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Perception of police misconduct and satisfaction with police: The role of confidence in police and legitimisation 对警察不当行为的看法和对警察的满意度:对警察的信心和合法化的作用
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2226118
Adeola Samuel Adebusuyi, Odunayo Oluwasanmi Oluwafemi, Hauwa Mary Aigboje
ABSTRACTAnchored on the social exchange theory, this study investigated citizens’ perception of police misconduct on satisfaction with police through the mediating influence of confidence in the police and the moderating influence of legitimisation. The study is cross-sectional, and a sample size of three hundred and thirty-three citizens of Nigeria was recruited through an online survey. The data were analysed using Hayes's PROCESS macro, model 8. We found that the perception of police misconduct did not directly influence confidence and satisfaction in the police. However, the perception of police misconduct led to less satisfaction with police through low confidence in the police. Furthermore, we found that citizens high in police misconduct perception and high in police legitimacy were low in confidence in the police. Additionally, citizens high in police misconduct perception and high in police legitimacy were low in satisfaction with police through less confidence in the police. Finally, we discussed the theoretical and practical implications of this study.KEYWORDS: Police misconductpolice legitimisationconfidence in policesatisfaction with police Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Dia and Jiang, ‘Comparative Study of Satisfaction with Police’, 30–52; Dia and Johnson, ‘Is Neighbourhood Context a Confounder?’, 595–612; Gracia and Cao, ‘Race and Satisfaction with Police’, 191–99; Haberman et al., ‘Satisfaction with Police’, 525–57; Jiang, Sun and Wang, ‘Citizens’ Satisfaction with Police’, 801–21; Karakus, McGarrell, and Basibuyuk, ‘Public Satisfaction with Law Enforcement’, 304–25; Nivette and Akoensi, ‘Determinants of Satisfaction with Police’, 471–87; Reisig and Parks, ‘Experience, Quality of Life, and Neighbourhood Context’, 607–30; Sims, Hooper, and Peterson, ‘Determinant of Citizens’ Attitudes towards Police’, 457–71; Wu, Sun, and Smith, ‘Race, Immigration, and Policing’, 745–74; Wu, Sun, and Triplett, ‘Race, Class or Neighbourhood Context’, 125–56; Zhao et al., ‘Public Satisfaction with Police’, 394–420.2 Boateng, ‘Crime Reporting Behaviour’, 1; Bolger and Walters, ‘Relationship between Police Procedural Justice, Police Legitimacy’, 95; Kochel, Parks and Mastrofski, ‘Legitimacy and Cooperation with Police’, 918.3 Cao, ‘Confidence in the Police’, 243.4 Weitzer, ‘Citizens’ Perceptions of Police Misconduct’, 822–24.5 De Angelis and Wolf, ‘Accountability and Public Attitudes towards Local Police’, 232; McNeeley and Grothoff, ‘Racial Tension and Attitudes towards the Police’, 383.6 Lai and Zhao, ‘Impact of Race/Ethnicity, Neighbourhood Context, and Police/Citizen Interaction on Attitudes toward the Police’, 685; Ratcliffe et al., ‘Citizens’ Reactions to Hot Spots Policing’, 393.7 Wu, Sun, and Triplett, ‘Race, Class or Neighbourhood Context’, 125; Gabbidon and Higgins, ‘Role of Race/Ethnicity and Race Relations on Public Opinion’, 102.8 Dai and Jiang, ‘Comparative Study of Satisfaction
