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UNCONSECRATED BURIAL AND EXCOMMUNICATION IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND: A REASSESSMENT 盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰的非圣化埋葬和逐出教会:重新评估
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2019.14
Nicole Marafioti
This article investigates the ideologies which underpinned unconsecrated burial in late Anglo-Saxon legal and religious texts. The exclusion of sinners and criminals from Christian cemeteries has typically been interpreted by scholars as a form of excommunication or an attempt to facilitate damnation. However, a reassessment of legislative, diplomatic, and ecclesiastical sources reveals that this was not so. In tenth-century laws and charters, unconsecrated burial was imposed exclusively by secular authorities; it was only prescribed by ecclesiastical authorities from ca. 1000. This suggests that it originated as a temporal punishment but later came to be used as an ecclesiastical sentence. The following analysis of the textual evidence yields two interrelated arguments. First, this article demonstrates that through the mid-eleventh century, unconsecrated burial was a penalty distinct from ecclesiastical excommunication. Where excommunication was imposed upon living sinners, to coerce them to penance, unconsecrated burial was prescribed for the unrepentant or criminal dead, whose actions placed them beyond earthly help. Second, this article contends that written prescriptions for unconsecrated burial differentiated secular from ecclesiastical jurisdictions. Although laymen and clergy collaborated in the dispensation of law and justice throughout the Anglo-Saxon period, the written evidence for unconsecrated burial shows that this penalty fell either under the authority of secular or of ecclesiastical agents, demonstrating a clearer separation between these spheres than is usually recognized in pre-Conquest England.
本文研究了晚期盎格鲁-撒克逊法律和宗教文本中支持非圣化埋葬的意识形态。把罪人和罪犯排除在基督教墓地之外通常被学者们解释为一种被逐出教会或试图促进诅咒的形式。然而,对立法、外交和教会资料的重新评估显示,事实并非如此。在10世纪的法律和宪章中,非圣化的埋葬只由世俗当局强制实施;从公元1000年起,它才由教会当局规定。这表明它最初是一种世俗的惩罚,但后来被用作教会的判决。以下对文本证据的分析产生了两个相互关联的论点。首先,这篇文章表明,在11世纪中期,非圣化的埋葬是一种不同于被逐出教会的惩罚。在世的罪人被逐出教会,以强迫他们忏悔,而死不悔改或犯罪的死者则被规定非圣化的埋葬,因为他们的行为使他们无法得到世俗的帮助。其次,本文认为非圣化埋葬的书面规定区分了世俗管辖权和教会管辖权。尽管在整个盎格鲁-撒克逊时期,外行和神职人员在法律和司法的分配方面通力合作,但非圣化葬礼的书面证据表明,这种惩罚要么属于世俗的权威,要么属于教会的权威,这表明,与被征服前的英格兰相比,这两个领域之间存在着更清晰的分离。
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引用次数: 2
TDO volume 74 Cover and Front matter TDO第74卷封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2019.1
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引用次数: 0
THE MARVELOUS BETWEEN DANTE AND BOCCACCIO 但丁和薄伽丘之间的奇妙
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.7
James C. Kriesel
In the late Middle Ages, authors of fiction, historical texts, and travel narratives discussed issues related to the places and spaces of marvels. Writers debated whether local, western occurrences could be as wondrous — and thus worthy of being recorded in writing — as foreign, eastern phenomena. This article explores how Boccaccio's engagement with Dante was intertwined with evolving views of the marvelous. It proposes that Boccaccio, following Dante, likened his writings to natural marvels to defend the status of literature, a mode of discourse sometimes considered unnatural or fraudulent. In addition, this research examines how Boccaccio drew on marvels to highlight differences between the properties and ethics of Dante's Comedy and these aspects of his Decameron. In addressing these topics, Boccaccio was inspired by late medieval Latin historians, who foregrounded the novelty of their texts by self-consciously writing about western marvels. In the Decameron, Boccaccio recalled ideas about local marvels to champion the dignity of his erotic, mundane stories in comparison to Dante's otherworldly, divine poem. Boccaccio thus also reminded readers not only to wonder about future, eternal matters, but to cherish the experiences of this our present life.
