Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2270532
Uchenna A. Aja
ABSTRACTIn recent years, Nigeria’s security architecture has deteriorated due to conflicts and acts of violent extremism by non-state actors in possession of SALWs. Therefore, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons have resulted in armed conflicts, the displacement of people, organized crimes, and acts of terrorism, thereby undermining the peace, development, and human security of Nigerians, and by extension, Africa. The easy accessibility, destructiveness, simplicity and usability of the SALWs have made them appealing and a preferred choice for organized criminal groups and violent extremists resulting in huge human security challenges for Nigeria. In this context, the study examines the impact of the proliferation of SALWs and the peace, security, and development of Nigeria. The main interests are to first understand the intersectionality between the proliferation of SALWs and human security, and secondly to unpack the causes, channels, and casualties of the proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria. The author will also discuss the pattern and strategy of governmental response(s) to the proliferation of SALWs. The study recommends the adoption of a grand-national strategy comprising of governance-security nexus as a panacea to stem the tide of the illegal proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria.KEYWORDS: ProliferationSmall armsLight weaponsHuman securityNigeria Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Dokubo, C. The Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa: Implications for Sub-regional security.2 Stemmet, A. Regulating Small Arms and Light weapons.3 McCullum, H. Small Arms: The World’s favourite weapons of mass destruction.4 Kumar, S. Small Arms and Light Weapons: A Global Health to Human Security and Development.5 Small Arms Survey, Shadow of War.6 Lodgard, C., & Fung, A. The Global Spread of Arms: The Political Economy of International Security.7 Ibid8 Falode, A.J. Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and Transnational Crime in Africa.9 Egbuta, U. The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons: A nexus to Asymmetric Threats in Nigeria.10 Ifeadi, Cross Border Security Threats and Developmental Challenges for Africa: A Nigerian Immigration Service Perspective.11 Moses, T. Chart of the Day: Cost of Nigeria’s Insecurity.12 Alimba, C.N. Controlling the Proliferation of Small Arms in Nigeria: Emerging issues and Challenges.13 Adepegba et al Arms Proliferation worsens Insecurity as Firearms Bills Suffer Delay14 Akpuru-Aja, A. Policy Fields and Contemporary Strategic Studies.15 Dokubo, C. The Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa: Implications for Sub-regional security; McNamara, R.S. The Essence of security.16 Mcfarlane, Neil S. and Yuen Foong Khong ‘Human Security and the UN’.17 Imobighe, T.A. Dimensions of Threats and National Security Development Challenges in Nigeria.18 Zabadi, L.S. The National Security Decision Making Process in a Democracy.19 Dokubo,
45阿克普鲁-阿贾,A.非洲的叛乱与恐怖主义:一些近期趋势的研究。46卡比尔,A.悲伤、眼泪和鲜血:48阿德佩格巴等。49阿德佩格巴,A.巴耶武,L.哈纳菲,A.武器扩散加剧了不安全状况,枪支法案被推迟。50杜库博,C.西非轻武器扩散:对分区域安全的影响。5152《电报》,布哈里:边境封锁未能阻止非法武器走私进入尼日利亚。53伊菲迪,E.B.U.非洲跨境安全威胁与发展挑战:尼日利亚移民服务,245.54阿德佩格巴,A.武器扩散加剧了不安全状况,枪支法案被推迟。55 Nextier SPD,武器需求。56阿克普鲁-阿贾,A.非洲叛乱与恐怖主义:[5]陈晓明,陈晓明,陈晓明,等。尼日利亚东南部地区的暴力问题:一个整体的解决方案。[8]作者简介:suchenna A. Aja在国内外知名期刊上发表了多篇文章。他的研究兴趣包括安全研究、叛乱与恐怖主义、跨国有组织犯罪、和平与冲突进程以及外交研究。
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ABSTRACTIn the past decade, there has been a surge in deadly internal conflicts in Nigeria. The state’s failure to decisively address violent skirmishes through its modern conflict-resolution mechanisms has resuscitated the debate on the role of traditional rulers in conflict resolution. Although the relevance of traditional institutions in conflict contexts has been well acknowledged in many studies, their complicity in the onset and preponderance of conflict remains understudied. Using a mixed qualitative research design, this paper interrogates the nexus between unethical practices of traditional rulers and conflict in Tivland, north central Nigeria. It hypothesises that in the examined case study, the quest for personal aggrandizement unwittingly heightened corrupt behaviour among traditional rulers, leading to conflict emergence and protraction. To curb the impunity that currently undergirds conflict in Tivland, we recommend that traditional rulers found culpable in conflicts should be dethroned and prosecuted as deterrent to others. Also, traditional leadership selection processes should be merit-based, as opposed to the current practice of offering stools to cronies of state authorities.KEYWORDS: Traditional rulersunethical practicescorruptiontraditionalistsmodernistshybridistsconflict