摘要基于社会交换理论,本研究通过警察信任的中介作用和合法化的调节作用,考察了公民对警察不当行为的感知对警察满意度的影响。这项研究是横断面的,通过在线调查招募了330名尼日利亚公民的样本。使用Hayes的PROCESS宏模型8对数据进行分析。我们发现,对警察不当行为的看法并不直接影响对警察的信心和满意度。然而,对警察不当行为的感知导致对警察的满意度降低,对警察的信心降低。此外,我们发现对警察不当行为认知高和警察合法性高的公民对警察的信心较低。此外,对警察不当行为认知较高和警察合法性较高的公民对警察的满意度较低,因为他们对警察的信心较低。最后,我们讨论了本研究的理论和实践意义。关键词:警察的不当行为;警察的合法性;对警察的信心;对警察的满意度;注1:Dia和Jiang,“警察满意度比较研究”,30-52;Dia和Johnson的《邻里环境是一个混杂因素吗?》”,595 - 612;格拉西亚和曹,“种族和对警察的满意度”,191-99;Haberman等人,“对警察的满意度”,525-57;蒋、孙、王,《公民对警察的满意度》,第801-21页;Karakus, McGarrell和Basibuyuk,“公众对执法的满意度”,304-25;Nivette和Akoensi,“警察满意度的决定因素”,471-87;Reisig and Parks,“体验、生活质量和邻里环境”,607-30;Sims, Hooper, and Peterson,“公民对警察态度的决定因素”,457-71;吴、孙、史密斯,《种族、移民和治安》,第745-74页;Wu, Sun, and Triplett,“种族,阶级或邻里语境”,125-56;Zhao et al.,“公众对警察的满意度”,394-420.2 Boateng,“犯罪报告行为”,1;Bolger and Walters,“警察程序正义与警察合法性的关系”,1995;Kochel, Parks和Mastrofski,“与警察的合法性和合作”,918.3 Cao,“对警察的信心”,243.4 Weitzer,“公民对警察不当行为的看法”,822-24.5 De Angelis和Wolf,“问责制和公众对地方警察的态度”,232;McNeeley和Grothoff,“种族紧张和对警察的态度”,383.6 Lai和Zhao,“种族/民族、邻里背景和警察/公民互动对警察态度的影响”,685;Ratcliffe et al.,“公民对热点警务的反应”,393.7 Wu, Sun, and Triplett,“种族,阶级或社区背景”,125;加比顿和希金斯,“种族/民族和种族关系对公众舆论的作用”,102.8戴和江,“对警察满意度的比较研究”,40.9同上,41;McNeeley和Grothoff,“种族紧张关系和对警察的态度”,391.10 Bolger, Lytle和Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响因素”,1.11 Akinlabi,“公民对警察使用武力的描述”,12曹,“对警察的信心”,242-43.13同上,241.14 Bolger, Lytle, and Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响”,4.15 Jang, Lee, and Gibb,“国家政府对警察信心的影响”,12;Zahnow等人,《生活在暴力附近》,4.16 Tyler,《合法性和正当性》,375.17 Meares, Tyler和Gardener,《合法或公平》,101;Papachristos, Meares和Fagan,为什么罪犯遵守法律?, 435-36.18曹,“对警察的信心”,241,243.19博阿滕,“犯罪报告行为”,16.20博尔格和沃尔特斯,“警察程序正义与警察合法性的关系”,94;Murphy和Cherney,“理解与警察的合作”,181.21 Kochel, Parks和Mastrofski,“与警察的合法性和合作”,918.22 Bolger, Lytle和Bolger,“公民对警察满意度的影响因素”,8.23 Agbiboa,“警察不是工作”,4;25艾默森,“社会交换理论”,1.26霍曼,“社会行为学”,27同上。28泰勒和霍,“对法律的信任”。29霍曼,“社会行为学”。30戴维斯,梅利亚拉和巴托,“江南Style vs .老虎之眼”,468.31 Jonck和Swanepoel,“腐败的影响”,159;Morris,“公众对警察信心的国际研究”,《社会行为学》,416.32。33 Dia和Jiang,“警察满意度的比较研究”;Schafer, Huebner, and Bynum,“警察服务的公民感知”,440;Weitzer,“警察不当行为事件”,397;Weitzer和Tuch,“对警察不当行为的看法”,305;Weitzer和Tuch,“公众对警察的满意度”,279.34 Tyler,“程序正义、合法性和有效法治”,284。
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引用次数: 0
Boko Haram: Kidnapping as theatre 博科圣地:绑架是戏剧
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2253800
Emma Leonard Boyle
ABSTRACTIn this paper I explore one specific type of violence that has not been the focus of significant research within Political Science: the kidnapping of girls and young women as an act of retaliation or revenge against the government. I argue that, through the dramatic kidnappings of significant numbers of young women and girls, Boko Haram is extracting revenge against the government for its policy of detaining female family members of Boko Haram members, including its leaders. Boko Haram is also using this to signal strength to both the government and the Nigerian population. In this paper, I compare the violence of Boko Haram in a time of strength (January 2014–March 2015) to the violence inflicted in a time of weakness (January–December 2016) to demonstrate that the group could only engage in retaliation against the government in a substantial way during the time of strength. Once the military begins to register victories over Boko Haram and diminishes the territory the group holds (and thus diminishes the strength of the group), the forms of violence used by the group changes and the number of kidnappings decrease.KEYWORDS: Kidnappingpolitical violenceBoko HaramNigeriaterrorismAfrica Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Observer Newspaper, ‘Nigeria Rejected British Offer’.2 Amnesty International, ‘“Our Job Is to Shoot, Slaughter and Kill”’, 59.3 Al Jazeera, ‘Two More Abducted Chibok Girls Freed’.4 Reuters, ‘Exclusive: Nigeria’s