在中世纪晚期,小说、历史文本和旅行叙述的作者讨论了与奇迹的地点和空间有关的问题。作家们争论当地的、西方的现象是否可以像外来的、东方的现象一样奇妙——从而值得用文字记录下来。这篇文章探讨了薄伽丘与但丁的接触是如何与不断发展的奇妙观交织在一起的。它提出薄伽丘,继但丁之后,把他的作品比作自然奇迹,以捍卫文学的地位,一种有时被认为是不自然的或欺骗性的话语模式。此外,本研究还考察了薄伽丘如何利用奇迹来突出但丁的《喜剧》和《十日谈》在性质和伦理方面的差异。在讨论这些话题时,薄伽丘受到了中世纪晚期拉丁历史学家的启发,这些历史学家通过自觉地写西方奇迹来突出他们文本的新颖性。在《十日谈》中,薄伽丘回忆了一些关于当地奇迹的想法,以捍卫他的情色、世俗故事的尊严,与但丁的超凡脱俗、神圣的诗歌相比。薄伽丘也因此提醒读者不仅要思考未来,永恒的事物,而且要珍惜我们现在生活的经历。
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引用次数: 0
THE WORK CALLED CONGESTA AND FIFTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLISH THEOLOGY 这本书被称为《充血论》和15世纪英国神学
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.5
Siegfried Wenzel
Congesta, written about the middle of the fifteenth century in England and only partially preserved, is a massive sermon commentary, originally in five volumes, covering the Sundays of the church year, some feast days and common sermons for saints, and two special occasions (“In Time of Persecution” and “For Religious”). Of the entire cycle only forty-six sermons are extant in two manuscripts (Oxford, Magdalen College MSS 96 and 212). The commentary deals at great length with the Epistle or Gospel lection of the respective Mass. Its anonymous author, probably an English Carthusian, excerpted long passages from over 130 named authors and anonymous works, including Petrus Berchorius, Saint Brigid of Sweden, and the Imitatio Christi. The sermons, which are basically moral postillation of the lections and show much concern with the qualities of a good pastor, can be seen as part of the reforming tendencies in the English church marked especially by Thomas Gascoigne. The article describes and discusses the sermon cycle, analyzes the sermon for 23 Trinity, and discusses the structure of the sermons and some of the authors of the later Middle Ages that are quoted or excerpted. An appendix lists the authors and anonymous works quoted in alphabetical order.
Congesta,写于15世纪中期的英格兰,只部分保存下来,是一个巨大的布道评论,最初有五卷,涵盖了教会年的星期日,一些节日和圣徒的普通布道,以及两个特殊场合(“迫害时期”和“宗教”)。在整个布道周期中,只有46篇讲道现存于两份手稿中(牛津,莫德林学院MSS 96和212)。评注处理在很大程度上与书信或福音各自的群众选举。这本书的匿名作者很可能是一位英国的卡尔图斯教徒,他从130多位知名作家和匿名作品中摘录了很长的段落,其中包括彼得鲁斯·伯乔里乌斯、瑞典的圣布里吉特和《基督的模仿》。布道,基本上是对选举的道德说教,表现出对一个好牧师的品质的关注,可以被看作是英国教会改革趋势的一部分,尤其是托马斯·加斯科因。这篇文章描述和讨论了讲道周期,分析了23三位一体的讲道,并讨论了讲道的结构和引用或摘录的中世纪后期的一些作者。附录按字母顺序列出了作者和引用的匿名作品。
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引用次数: 1
METAPHYSICS AND TESTIMONIAL KNOWLEDGE IN THE SUPER IOHANNEM OF ALBERT THE GREAT 形而上学与阿尔贝大帝的证学
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.3
J. Casteigt
This article examines Albert the Great's interpretation of John 1:7 concerning John the Baptist: “He came as a witness, to testify about the Light, so that all might believe through him.” Commenting on this verse, Albert develops the idea that the metaphysical approach to God, according to which the notion of God is purified of all sensory images, must be completed by a method that is more connatural to the human being: testimonial knowledge, that is, relying on the senses and imagination, using the metaphors that God himself has suggested through his revelation. Albert's reading of John 1:7 is found to be in continuity with key ideas elsewhere in his oeuvre.