resolutionTivland Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Blench, Natural Resource Conflicts in North-Central Nigeria.2 De Juan, ‘“Traditional” Resolution of Land Conflicts’; Boege, ‘Traditional Approaches to Conflict Transformation’; Enyi, ‘Security and Other Challenges Posed by the Fulani Invasion’; Osabu-Kle, Compatible Cultural Democracy; Ayittey, Indigenous African Institutions; Lewis, A Pastoral Democracy.3 Payne, ‘Rethinking Nigeria’s Indigene-Settler Conflicts’; Baruah, ‘Ethnic Conflicts and Traditional Self-Governing Institutions’; Crook, ‘The Role of Traditional Institutions’; Williams, ‘Leading from Behind’; West and Kloeck-Jenson, ‘Betwixt and Between’; Van-Kessel and Oomen, ‘One Chief, One Vote’.4 Paalo and Issifu, ‘De-internationalizing Hybrid Peace’; Fabbe, Kao, and Peterson, ‘Pre-Analysis Plan’; Lawal and Audu, ‘Traditional Institutions and Firearms in Africa’.5 Tivland, as used in this article, refers to the communities of native Tiv language speakers that are indigenous to Benue state. It therefore does not apply to the other speakers who are found in Nasarawa, Taraba, and Plateau states, among others.6 Crook, ‘The Role of Traditional Institutions’.7 Boege, ‘Traditional Approaches to Conflict Transformation’.8 Mutisi, ‘The Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda’.9 Zartman, ‘Conclusions’.10 Mutisi, ‘The Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda’.11 De Juan, ‘“Traditional” Resolution of Land Conflicts’.12 Lewis, A Pastoral Democracy.13 Ugwu and Enna, ‘Conflict Transformation in Nasarawa State’.14 Osabu-Kle, Compatible Cultural Democracy.15 Adom, The Tor Tiv Stool; Enyi, ‘Security and Other Challenges Posed by the Fulan
39 Ogwuda,“CP威胁三角洲君主绑架”,40页Chizea和Osumah,《硬币的两面》第41页Enyi,“富拉尼入侵带来的安全和其他挑战”,43Oravee,“Tiv-land社区和种族冲突的原因和影响”,第44页尼日利亚贝努埃州政府,地方政府建制法,45年,“蒂夫兰的种族内部冲突与发展”,第46页利用解决冲突的五种传统方法>,第47页53 .吉博,《1959年以来的政治》,FGD,地方公共代表,古马地方政府,20121.4月9日;FGD,传统统治者,Katsina-Ala地方政府,20121.7月23日。Blench,尼日利亚中北部的自然资源冲突。51《KII与安全代理人》,古马地方政府,20121.4月9日Aluaigba,《尼日利亚被扼杀的民主巩固之路》,54页19世纪和20世纪蒂夫兰的政治变动史。55 Abeghe,蒂夫兰政治的宣誓书。56 Abuul和Abuul,政治暴力和土地纠纷对蒂夫兰发展的影响。57Iyeh,“重新考虑尼日利亚宪法下传统制度的地位”,第58页Osakede and Ijimakinwa,《尼日利亚的传统制度与现代行政》,第59期Ewepu,《群体要求传统统治者明确角色》60Enyi,“富拉尼入侵带来的安全和其他挑战”;Ifeka, <冲突、共谋与混乱>,第61页我与一名大学讲师,马库尔迪,2020年11月17日万图,“奥顿谴责任命新一级领导人的计划”布兰奇,《尼日利亚中北部的自然资源冲突》,第64页67 .伊博因:《殖民前非洲的传统领导与腐败》,《1959年以来的政治》Enyi,“富拉尼入侵带来的安全和其他挑战”,第69页妇女环境方案,“将冲突映射到持续危机的项目报告”,第70页贝努埃州政府,《和平与安全委员会报告》,71Iorkosu et al.,“Ihyarev和karev社区暴力”,72阿塔格,《贝努埃州社区危机导致房屋遭到破坏》73德格巴:《论尼日利亚中部地区》Jibo,《1959年以来的政治》;Kwaja,《重建国家能力的战略》。作者简介:emmanuel Ezeani,尼日利亚大学恩苏卡分校(UNN)政治学教授。他是联合国大学政治科学系前系主任和社会科学学院前院长。著有《政治学导论》、《公共管理基础》、《地方政府管理》等。他在本地和国际上发表了许多文章。Emmanuel Terkimbi Akov,博士,尼日利亚阿夸伊博姆州Uyo大学政治学系讲师。他在国内和国际学术期刊上发表了许多经过深入研究的文章。他是《资源冲突辩论重访:解开尼日利亚中北部地区农牧民冲突案例》的作者,发表于《非洲安全评论》,26(3),288-307。他的研究兴趣横跨比较政治、冲突分析和选举研究。Kingsley Ekene Okoye是尼日利亚大学恩苏卡政治系的讲师。他的研究兴趣包括政府政策研究、选举研究、发展研究、政治参与、农村和安全研究。
{"title":"Unethical practices and the role of traditional ruler-ship institutions in modern conflict resolution in Tivland, Nigeria","authors":"Emmanuel Ezeani, Emmanuel Terkimbi Akov, Kingsley Ekene Okoye","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2262969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2262969","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn the past decade, there has been a surge in deadly internal conflicts in Nigeria. The state’s failure to decisively address violent skirmishes through its modern conflict-resolution mechanisms has resuscitated the debate on the role of traditional rulers in conflict resolution. Although the relevance of traditional institutions in conflict contexts has been well acknowledged in many studies, their complicity in the onset and preponderance of conflict remains understudied. Using a mixed qualitative research design, this paper interrogates the nexus between unethical practices of traditional rulers and conflict in Tivland, north central Nigeria. It hypothesises that in the examined case study, the quest for personal aggrandizement unwittingly heightened corrupt behaviour among traditional rulers, leading to conflict emergence and protraction. To curb the impunity that currently undergirds conflict in Tivland, we recommend that traditional rulers found culpable in conflicts should be dethroned and prosecuted as deterrent to others. Also, traditional leadership selection processes should be merit-based, as opposed to the current practice of offering stools to cronies of state authorities.KEYWORDS: Traditional rulersunethical practicescorruptiontraditionalistsmodernistshybridistsconflict resolutionTivland Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Blench, Natural Resource Conflicts in North-Central Nigeria.2 De Juan, ‘“Traditional” Resolution of Land Conflicts’; Boege, ‘Traditional Approaches to Conflict Transformation’; Enyi, ‘Security