Chibok Girls’.5 Gilbert, ‘The Logic of Kidnapping in Civil War’.6 Eck, ‘Coercion in Rebel Recruitment’.7 Matfess, Women and the War on Boko Haram.8 See, Thurston, Boko Haram, 220, and Zenn and Pearson, ‘Women, Gender, and the Evolving Tactics’.9 Onuoha, ‘The Audacity of the Boko Haram’.10 Thurston, Boko Haram, 83.11 According to Peters and Berman, ‘the Sharia is the set of divine commands, transmitted by God through the foundational sources of Quran and Sunna, and fiqh is the human endeavor to identify and elucidate these divine injunctions’. In Nigeria, this debate over the implementation of Sharia law centred on the use of Islamic jurisprudence but the understanding of Sharia can be expanded to encompass ‘Islamic normativity in the fields of ritual, morality, and law.’ Peters and Bearman, ‘Introduction: The Nature of the Sharia’.12 MacEachern, Searching for Boko Haram, 11.13 Goitom, ‘Nigeria: Boko Haram’.14 Mantzikos, ‘Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria’.15 Ibid.16 Waddington, ‘Evaluating the Impact of the Nigerian Military’.17 Owen and Usman, ‘Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan’.18 Thurston, Boko Haram, 238.19 Falode, ‘The Nature of Nigeria’s Boko Haram War’.20 Mahmood, ‘Boko Haram in 2016’.21 BBC News, ‘Nigeria Boko Haram’.22 Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.23 Ibid., 245–50.24 Ibid., 273.25 BBC News, ‘Boko Haram in Nigeria’.26 Vanguard, ‘Hundreds of Nigerian Troops’.27 Punch, ‘40 Boko Haram Fights Killed’.28 Cronin, ‘Don’t Forget About Boko Haram’.29 Hinshaw and Parkinso
在本文中,我探讨了一种特殊类型的暴力行为,这一暴力行为一直没有成为政治学重要研究的焦点:绑架女孩和年轻妇女作为对政府的报复或报复行为。我认为,通过戏剧性地绑架大量年轻女性和女孩,博科圣地正在对政府进行报复,因为政府采取了拘留博科圣地成员(包括其领导人)女性家属的政策。博科圣地也借此向政府和尼日利亚民众发出力量信号。在本文中,我比较了博科圣地在实力雄厚时期(2014年1月- 2015年3月)和实力薄弱时期(2016年1月- 12月)的暴力行为,以证明该组织只有在实力雄厚时期才能对政府进行实质性的报复。一旦军方开始对博科圣地取得胜利,并减少该组织控制的领土(从而削弱该组织的实力),该组织使用的暴力形式就会发生变化,绑架事件的数量也会减少。关键词:绑架、政治暴力、博科圣地、尼日利亚、恐怖主义、非洲披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1《观察家报》,《尼日利亚拒绝英国报价国际特赦组织,“我们的工作是射击,屠杀和杀戮”,59.3半岛电视台,“又有两名被绑架的奇博克女孩获释”路透社独家报道:尼日利亚的奇博克女孩吉尔伯特,《内战中绑架的逻辑》Eck,“叛军招募中的胁迫”《Matfess, Women and War on Boko Haram》,见Thurston,《Boko Haram》,220;Zenn and Pearson,《Women, Gender, and evolution Tactics》奥努哈,《博科圣地的胆大妄为》根据彼得斯和伯曼的说法,“伊斯兰教法是一套神圣的命令,由真主通过《古兰经》和《逊那》的基础来源传播,而菲格斯是人类识别和阐明这些神圣命令的努力”。在尼日利亚,关于伊斯兰教法实施的辩论集中在伊斯兰法学的使用上,但对伊斯兰教法的理解可以扩展到包括仪式、道德和法律领域的伊斯兰规范。彼得斯和贝尔曼,《导言:伊斯兰教法的本质》,第12页MacEachern,搜索博科圣地,11.13 Goitom,“尼日利亚:博科圣地”,14Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”Waddington,“评估尼日利亚军队的影响”,第17页欧文和乌斯曼,《简报:为什么祝你好运乔纳森》,18页瑟斯顿,博科圣地,238.19 Falode,“尼日利亚博科圣地战争的性质”,第20页Mahmood,“博科圣地在2016年”BBC新闻,尼日利亚博科圣地Thurston,博科圣地,240.23同上,245-50.24同上,273.25 BBC新闻,“博科圣地在尼日利亚”先锋,《数百名尼日利亚士兵》,27页Punch,“40名博科圣地战士被杀”克罗宁,《不要忘记博科圣地》,第29页欣肖和帕金森,“博科圣地领袖之死”,第30页金泽卡,乍得湖盆地联合特遣部队,31号人权观察,《2022年世界报告》,第32页见Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队和团体中的女孩”和Henshaw,“为什么女性反叛”Mazurana,“妇女、女孩和非国家武装反对派”,146.34 Mazurana等人,“战斗部队中的女孩”,第35页托马斯和邦德,<妇女参与暴力政治组织>,第36页亨肖,《女人为何反叛》,第37页伍德和托马斯,《前线的女人》38《女性为何反抗》,伍德,《女性战士》,布雷斯韦特和鲁伊斯,《女性战士,强制招募》,第41页科恩,《解释内战期间的强奸》,第42页Mazurana et al.,“战斗部队中的女孩”,43Beber和Blattman, <儿童兵和强制的逻辑>,第44页Eck, <叛军招募中的胁迫>,第45页盖茨,《会员关系》,46页索耶和安德鲁斯,《叛军招募与保留》,第47页吉尔伯特,《绑架的逻辑》,1226.48 See, Forest,《全球绑架趋势》;福里斯特,“恐怖组织绑架”;洛尔彻尔和弥尔顿,《囚徒与政治》;吉尔伯特的《绑架的逻辑》(The Logic of Kidnapping)内文,《对恐怖分子的报复》。50伍德,“叛乱能力和战略暴力”和霍尔特曼,“相对能力和叛乱的传播”。51“全球恐怖主义指数,2015”LaFree et al.,《全球恐怖主义数据库的构建》,第54期美国国务院,《关于恐怖主义的国家报告》。55Mantzikos,“博科圣地在尼日利亚的袭击”,63.56 Thurston,博科圣地,1977.57 Lemke和Crabtree,“世界政治中的领土竞争者”,58Nwamkpa,“博科圣地国家(2013-2015)”,285.59瑟斯顿,博科圣地,217.60同上,225.61同上,228.62 Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,121.63同上。