ as a unifying principle for the country will face great challenges. In addition, although it is tempting to lay the blame for this growing ethnonationalism at the ‘feet’ of the ethnofederal system in Ethiopia (as many scholars have) this study cannot directly address the connection between ethnic federalism and ethnic conflict and instability. However, what is clear is that there is a growing sense of ethnonationalism (or the idea that ethnic identity is now more important than a national Ethiopian identity) for a significant part of the population and this is consistent with the expectations of the critics of ethnofederalism. This also suggests greater challenges to Ethiopian unity in the near future.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"82 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45639743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2041877
Lisa Otto, Dries Velthuizen
As peace and security practitioners and scholars we seldom harness the expectations that a new year will bring a fresh start for people caught up in war, other forms of violent conflict and pressures that cause insecurity and distress. However, we know from past experience that where people feel insecure, a critical mass of people still have the energy to find innovative solutions to improve the well-being of people. Also in Africa, many good people share their knowledge of the many spaces in Africa, in the firm belief that wise leaders and other decision makers would find solutions to problems. In this edition, the authors illustrate in an exceptional way some of the efforts that are already bearing fruit towards security for all who dwell in the continent of Africa. An example of such an effort with innovative solutions is the work of Albert K. DomsonLindsay on ‘Mozambique’s Security Challenges’, who offers a critical security perspective to advance the view of a balanced or broader approach to security that goes beyond military response towards addressing the fundamental causes of a conflict. In this regard the author argues that poor governance, characterised by corruption, political patronage, marginalisation of minority groups, centralisation of power and exclusionary practices, under the banner of the Mozambican government, are the major sources of insecurity in the country. John Ishiyama in his article ‘Ethnic versus National Identity in Ethiopia’ reminds us about another cause of insecurity in Africa when he asserts that for many people in a country such as Ethiopia, ethnic identity is more important than national identity, posing a challenge to national identity. Furthermore, Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Francis Sibanda point out in their article on ‘Global War on Terror’ (GWOT), that some African governments such as Kenya and Uganda, continue to benefit from securitised development characterised by underlying contradictions involving the fight against terrorism. However, it is through the securitisation of COVID-19 in Africa, as illustrated by Hamdy Hassan, that many African governments have exploited this pandemic as a deadly threat to state and society to justify unprecedented precautionary measures restricting the freedoms of people. He predicts that the impact of securitisation of COVID-19 on African societies by interventionist states will have extensive socio-political implications in the medium and long term. In his article on ‘The Securitisation of COVID-19 and Authoritarian Politics in Zimbabwe’, Tompson Makahamadze uses Zimbabwe as an example of COVID-19 securitisation. He found that it assisted the ZANU-PF government to consolidate power through measures to contain the coronavirus disproportionate to the threat and followed political party agenda to limit the political freedoms of the opposition coalition. Timothy Donais offers one of the innovative solutions in his article ‘Protection through Peacebuilding in South Sudan’, explain
{"title":"A call for innovative security strategies in the face of failing governance","authors":"Lisa Otto, Dries Velthuizen","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2041877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2041877","url":null,"abstract":"As peace and security practitioners and scholars we seldom harness the expectations that a new year will bring a fresh start for people caught up in war, other forms of violent conflict and pressures that cause insecurity and distress. However, we know from past experience that where people feel insecure, a critical mass of people still have the energy to find innovative solutions to improve the well-being of people. Also in Africa, many good people share their knowledge of the many spaces in Africa, in the firm belief that wise leaders and other decision makers would find solutions to problems. In this edition, the authors illustrate in an exceptional way some of the efforts that are already bearing fruit towards security for all who dwell in the continent of Africa. An example of such an effort with innovative solutions is the work of Albert K. DomsonLindsay on ‘Mozambique’s Security Challenges’, who offers a critical security perspective to advance the view of a balanced or broader approach to security that goes beyond military response towards addressing the fundamental causes of a conflict. In this regard the author argues that poor governance, characterised by corruption, political patronage, marginalisation of minority groups, centralisation of power and exclusionary practices, under the banner of the Mozambican government, are the major sources of insecurity in the country. John Ishiyama in his article ‘Ethnic versus National Identity in Ethiopia’ reminds us about another cause of insecurity in Africa when he asserts that for many people in a country such as Ethiopia, ethnic identity is more important than national identity, posing a challenge to national identity. Furthermore, Felix Kumah-Abiwu and Francis Sibanda point out in their article on ‘Global War on Terror’ (GWOT), that some African governments such as Kenya and Uganda, continue to benefit from securitised development characterised by underlying contradictions involving the fight against terrorism. However, it is through the securitisation of COVID-19 in Africa, as illustrated by Hamdy Hassan, that many African governments have exploited this pandemic as a deadly threat to state and society to justify unprecedented precautionary measures restricting the freedoms of people. He predicts that the impact of securitisation of COVID-19 on African societies by interventionist states will have extensive socio-political implications in the medium and long term. In his article on ‘The Securitisation of COVID-19 and Authoritarian Politics in Zimbabwe’, Tompson Makahamadze uses Zimbabwe as an example of COVID-19 securitisation. He found that it assisted the ZANU-PF government to consolidate power through measures to contain the coronavirus disproportionate to the threat and followed political party agenda to limit the political freedoms of the opposition coalition. Timothy Donais offers one of the innovative solutions in his article ‘Protection through Peacebuilding in South Sudan’, explain","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"1 - 2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48649061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1992458
Albert K. Domson-Lindsay
ABSTRACT The ongoing security crisis in Mozambique reveals the limitations of the mainstream statist approach to security promotion. Whenever there is social conflict or unrest, state authorities instinctively and routinely rely on military means to deal with it. However, this approach disregards the root causes of the problem, which are often the internal social, political and economic triggers of insecurity. Presently there are international security actors assisting the Mozambican government in dealing with the armed conflict in their country. As a contribution to the emerging body of work on Mozambique’s security challenges beginning in 1990, this paper adopts a critical security perspective in the analysis of the problem. The view is taken that there ought to be a balanced or broader approach to security. Although a military response is necessary for combating hostile forces, this effort should go in tandem with addressing the fundamental causes of the crisis. The paper argues that in Mozambique poor governance in the form of corruption, political patronage, marginalisation of minority groups, centralisation of power and other exclusionary practices are the major sources of the country’s insecurity. Some proposals are suggested to address these challenges.
{"title":"Mozambique’s security challenges: Routinised response or broader approach?","authors":"Albert K. Domson-Lindsay","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2021.1992458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2021.1992458","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ongoing security crisis in Mozambique reveals the limitations of the mainstream statist approach to security promotion. Whenever there is social conflict or unrest, state authorities instinctively and routinely rely on military means to deal with it. However, this approach disregards the root causes of the problem, which are often the internal social, political and economic triggers of insecurity. Presently there are international security actors assisting the Mozambican government in dealing with the armed conflict in their country. As a contribution to the emerging body of work on Mozambique’s security challenges beginning in 1990, this paper adopts a critical security perspective in the analysis of the problem. The view is taken that there ought to be a balanced or broader approach to security. Although a military response is necessary for combating hostile forces, this effort should go in tandem with addressing the fundamental causes of the crisis. The paper argues that in Mozambique poor governance in the form of corruption, political patronage, marginalisation of minority groups, centralisation of power and other exclusionary practices are the major sources of the country’s insecurity. Some proposals are suggested to address these challenges.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"3 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46565482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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