and Other Challenges Posed by the Fulani Invasion’; Osabu-Kle, Compatible Cultural Democracy; Ayittey, Indigenous African Institutions; Lewis, A Pastoral Democracy.3 Payne, ‘Rethinking Nigeria’s Indigene-Settler Conflicts’; Baruah, ‘Ethnic Conflicts and Traditional Self-Governing Institutions’; Crook, ‘The Role of Traditional Institutions’; Williams, ‘Leading from Behind’; West and Kloeck-Jenson, ‘Betwixt and Between’; Van-Kessel and Oomen, ‘One Chief, One Vote’.4 Paalo and Issifu, ‘De-internationalizing Hybrid Peace’; Fabbe, Kao, and Peterson, ‘Pre-Analysis Plan’; Lawal and Audu, ‘Traditional Institutions and Firearms in Africa’.5 Tivland, as used in this article, refers to the communities of native Tiv language speakers that are indigenous to Benue state. It therefore does not apply to the other speakers who are found in Nasarawa, Taraba, and Plateau states, among others.6 Crook, ‘The Role of Traditional Institutions’.7 Boege, ‘Traditional Approaches to Conflict Transformation’.8 Mutisi, ‘The Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda’.9 Zartman, ‘Conclusions’.10 Mutisi, ‘The Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda’.11 De Juan, ‘“Traditional” Resolution of Land Conflicts’.12 Lewis, A Pastoral Democracy.13 Ugwu and Enna, ‘Conflict Transformation in Nasarawa State’.14 Osabu-Kle, Compatible Cultural Democracy.15 Adom, The Tor Tiv Stool; Enyi, ‘Security and Other Challenges Posed by the Fulan","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135814204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2248095
Angelique Antoinette Wantenaar, Doraval Govender
ABSTRACTCommunity policing plays a pivotal role both nationally and internationally in the reduction of crime. The purpose of this study is to highlight how community policing forum (CPF) members experience community policing in liaison with the South African Police Service (SAPS), private security and community members in the South West Tshwane policing area in Gauteng, South Africa. One-on-one interviews were conducted with 36 participants, purposively sampled from the Laudium, Lyttelton and Wierdabrug police precincts. Observations were also made in the different policing precincts. The data were thematically analysed. The results show that, owing to a variety of factors, the police alone cannot reduce crime in communities. A multidisciplinary approach is recommended wherein CPFs, private security firms and community members work together to mobilise their expertise and resources with the aim of attaining a safe and secure living environment for all citizens.KEYWORDS: community policing forums; collective efficacy; neighbourhood watch; community policing; criminal behaviour Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 South African Government, Constitution of the Republic of South Africa; South African Government, South African Police Service Act No. 68 of 1995.2 Collins Dictionary, ‘Community Policing’.3 Everbridge, ‘What Is Community Policing?’.4 Community-Policing-Definition-community-policing, 2023.5 Fleming, ‘Community Policing’.6 Cossyleon, ‘Community Policing’.7 Kuo and Shih, ‘Evaluation of a Community-Oriented Policing Program’.8 Fleming, ‘Community Policing’.9 McMurtry and Curling, Review of the Roots of Youth Violence (Vol. 3).10 Mbhele and Singh, ‘Criminological Exploration’.11 Moshood et al., ‘Role of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency’.12 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.13 Ibid.14 ‘Centurion Crime Hotspots Identified’.15 Koch, ‘Joint Multi-disciplinary Operation’.16 Cohen and Felson, ‘Social Change’.17 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.18 Przeszlowski and Crichlow, ‘Exploratory Assessment’.19 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.20 Pala and Balcioğlu, ‘Community Policing in England, Wales, and European Union’.21 Joint Committee on Justice and Equality, Report on Community Policing and Rural Crime.22 Garcia and Polson, ‘Community Policing Relations’.23 Joint Committee on Justice and Equality, Report on Community Policing and Rural Crime.24 Ibid.25 Ibid.26 Weisburd and Majmundar, Proactive Policing,27 Everett Police Department, ‘Block Watch Program’.28 Conway, ‘Near or Far Away’.29 Ibid.30 Ristmäe, Estonian Neighbourhood Watch.31 Kocak, Rethinking Community Policing.32 Leishman, ‘Koban’.33 Ibid.34 Spasić and Radovanović, ‘Security Needs’.35 Skilling, ‘Community Policing in Kenya’.36 Ibid.37 Ordu and Nnam, ‘Community Policing in Nigeria’.38 Ibid.39 Vancouver Police Department, Community policing, 2020.40 ‘Neighbourhood Watch Scheme’.41 Vancouver Police Department, Com