64 Tilly,胁迫,资本和欧洲国家。65亨德里克斯,“衡量国家能力”,66瑟斯顿,博科圣地,212-13.67 Matfess,妇女和博科圣地的战争,92.68科恩,“解释内战期间的强奸”。 69人权观察,《难民营里可怕的几周》Matfess,妇女和对博科圣地的战争,92.71同上,105.72同上,110.73 Zenn和Pearson,“妇女,性别和不断发展的战术”74皮尔森和泽恩,《尼日利亚警察如何拘留妇女》,75页Shekau,“关于奇博克女孩的信息”,315.76“对Mujāhid Abu Sumayya的采访”,328.77 BBC新闻,“尼日利亚博科圣地”Thurston, Boko Haram, 240.79 Tochukwa, Onyishu和Okolie,“博科圣地活动的十年”。80 https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/27/those-terrible-weeks-their-camp/boko-haram-violence-against-women-and-girls#_ftnref25.81 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east.82同上83斯托达德,“革命战争?“评估角色”。84 https://ctc.westpoint.edu/islamic-state-africa-estimating-fighter-numbers-cells-across-continent/, 2023年3月12日访问。作者简介:艾玛·伦纳德·博伊尔,宾夕法尼亚州立大学政治学副教授。她的研究兴趣包括内战中的暴力地理学、非洲的和平与冲突、资源诅咒、恐怖主义和反恐。她是《全球化的索马里:冲突的多边、国际和跨国影响》(布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社,2013年)的联合编辑,并曾在《恐怖主义、政治暴力和安全研究》等刊物上发表过文章。
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引用次数: 0
Border closure and border governance dialectics in Nigeria 尼日利亚边境关闭与边境治理辩证法
Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209
Aminu Idris, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Buhari Shehu Miapyen
ABSTRACTNigeria has 86 legal access points and over 1400 illicit ones, indicating some of the world's most porous borders. Numerous transnational crimes flourish along Nigeria's borders with other neighbouring countries due to the border's porosity. The government of Nigeria resolved in August 2019 to restrict its roughly 4,500-kilometre land borders with the republics of Niger, Cameroun, Chad, and Benin to reduce cross-border crimes. The government reopened the borders precisely three years later, in August 2022, acknowledging that, despite the benefits of the strategy, Nigeria's borders inherently porous. We investigate Nigeria’s border closure and the debate it has produced in border governance using dominant qualitative method comprising secondary and primary data sources. We contend that the reason Nigeria's border closure strategy has failed is not that the borders are porous but rather that border communities view the borders as merely physical boundaries that do not obstruct cross-border exchanges because these communities cherish their transnational social, cultural, ethnic, and linguistic connections. We recommend the government of Nigeria embrace a liberal rather than a realist stance on borders to address long-time challenges with border security governance between Nigeria and its neighbours.KEYWORDS: Borders porosityborder closureborder governancecross-border crimesand cultural affinity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Friedman, ‘Redrawing the Line’.2 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.3 Hoffmann and Melly, ‘Nigeria's s Booming Borders’.4 Rufa’i, ‘Cattle Rustling and Armed Banditry along Nigeria-Niger Borderlands’.5 International Organization for Migration-IOM, ‘DTM Nigeria’.6 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.7 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu, ‘Border Governance, Migration Securitisation, and Security Challenges in Nigeria’.8 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu.9 Onuoha and Uche, ‘Smuggling of Crude Oil and Petroleum Products across Cameroon-Nigeria Borders’.10 Victor, ‘Border Closure: Experts Weigh Costs and Benefits’, Vanguard, October 20, 2019; Faleye, ‘Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria’, 2014–17; Femi, Kingsley, and