{"title":"Experiences of community policing forum members in liaison with SAPS, private security and community members regarding community policing","authors":"Angelique Antoinette Wantenaar, Doraval Govender","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2248095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2248095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTCommunity policing plays a pivotal role both nationally and internationally in the reduction of crime. The purpose of this study is to highlight how community policing forum (CPF) members experience community policing in liaison with the South African Police Service (SAPS), private security and community members in the South West Tshwane policing area in Gauteng, South Africa. One-on-one interviews were conducted with 36 participants, purposively sampled from the Laudium, Lyttelton and Wierdabrug police precincts. Observations were also made in the different policing precincts. The data were thematically analysed. The results show that, owing to a variety of factors, the police alone cannot reduce crime in communities. A multidisciplinary approach is recommended wherein CPFs, private security firms and community members work together to mobilise their expertise and resources with the aim of attaining a safe and secure living environment for all citizens.KEYWORDS: community policing forums; collective efficacy; neighbourhood watch; community policing; criminal behaviour Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 South African Government, Constitution of the Republic of South Africa; South African Government, South African Police Service Act No. 68 of 1995.2 Collins Dictionary, ‘Community Policing’.3 Everbridge, ‘What Is Community Policing?’.4 Community-Policing-Definition-community-policing, 2023.5 Fleming, ‘Community Policing’.6 Cossyleon, ‘Community Policing’.7 Kuo and Shih, ‘Evaluation of a Community-Oriented Policing Program’.8 Fleming, ‘Community Policing’.9 McMurtry and Curling, Review of the Roots of Youth Violence (Vol. 3).10 Mbhele and Singh, ‘Criminological Exploration’.11 Moshood et al., ‘Role of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency’.12 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.13 Ibid.14 ‘Centurion Crime Hotspots Identified’.15 Koch, ‘Joint Multi-disciplinary Operation’.16 Cohen and Felson, ‘Social Change’.17 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.18 Przeszlowski and Crichlow, ‘Exploratory Assessment’.19 Wantenaar, ‘Criminological Perspective’.20 Pala and Balcioğlu, ‘Community Policing in England, Wales, and European Union’.21 Joint Committee on Justice and Equality, Report on Community Policing and Rural Crime.22 Garcia and Polson, ‘Community Policing Relations’.23 Joint Committee on Justice and Equality, Report on Community Policing and Rural Crime.24 Ibid.25 Ibid.26 Weisburd and Majmundar, Proactive Policing,27 Everett Police Department, ‘Block Watch Program’.28 Conway, ‘Near or Far Away’.29 Ibid.30 Ristmäe, Estonian Neighbourhood Watch.31 Kocak, Rethinking Community Policing.32 Leishman, ‘Koban’.33 Ibid.34 Spasić and Radovanović, ‘Security Needs’.35 Skilling, ‘Community Policing in Kenya’.36 Ibid.37 Ordu and Nnam, ‘Community Policing in Nigeria’.38 Ibid.39 Vancouver Police Department, Community policing, 2020.40 ‘Neighbourhood Watch Scheme’.41 Vancouver Police Department, Com","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-13DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2226118
Adeola Samuel Adebusuyi, Odunayo Oluwasanmi Oluwafemi, Hauwa Mary Aigboje
ABSTRACTAnchored on the social exchange theory, this study investigated citizens’ perception of police misconduct on satisfaction with police through the mediating influence of confidence in the police and the moderating influence of legitimisation. The study is cross-sectional, and a sample size of three hundred and thirty-three citizens of Nigeria was recruited through an online survey. The data were analysed using Hayes's PROCESS macro, model 8. We found that the perception of police misconduct did not directly influence confidence and satisfaction in the police. However, the perception of police misconduct led to less satisfaction with police through low confidence in the police. Furthermore, we found that citizens high in police misconduct perception and high in police legitimacy were low in confidence in the police. Additionally, citizens high in police misconduct perception and high in police legitimacy were low in satisfaction with police through less confidence in the police. Finally, we discussed the theoretical and practical implications of this study.KEYWORDS: Police misconductpolice legitimisationconfidence in policesatisfaction with police Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Dia and Jiang, ‘Comparative Study of Satisfaction with Police’, 30–52; Dia and Johnson, ‘Is Neighbourhood Context a Confounder?’, 595–612; Gracia and Cao, ‘Race and Satisfaction with Police’, 191–99; Haberman et al., ‘Satisfaction with Police’, 525–57; Jiang, Sun and Wang, ‘Citizens’ Satisfaction with Police’, 801–21; Karakus, McGarrell, and Basibuyuk, ‘Public Satisfaction with Law Enforcement’, 304–25; Nivette and Akoensi, ‘Determinants of Satisfaction with Police’, 471–87; Reisig and Parks, ‘Experience, Quality of Life, and Neighbourhood Context’, 607–30; Sims, Hooper, and Peterson, ‘Determinant of Citizens’ Attitudes towards Police’, 457–71; Wu, Sun, and Smith, ‘Race, Immigration, and Policing’, 745–74; Wu, Sun, and Triplett, ‘Race, Class or Neighbourhood Context’, 125–56; Zhao et al., ‘Public Satisfaction with Police’, 394–420.2 Boateng, ‘Crime Reporting Behaviour’, 1; Bolger and Walters, ‘Relationship between Police Procedural Justice, Police Legitimacy’, 95; Kochel, Parks and Mastrofski, ‘Legitimacy and Cooperation with Police’, 918.3 Cao, ‘Confidence in the Police’, 243.4 Weitzer, ‘Citizens’ Perceptions of Police Misconduct’, 822–24.5 De Angelis and Wolf, ‘Accountability and Public Attitudes towards Local Police’, 232; McNeeley and Grothoff, ‘Racial Tension and Attitudes towards the Police’, 383.6 Lai and Zhao, ‘Impact of Race/Ethnicity, Neighbourhood Context, and Police/Citizen Interaction on Attitudes toward the Police’, 685; Ratcliffe et al., ‘Citizens’ Reactions to Hot Spots Policing’, 393.7 Wu, Sun, and Triplett, ‘Race, Class or Neighbourhood Context’, 125; Gabbidon and Higgins, ‘Role of Race/Ethnicity and Race Relations on Public Opinion’, 102.8 Dai and Jiang, ‘Comparative Study of Satisfaction
摘要基于社会交换理论,本研究通过警察信任的中介作用和合法化的调节作用,考察了公民对警察不当行为的感知对警察满意度的影响。这项研究是横断面的,通过在线调查招募了330名尼日利亚公民的样本。使用Hayes的PROCESS宏模型8对数据进行分析。我们发现,对警察不当行为的看法并不直接影响对警察的信心和满意度。然而,对警察不当行为的感知导致对警察的满意度降低,对警察的信心降低。此外,我们发现对警察不当行为认知高和警察合法性高的公民对警察的信心较低。此外,对警察不当行为认知较高和警察合法性较高的公民对警察的满意度较低,因为他们对警察的信心较低。最后,我们讨论了本研究的理论和实践意义。关键词:警察的不当行为;警察的合法性;对警察的信心;对警察的满意度;注1:Dia和Jiang,“警察满意度比较研究”,30-52;Dia和Johnson的《邻里环境是一个混杂因素吗?》”,595 - 612;格拉西亚和曹,“种族和对警察的满意度”,191-99;Haberman等人,“对警察的满意度”,525-57;蒋、孙、王,《公民对警察的满意度》,第801-21页;Karakus, McGarrell和Basibuyuk,“公众对执法的满意度”,304-25;Nivette和Akoensi,“警察满意度的决定因素”,471-87;Reisig and Parks,“体验、生活质量和邻里环境”,607-30;Sims, Hooper, and Peterson,“公民对警察态度的决定因素”,457-71;吴、孙、史密斯,《种族、移民和治安》,第745-74页;Wu, Sun, and Triplett,“种族,阶级或邻里语境”,125-56;Zhao et al.,“公众对警察的满意度”,394-420.2 Boateng,“犯罪报告行为”,1;Bolger and Walters,“警察程序正义与警察合法性的关系”,1995;Kochel, Parks和Mastrofski,“与警察的合法性和合作”,918.3 Cao,“对警察的信心”,243.4 Weitzer,“公民对警察不当行为的看法”,822-24.5 De Angelis和Wolf,“问责制和公众对地方警察的态度”,232;McNeeley和Grothoff,“种族紧张和对警察的态度”,383.6 Lai和Zhao,“种族/民族、邻里背景和警察/公民互动对警察态度的影响”,685;Ratcliffe et al.,“公民对热点警务的反应”,393.7 Wu, Sun, and Triplett,“种族,阶级或社区背景”,125;加比顿和希金斯,“种族/民族和种族关系对公众舆论的作用”,102.8戴和江,“对警察满意度的比较研究”,40.9同上,41;McNeeley和Grothoff,“种族紧张关系和对警察的态度”,391.10 Bolger, Lytle和Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响因素”,1.11 Akinlabi,“公民对警察使用武力的描述”,12曹,“对警察的信心”,242-43.13同上,241.14 Bolger, Lytle, and Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响”,4.15 Jang, Lee, and Gibb,“国家政府对警察信心的影响”,12;Zahnow等人,《生活在暴力附近》,4.16 Tyler,《合法性和正当性》,375.17 Meares, Tyler和Gardener,《合法或公平》,101;Papachristos, Meares和Fagan,为什么罪犯遵守法律?, 435-36.18曹,“对警察的信心”,241,243.19博阿滕,“犯罪报告行为”,16.20博尔格和沃尔特斯,“警察程序正义与警察合法性的关系”,94;Murphy和Cherney,“理解与警察的合作”,181.21 Kochel, Parks和Mastrofski,“与警察的合法性和合作”,918.22 Bolger, Lytle和Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响因素”,8.23 Agbiboa,“警察不是工作”,4;25艾默森,“社会交换理论”,1.26霍曼,“社会行为学”,27同上。28泰勒和霍,“对法律的信任”。29霍曼,“社会行为学”。30戴维斯,梅利亚拉和巴托,“江南Style vs .老虎之眼”,468.31 Jonck和Swanepoel,“腐败的影响”,159;Morris,“公众对警察信心的国际研究”,《社会行为学》,416.32。33 Dia和Jiang,“警察满意度的比较研究”;Schafer, Huebner, and Bynum,“警察服务的公民感知”,440;Weitzer,“警察不当行为事件”,397;Weitzer和Tuch,“对警察不当行为的看法”,305;Weitzer和Tuch,“公众对警察的满意度”,279.34 Tyler,“程序正义、合法性和有效法治”,284。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800
Emma Leonard Boyle
ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinso
在本文中,我探讨了一种特殊类型的暴力行为,这一暴力行为一直没有成为政治学重要研究的焦点:绑架女孩和年轻妇女作为对政府的报复或报复行为。我认为,通过戏剧性地绑架大量年轻女性和女孩,博科圣地正在对政府进行报复,因为政府采取了拘留博科圣地成员(包括其领导人)女性家属的政策。博科圣地也借此向政府和尼日利亚民众发出力量信号。在本文中,我比较了博科圣地在实力雄厚时期(2014年1月- 2015年3月)和实力薄弱时期(2016年1月- 12月)的暴力行为,以证明该组织只有在实力雄厚时期才能对政府进行实质性的报复。一旦军方开始对博科圣地取得胜利,并减少该组织控制的领土(从而削弱该组织的实力),该组织使用的暴力形式就会发生变化,绑架事件的数量也会减少。关键词:绑架、政治暴力、博科圣地、尼日利亚、恐怖主义、非洲披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1《观察家报》,《尼日利亚拒绝英国报价国际特赦组织,“我们的工作是射击,屠杀和杀戮”,59.3半岛电视台,“又有两名被绑架的奇博克女孩获释”路透社独家报道:尼日利亚的奇博克女孩吉尔伯特,《内战中绑架的逻辑》Eck,“叛军招募中的胁迫”《Matfess, Women and War on Boko Haram》,见Thurston,《Boko Haram》,220;Zenn and Pearson,《Women, Gender, and evolution Tactics》奥努哈,《博科圣地的胆大妄为》根据彼得斯和伯曼的说法,“伊斯兰教法是一套神圣的命令,由真主通过《古兰经》和《逊那》的基础来源传播,而菲格斯是人类识别和阐明这些神圣命令的努力”。在尼日利亚,关于伊斯兰教法实施的辩论集中在伊斯兰法学的使用上,但对伊斯兰教法的理解可以扩展到包括仪式、道德和法律领域的伊斯兰规范。