Oludare, ‘Gains of Border Closure Blown out of Proportion– Stakeholders,’ The Guardian, November 24, 2019.11 The Cable, ‘Border Closure Helped Nigeria Tremendously, Buhari Tells Queen of Netherlands’; Agbakwuru, ‘Only God Can Effectively Supervise Nigeria, Niger Border-Buhari’.12 Newman, ‘On Borders and Power: A Theoretical Framework’.13 Newman, ‘The Lines That Continue to Separate Us’, 143–61.14 Paasi, ‘Bounded Spaces in a ‘Borderless World’.15 Goldberg, ‘Transnationalism and Borderlands’.16 Simmons and Goemans, ‘Built on Borders’.17 Thompson, ‘Globalisation and the Ben
39 Femi, Kingsley和Oludare,“边境关闭的收益被夸大了——利益相关者”;《卫报》,“边境关闭,影响和遏制复发”,第40页《边境关闭:专家权衡成本和收益》,41页Ugwuja和Chukwukere,“贸易保护主义和尼日利亚边境关闭:透视大米经济”,第42期丘吉尔,“重新开放边境不会降低食品价格——专家”43Faleye,《尼日利亚边境证券化与国家政策政治》;Ogbonna, Lenshie和Nwangwu,“尼日利亚的边境治理、移民证券化和安全挑战”,第44页《边境关闭:专家权衡成本和收益》,第45页Femi, Kingsley和Oludare,“边境关闭的收益被吹得不成比例——利益相关者”,46粮食及农业组织,“尼日利亚农业概览”。48 .对贾林戈塔拉巴州立大学一位学者和Gembu本地人的采访,2012.12杜川,《边境关闭:如果有的话,谁会受益?》《国家》,“边境关闭”Obah-Akpowoghaha, Ojakorotu, Tarro,《非洲国家一体化的挑战:对加纳、贝宁共和国和尼日利亚的反思》,第50期联合国粮农组织,《尼日利亚农业概览》,第51页杜川,《边境关闭:如果有的话,谁会受益?》《国家》,“边境关闭”Obah-Akpowoghaha, Ojakorotu, and Tarro, <多孔边界和非洲国家一体化的挑战:对加纳、贝宁共和国和尼日利亚的反思>,第53页55 .在卡齐纳州的吉比亚边境州对一名尼日利亚海关官员的采访,Zubairu,“尼日利亚日益加剧的不安全:原因和解决办法”Zubairu,“尼日利亚日益加剧的不安全:原因与解决方案”,第57页2016年5月,对Jalingo塔拉巴州立大学Gembu的一位学者和当地人的采访;2016年4月,对拉各斯州一位传统领导人和Seme Border的一位居民的采访;2016年3月,对Cross Rivers州Mfun边境哨所的一位尼日利亚高级移民官员的采访;160秋季,“西非的边境控制和跨境犯罪”在卡齐纳州吉比亚边境与一名跨境贸易商的面谈,1963年12月与卡齐纳州吉比亚边境哨所的一名尼日利亚海关官员面谈,2016年4月与索科托州伊莱拉边境哨所的一名尼日利亚海关官员面谈。2016年2月2016年3月与卡齐纳州一名迈阿杜瓦边防警卫的访谈166年4月与阿卡卡拉各斯大学一名高级讲师的访谈67年3月与卡齐纳州一名迈阿杜瓦社区领导人的访谈68年2月与卡齐纳州吉比亚边境哨所卡齐纳州商会一名主任的访谈。萨米努·伊德里斯(aminu Idris)在尼日利亚古苏联邦大学教授政治学。他拥有塞浦路斯近东大学边界和移民研究专业的政治学博士学位。他的研究领域包括边境与移民研究、冲突与安全研究、身份政治和国际关系。他的作品曾发表在著名的国内和国际期刊上,包括《安全杂志》。爱德华·伦希(Edward Lenshie)在尼日利亚塔拉巴州贾林戈的塔拉巴州立大学教授政治学。他的研究兴趣横跨政治经济学、安全、公民、身份政治、边境和移民研究等领域。他的作品曾发表在多个知名期刊上,包括《武装部队与社会》、《亚非研究杂志》、《小规模战争与叛乱》、《安全杂志》、《民主与社会》、《当地环境》和《非洲身份与社会》。他正在尼日利亚恩苏卡的尼日利亚大学政治科学系攻读政治经济学博士学位。布哈里·谢胡·米亚延布哈里·谢胡·米亚延在尼日利亚塔拉巴州贾林戈市塔拉巴州州立大学政治科学与国际关系系教授政治学。他拥有塞浦路斯法马古斯塔东地中海大学国际关系专业全球政治经济学博士学位。他的作品曾出现在几家知名杂志上,包括《非洲政治经济评论》、《身份与Antipods》。
{"title":"Border closure and border governance dialectics in Nigeria","authors":"Aminu Idris, Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Buhari Shehu Miapyen","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2253209","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTNigeria has 86 legal access points and over 1400 illicit ones, indicating some of the world's most porous borders. Numerous transnational crimes flourish along Nigeria's borders with other neighbouring countries due to the border's porosity. The government of Nigeria resolved in August 2019 to restrict its roughly 4,500-kilometre land borders with the republics of Niger, Cameroun, Chad, and Benin to reduce cross-border crimes. The government reopened the borders precisely three years later, in August 2022, acknowledging that, despite the benefits of the strategy, Nigeria's borders inherently porous. We investigate Nigeria’s border closure and the debate it has produced in border governance using dominant qualitative method comprising secondary and primary data sources. We contend that the reason Nigeria's border closure strategy has failed is not that the borders are porous but rather that border communities view the borders as merely physical boundaries that do not obstruct cross-border exchanges because these communities cherish their transnational social, cultural, ethnic, and linguistic connections. We recommend the government of Nigeria embrace a