彼得斯和贝尔曼,《导言:伊斯兰教法的本质》,第12页MacEachern,搜索博科圣地,11.13 Goitom,“尼日利亚:博科圣地”,14Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”Waddington,“评估尼日利亚军队的影响”,第17页欧文和乌斯曼,《简报:为什么祝你好运乔纳森》,18页瑟斯顿,博科圣地,238.19 Falode,“尼日利亚博科圣地战争的性质”,第20页Mahmood,“博科圣地在2016年”BBC新闻,尼日利亚博科圣地Thurston,博科圣地,240.23同上,245-50.24同上,273.25 BBC新闻,“博科圣地在尼日利亚”先锋,《数百名尼日利亚士兵》,27页Punch,“40名博科圣地战士被杀”克罗宁,《不要忘记博科圣地》,第29页欣肖和帕金森,“博科圣地领袖之死”,第30页金泽卡,乍得湖盆地联合特遣部队,31号人权观察,《2022年世界报告》,第32页见Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队和团体中的女孩”和Henshaw,“为什么女性反叛”Mazurana,“妇女、女孩和非国家武装反对派”,146.34 Mazurana等人,“战斗部队中的女孩”,第35页托马斯和邦德,<妇女参与暴力政治组织>,第36页亨肖,《女人为何反叛》,第37页伍德和托马斯,《前线的女人》38《女性为何反抗》,伍德,《女性战士》,布雷斯韦特和鲁伊斯,《女性战士,强制招募》,第41页科恩,《解释内战期间的强奸》,第42页Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队中的女孩”,43Beber和Blattman, <儿童兵和强制的逻辑>,第44页Eck, <叛军招募中的胁迫>,第45页盖茨,《会员关系》,46页索耶和安德鲁斯,《叛军招募与保留》,第47页吉尔伯特,《绑架的逻辑》,1226.48 See, Forest,《全球绑架趋势》;福里斯特,“恐怖组织绑架”;洛尔彻尔和弥尔顿,《囚徒与政治》;吉尔伯特的《绑架的逻辑》(The Logic of Kidnapping)内文,《对恐怖分子的报复》。50伍德,“叛乱能力和战略暴力”和霍尔特曼,“相对能力和叛乱的传播”。51“全球恐怖主义指数,2015”LaFree et al.,《全球恐怖主义数据库的构建》,第54期美国国务院,《关于恐怖主义的国家报告》。55Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”,63.56 Thurston,博科圣地,1977.57 Lemke和Crabtree,“世界政治中的领土竞争者”,58Nwamkpa,“博科圣地国家(2013-2015)”,285.59瑟斯顿,博科圣地,217.60同上,225.61同上,228.62 Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,121.63同上。64 Tilly,胁迫,资本和欧洲国家。65亨德里克斯,“衡量国家能力”,66瑟斯顿,博科圣地,212-13.67 Matfess,妇女和博科圣地的战争,92.68科恩,“解释内战期间的强奸”。 69人权观察,《难民营里可怕的几周》Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,92.71同上,105.72同上,110.73 Zenn和Pearson,“妇女,性别和不断发展的战术”74皮尔森和泽恩,《尼日利亚警察如何拘留妇女》,75页Shekau,“关于奇博克女孩的信息”,315.76“对Mujāhid Abu Sumayya的采访”,328.77 BBC新闻,“尼日利亚博科圣地”Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu和Okolie,“博科圣地活动的十年”。80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82同上83斯托达德,“革命战争?“评估角色”。84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, 2023年3月12日访问。作者简介:艾玛·伦纳德·博伊尔,宾夕法尼亚州立大学政治学副教授。她的研究兴趣包括内战中的暴力地理学、非洲的和平与冲突、资源诅咒、恐怖主义和反恐。她是《全球化的索马里:冲突的多边、国际和跨国影响》(布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社,2013年)的联合编辑,并曾在《恐怖主义、政治暴力和安全研究》等刊物上发表过文章。
{"title":"Boko Haram: Kidnapping as theatre","authors":"Emma Leonard Boyle","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinso","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135864377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-13DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209
Aminu Idris, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Buhari Shehu Miapyen
ABSTRACTNigeria has 86 legal access points and over 1400 illicit ones, indicating some of the world's most porous borders. Numerous transnational crimes flourish along Nigeria's borders with other neighbouring countries due to the border's porosity. The government of Nigeria resolved in August 2019 to restrict its roughly 4,500-kilometre land borders with the republics of Niger, Cameroun, Chad, and Benin to reduce cross-border crimes. The government reopened the borders precisely three years later, in August 2022, acknowledging that, despite the benefits of the strategy, Nigeria's borders inherently porous. We investigate Nigeria’s border closure and the debate it has produced in border governance using dominant qualitative method comprising secondary and primary data sources. We contend that the reason Nigeria's border closure strategy has failed is not that the borders are porous but rather that border communities view the borders as merely physical boundaries that do not obstruct cross-border exchanges because these communities cherish their transnational social, cultural, ethnic, and linguistic connections. We recommend the government of Nigeria embrace a liberal rather than a realist stance on borders to address long-time challenges with border security governance between Nigeria and its neighbours.KEYWORDS: Borders porosityborder closureborder governancecross-border crimesand cultural affinity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Friedman, ‘Redrawing the Line’.2 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.3 Hoffmann and Melly, ‘Nigeria's s Booming Borders’.4 Rufa’i, ‘Cattle Rustling and Armed Banditry along Nigeria-Niger Borderlands’.5 International Organization for Migration-IOM, ‘DTM Nigeria’.6 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.7 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu, ‘Border Governance, Migration Securitisation, and Security Challenges in Nigeria’.8 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu.9 Onuoha and Uche, ‘Smuggling of Crude Oil and Petroleum Products across Cameroon-Nigeria Borders’.10 Victor, ‘Border Closure: Experts Weigh Costs and Benefits’, Vanguard, October 20, 2019; Faleye, ‘Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria’, 2014–17; Femi, Kingsley, and Oludare, ‘Gains of Border Closure Blown out of Proportion– Stakeholders,’ The Guardian, November 24, 2019.11 The Cable, ‘Border Closure Helped Nigeria Tremendously, Buhari Tells Queen of Netherlands’; Agbakwuru, ‘Only God Can Effectively Supervise Nigeria, Niger Border-Buhari’.12 Newman, ‘On Borders and Power: A Theoretical Framework’.13 Newman, ‘The Lines That Continue to Separate Us’, 143–61.14 Paasi, ‘Bounded Spaces in a ‘Borderless World’.15 Goldberg, ‘Transnationalism and Borderlands’.16 Simmons and Goemans, ‘Built on Borders’.17 Thompson, ‘Globalisation and the Ben
{"title":"Border closure and border governance dialectics in Nigeria","authors":"Aminu Idris, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Buhari Shehu Miapyen","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTNigeria has 86 legal access points and over 1400 illicit ones, indicating some of the world's most porous borders. Numerous transnational crimes flourish along Nigeria's borders with other neighbouring countries due to the border's porosity. The government of Nigeria resolved in August 2019 to restrict its roughly 4,500-kilometre land borders with the republics of Niger, Cameroun, Chad, and Benin to reduce cross-border crimes. The government reopened the borders precisely three years later, in August 2022, acknowledging that, despite the benefits of the strategy, Nigeria's borders inherently porous. We investigate Nigeria’s border closure and the debate it has produced in border governance using dominant qualitative method comprising secondary and primary data sources. We contend that the reason Nigeria's border closure strategy has failed is not that the borders are porous but rather that border communities view the borders as merely physical boundaries that do not obstruct cross-border exchanges because these communities cherish their transnational social, cultural, ethnic, and linguistic connections. We recommend the government of Nigeria embrace a liberal rather than a realist stance on borders to address long-time challenges with border security governance between Nigeria and its neighbours.KEYWORDS: Borders porosityborder closureborder governancecross-border crimesand cultural affinity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Friedman, ‘Redrawing the Line’.2 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.3 Hoffmann and Melly, ‘Nigeria's s Booming Borders’.4 Rufa’i, ‘Cattle Rustling and Armed Banditry along Nigeria-Niger Borderlands’.5 International Organization for Migration-IOM, ‘DTM Nigeria’.6 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.7 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu, ‘Border Governance, Migration Securitisation, and Security Challenges in Nigeria’.8 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu.9 Onuoha and Uche, ‘Smuggling of Crude Oil and Petroleum Products across Cameroon-Nigeria Borders’.10 Victor, ‘Border Closure: Experts Weigh Costs and Benefits’, Vanguard, October 20, 2019; Faleye, ‘Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria’, 2014–17; Femi, Kingsley, and Oludare, ‘Gains of Border Closure Blown out of Proportion– Stakeholders,’ The Guardian, November 24, 2019.11 The Cable, ‘Border Closure Helped Nigeria Tremendously, Buhari Tells Queen of Netherlands’; Agbakwuru, ‘Only God Can Effectively Supervise Nigeria, Niger Border-Buhari’.12 Newman, ‘On Borders and Power: A Theoretical Framework’.13 Newman, ‘The Lines That Continue to Separate Us’, 143–61.14 Paasi, ‘Bounded Spaces in a ‘Borderless World’.15 Goldberg, ‘Transnationalism and Borderlands’.16 Simmons and Goemans, ‘Built on Borders’.17 Thompson, ‘Globalisation and the Ben","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135784907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2226115
Anne Abaho
ABSTRACT Contemporary changes in crime reveal the need to enhance law enforcement methods such as Community Policing with intelligence-based approaches for sustained community–police partnerships and improved community participation in ensuring safety. Community participation and partnership with law enforcers is essential for identification of threats and vulnerabilities, collection, analysis and sharing of crime data and problem solving. Uganda’s Community Policing has since 1989 focused on image construction, trust and confidence building for the police within the community and underscoring police relevancy in a transitional democracy while crime remained steadily high. The introduction of crime preventers and Local Defence Units (LDUs) to back-up police in handling crime, patrol neighbourhoods and gather intelligence has instead attracted accusations against law enforcers for excessive use of force, human rights violations and involvement in crime. Intelligence led policing (ILP) aims at enhancing community safety based on analysed information for strategic, operational and tactical benefits in crime prevention. Using secondary sources of data, the paper argues that while Community Policing has been preferred in crime prevention, intelligence gathering for purposes of investigating and preventing crime has remained poor. It recommended that Community Policing is integrated with ILP for effective detection, prevention, management of crime and enhanced community security.