liberal rather than a realist stance on borders to address long-time challenges with border security governance between Nigeria and its neighbours.KEYWORDS: Borders porosityborder closureborder governancecross-border crimesand cultural affinity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Friedman, ‘Redrawing the Line’.2 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.3 Hoffmann and Melly, ‘Nigeria's s Booming Borders’.4 Rufa’i, ‘Cattle Rustling and Armed Banditry along Nigeria-Niger Borderlands’.5 International Organization for Migration-IOM, ‘DTM Nigeria’.6 Idris and Tutumlu, ‘Nigeria and Niger Republic Trans-Border Management against Arms Trafficking: A Whistleblowing Model’.7 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu, ‘Border Governance, Migration Securitisation, and Security Challenges in Nigeria’.8 Ogbonna, Lenshie, and Nwangwu.9 Onuoha and Uche, ‘Smuggling of Crude Oil and Petroleum Products across Cameroon-Nigeria Borders’.10 Victor, ‘Border Closure: Experts Weigh Costs and Benefits’, Vanguard, October 20, 2019; Faleye, ‘Border Securitisation and Politics of State Policy in Nigeria’, 2014–17; Femi, Kingsley, and Oludare, ‘Gains of Border Closure Blown out of Proportion– Stakeholders,’ The Guardian, November 24, 2019.11 The Cable, ‘Border Closure Helped Nigeria Tremendously, Buhari Tells Queen of Netherlands’; Agbakwuru, ‘Only God Can Effectively Supervise Nigeria, Niger Border-Buhari’.12 Newman, ‘On Borders and Power: A Theoretical Framework’.13 Newman, ‘The Lines That Continue to Separate Us’, 143–61.14 Paasi, ‘Bounded Spaces in a ‘Borderless World’.15 Goldberg, ‘Transnationalism and Borderlands’.16 Simmons and Goemans, ‘Built on Borders’.17 Thompson, ‘Globalisation and the Ben","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135784907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Rethinking community security in Uganda: integrating community policing with intelligence-led policing 重新思考乌干达的社区安全:将社区警务与情报主导的警务相结合
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2226115
Anne Abaho
ABSTRACT Contemporary changes in crime reveal the need to enhance law enforcement methods such as Community Policing with intelligence-based approaches for sustained community–police partnerships and improved community participation in ensuring safety. Community participation and partnership with law enforcers is essential for identification of threats and vulnerabilities, collection, analysis and sharing of crime data and problem solving. Uganda’s Community Policing has since 1989 focused on image construction, trust and confidence building for the police within the community and underscoring police relevancy in a transitional democracy while crime remained steadily high. The introduction of crime preventers and Local Defence Units (LDUs) to back-up police in handling crime, patrol neighbourhoods and gather intelligence has instead attracted accusations against law enforcers for excessive use of force, human rights violations and involvement in crime. Intelligence led policing (ILP) aims at enhancing community safety based on analysed information for strategic, operational and tactical benefits in crime prevention. Using secondary sources of data, the paper argues that while Community Policing has been preferred in crime prevention, intelligence gathering for purposes of investigating and preventing crime has remained poor. It recommended that Community Policing is integrated with ILP for effective detection, prevention, management of crime and enhanced community security.
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引用次数: 0
Shock and awe: Military response to armed banditry and the prospects of internal security operations in Northwest Nigeria 震惊与敬畏:尼日利亚西北部对武装土匪的军事反应和内部安全行动的前景
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-20 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2246432
Folahanmi Aina, J. Ojo, S. Oyewole
ABSTRACT Insecurity has worsened in Northwest Nigeria, due to the threat of armed banditry, necessitating the deployments and operations of the military. While there is increasing academic attention on the origins, causes, and nature of this threat, the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military’s counter-banditism response in the region remains understudied. Accordingly, foregrounded by the need to close this gap, this qualitative study contributes to the literature through organised empirical research by examining the conduct, achievements, prospects, and challenges of the military's Joint Task Force operation Hadarin Daji – its major internal security operation – against armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria. Data is obtained from secondary sources which include academic journal articles, books, official reports, press briefs by the military, reputable local and international news reportage. The study’s central argument holds that the nature and character of the military’s campaigns against armed banditry – a form of unconventional warfare, poses significant challenges to it as a conventional fighting force, consequentially contributing towards the conflict’s protractedness. Recalibrating the military’s readiness for and response to unconventional warfare remains critical to degrading and defeating armed banditry in Northwest Nigeria.
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引用次数: 0
Generation three and a half peacekeeping: Understanding the evolutionary character of African-led Peace Support Operations 第三代半维和:了解非洲领导的和平支持行动的演变特征
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-09 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2237482
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
ABSTRACT African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent’s peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis.
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引用次数: 0
Towards transformative reforms: The significance of political and economic reconciliation in Zimbabwe 走向变革性改革:津巴布韦政治和经济和解的意义
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2227151
Darlington Mutanda
ABSTRACT Based on essentially two critical challenges Zimbabwe has faced in the past and in the present - democratisation deficiency and deepening poverty, this article argues for political and economic reconciliation as measures to enhance human security that has proved elusive for many years now. This is significant in transforming ‘jeopardised’ relations between the government and the citizens because of persistent political and economic challenges in the country. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises can be resolved if holistic and earnest efforts are made to deal with inherent political and economic challenges that have had an impact on the security of the people and the state. The article used interviews and document analysis to assert that in the case of Zimbabwe, political and economic reforms are integral, and undertaking them can significantly transform relationships, which is an indispensable ingredient of human and national development.