{"title":"Rethinking community security in Uganda: integrating community policing with intelligence-led policing","authors":"Anne Abaho","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2226115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2226115","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Contemporary changes in crime reveal the need to enhance law enforcement methods such as Community Policing with intelligence-based approaches for sustained community–police partnerships and improved community participation in ensuring safety. Community participation and partnership with law enforcers is essential for identification of threats and vulnerabilities, collection, analysis and sharing of crime data and problem solving. Uganda’s Community Policing has since 1989 focused on image construction, trust and confidence building for the police within the community and underscoring police relevancy in a transitional democracy while crime remained steadily high. The introduction of crime preventers and Local Defence Units (LDUs) to back-up police in handling crime, patrol neighbourhoods and gather intelligence has instead attracted accusations against law enforcers for excessive use of force, human rights violations and involvement in crime. Intelligence led policing (ILP) aims at enhancing community safety based on analysed information for strategic, operational and tactical benefits in crime prevention. Using secondary sources of data, the paper argues that while Community Policing has been preferred in crime prevention, intelligence gathering for purposes of investigating and preventing crime has remained poor. It recommended that Community Policing is integrated with ILP for effective detection, prevention, management of crime and enhanced community security.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46701385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-20DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2246432
Folahanmi Aina, J. Ojo, S. Oyewole
ABSTRACT Insecurity has worsened in Northwest Nigeria, due to the threat of armed banditry, necessitating the deployments and operations of the military. While there is increasing academic attention on the origins, causes, and nature of this threat, the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military’s counter-banditism response in the region remains understudied. Accordingly, foregrounded by the need to close this gap, this qualitative study contributes to the literature through organised empirical research by examining the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military's Joint Task Force operation Hadarin Daji – its major internal security operation – against armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria. Data is obtained from secondary sources which include academic journal articles, books, official reports, press briefs by the military, reputable local and international news reportage. The study’s central argument holds that the nature and character of the military’s campaigns against armed banditry – a form of unconventional warfare, poses significant challenges to it as a conventional fighting force, consequentially contributing towards the conflict’s protractedness. Recalibrating the military’s readiness for and response to unconventional warfare remains critical to degrading and defeating armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria.
{"title":"Shock and awe: Military response to armed banditry and the prospects of internal security operations in Northwest Nigeria","authors":"Folahanmi Aina, J. Ojo, S. Oyewole","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2246432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2246432","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Insecurity has worsened in Northwest Nigeria, due to the threat of armed banditry, necessitating the deployments and operations of the military. While there is increasing academic attention on the origins, causes, and nature of this threat, the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military’s counter-banditism response in the region remains understudied. Accordingly, foregrounded by the need to close this gap, this qualitative study contributes to the literature through organised empirical research by examining the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military's Joint Task Force operation Hadarin Daji – its major internal security operation – against armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria. Data is obtained from secondary sources which include academic journal articles, books, official reports, press briefs by the military, reputable local and international news reportage. The study’s central argument holds that the nature and character of the military’s campaigns against armed banditry – a form of unconventional warfare, poses significant challenges to it as a conventional fighting force, consequentially contributing towards the conflict’s protractedness. Recalibrating the military’s readiness for and response to unconventional warfare remains critical to degrading and defeating armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48360591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2237482
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
ABSTRACT African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent’s peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis.
{"title":"Generation three and a half peacekeeping: Understanding the evolutionary character of African-led Peace Support Operations","authors":"Andrew E. Yaw Tchie","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2237482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2237482","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent’s peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42259464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-06DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2227151
Darlington Mutanda
ABSTRACT Based on essentially two critical challenges Zimbabwe has faced in the past and in the present - democratisation deficiency and deepening poverty, this article argues for political and economic reconciliation as measures to enhance human security that has proved elusive for many years now. This is significant in transforming ‘jeopardised’ relations between the government and the citizens because of persistent political and economic challenges in the country. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises can be resolved if holistic and earnest efforts are made to deal with inherent political and economic challenges that have had an impact on the security of the people and the state. The article used interviews and document analysis to assert that in the case of Zimbabwe, political and economic reforms are integral, and undertaking them can significantly transform relationships, which is an indispensable ingredient of human and national development.
{"title":"Towards transformative reforms: The significance of political and economic reconciliation in Zimbabwe","authors":"Darlington Mutanda","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2227151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2227151","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on essentially two critical challenges Zimbabwe has faced in the past and in the present - democratisation deficiency and deepening poverty, this article argues for political and economic reconciliation as measures to enhance human security that has proved elusive for many years now. This is significant in transforming ‘jeopardised’ relations between the government and the citizens because of persistent political and economic challenges in the country. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises can be resolved if holistic and earnest efforts are made to deal with inherent political and economic challenges that have had an impact on the security of the people and the state. The article used interviews and document analysis to assert that in the case of Zimbabwe, political and economic reforms are integral, and undertaking them can significantly transform relationships, which is an indispensable ingredient of human and national development.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47947767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}