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引用次数: 0
United States Marine Corps Force Design 2030 omits Africa 美国海军陆战队2030年部队设计忽略非洲
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2213689
Glen Segell
ABSTRACT This article examines the threat analysis across Africa that should be included in Force Design 2030 (FD2030) for the United States Marine Corps. FD2030 is a strategic guidance document with emphasis on Great Power Competition with China, Russia, Korea, Iran and violent extremist organisations. Africa is not mentioned. This is a notable omission, given that high-level interventions by the Marines in the past to Africa have not been overtly successful. Given geo-strategic significances and hot spots, it is inevitable that the Marines will be deployed again landward to Africa or seaward of the continent. Recommendations are made to be included in the document based upon lessons learned from failures in Somalia, Libya and Lebanon and successes in Syria and Iraq, and the experiences of others – France in Mali and Burkina Faso and United States Africa Command. Great Power Competition, violent extremist organisations and the grey-zone phenomenon across Africa are scrutinised, as are intelligence, counterintelligence and hybrid warfare.
摘要本文探讨了美国海军陆战队应纳入《2030年部队设计》(FD2030)的非洲威胁分析。FD2030是一份战略指导文件,重点关注与中国、俄罗斯、韩国、伊朗和暴力极端主义组织的大国竞争。没有提到非洲。这是一个明显的遗漏,因为海军陆战队过去对非洲的高层干预并没有取得明显的成功。考虑到地缘战略意义和热点,海军陆战队将不可避免地再次部署到非洲大陆的陆地或海上。根据从索马里、利比亚和黎巴嫩的失败以及在叙利亚和伊拉克的成功中吸取的经验教训,以及法国在马里和布基纳法索以及美国非洲司令部等其他国家的经验,提出了将纳入文件的建议。大国竞争、暴力极端主义组织和整个非洲的灰色地带现象,以及情报、反间谍和混合战争都受到了审查。
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引用次数: 0
The case for drones in counter-insurgency operations in West African Sahel 在西非萨赫勒地区的反叛乱行动中使用无人机的案例
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-11 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2217158
Francis N. Okpaleke, B. Nwosu, C. R. Okoli, Ezenwa E. Olumba
ABSTRACT The security situation in the Sahel region has been deteriorating with a consistent increase in violence. Despite tens of thousands of international troops in the region for over a decade, little headway has been made in establishing government control over the territory. The ongoing multilateral and large-scale military operations in the region have employed a boots-on-the-ground strategy that has been largely ineffective in stamping out the insurgency. The paper advocates for a recalibrated counter-insurgency strategy predicated on drones’ heightened and consistent deployment for counter-insurgency operations in the West African Sahel. This is in response to France's phased withdrawal from the region and the limited effectiveness of current multilateral military endeavours to quell the insurgency. The paper presents two related arguments hinged on the tactical utility of drones, drawing on the concept of ungoverned spaces as a theoretical foundation.
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引用次数: 2
Terrorism against healthcare facilities and workers in Africa: An assessment of attack modes, targets and locations 针对非洲医疗设施和工作人员的恐怖主义:对攻击方式、目标和地点的评估
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-04 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2213220
Ryan Shaffer, János Besenyő
ABSTRACT This article analyses nearly 600 terrorist attacks against healthcare facilities and workers in Africa between 1974 and 2021. It demonstrates there has been a notable increase in the number of terrorist attacks on these targets and explores the different attack modes, targets, and locations. The article describes how the attacks have transformed over the last nearly fifty years, becoming increasingly lethal. Consequently, it calls for scholars, the healthcare sector, governments, and international groups in Africa to recognise these trends and improve counter-measures for preventing and mitigating healthcare facility and worker attacks.
摘要本文分析了1974年至2021年间,非洲近600起针对医疗机构和工作人员的恐怖袭击。它表明,针对这些目标的恐怖袭击数量显著增加,并探讨了不同的袭击模式、目标和地点。这篇文章描述了在过去的近五十年里,这些袭击是如何发生变化的,变得越来越致命。因此,它呼吁非洲的学者、医疗保健部门、政府和国际团体认识到这些趋势,并改进预防和减轻医疗机构和工人袭击的应对措施。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
African Security Review
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