这篇文章考察了阿尔伯特大帝对约翰福音1:7关于施洗约翰的解释:“他来为见证,就是为光作见证,叫众人因他可以信。”在评论这一节时,阿尔伯特提出了这样一种观点,即形而上学地接近上帝,根据这种方法,上帝的概念被所有感官图像净化,必须通过一种对人类更自然的方法来完成:证言知识,也就是说,依靠感官和想象,使用上帝自己通过他的启示提出的隐喻。人们发现阿尔伯特对约翰福音1:7的解读与他作品中其他地方的关键思想是一致的。
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引用次数: 0
CROWLAND ABBEY AS ANGLO-SAXON SANCTUARY IN THE PSEUDO-INGULF CHRONICLE 《伪海湾纪事》中克劳兰修道院作为盎格鲁撒克逊人的避难所
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.1
Lindy Brady
Crowland Abbey was one of many English monasteries after the Norman Conquest to forge documents that claimed a right to permanent sanctuary rooted in the Anglo-Saxon period. Yet Crowland's claims stand out because while other ecclesiastical chronicles that grounded their sanctuary claims in an earlier tradition did so in order to defend those rights in the twelfth century or later, Crowland never claimed this privilege for anything other than the abbey's Anglo-Saxon past. Indeed, I argue that the three forged “Anglo-Saxon” charters that make this assertion, which all appear in the Pseudo-Ingulf section of the abbey's chronicle, the Historia Croylandensis, do so in order to emphasize a more fundamental claim about the institution's authority — its association with one of the most significant fenland saints, Guthlac. Moreover, I argue that the most likely date when this material was forged is the late twelfth century. In the context of the narrative in which they appear, these charters reveal that later medieval Crowland constructed a narrative that saw permanent sanctuary as an important feature of the abbey's Anglo-Saxon past.
克兰修道院是诺曼征服后伪造文件的众多英国修道院之一,这些文件声称自己有权成为盎格鲁-撒克逊时期的永久避难所。然而,克罗兰的主张很突出,因为虽然其他教会编年史在更早的传统中提出了他们的庇护要求,但在12世纪或更晚的时候,克罗兰这样做是为了捍卫这些权利,但克罗兰从未主张过这种特权,除了修道院的盎格鲁-撒克逊历史之外。事实上,我认为,三份伪造的“盎格鲁-撒克逊”宪章做出了这样的断言,它们都出现在修道院编年史《克罗伊兰德历史》(Historia Croylandensis)的伪因古夫部分,这样做是为了强调该机构权威的一个更基本的主张——它与最重要的芬兰圣徒之一古斯拉克(Guthlac)的联系。此外,我认为这些材料最有可能是在12世纪后期伪造的。在它们出现的叙事背景下,这些宪章揭示了中世纪后期克罗兰构建了一种叙事,将永久避难所视为修道院盎格鲁-撒克逊历史的重要特征。
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引用次数: 1
FLUIDITY IN STILLNESS: A READING OF HADEWIJCH'S STROFISCHE GEDICHTEN/POEMS IN STANZAS 静止中的流动:哈德维奇的诗节诗读
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.11
Anita Mir
That women felt and men thought has long been the predominant lens through which medieval Christian writing has been analyzed. The work of the religious women vernacular theologians, or Beguines, who emerged across North Europe from the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries has therefore often been dismissed as affective mysticism. Recent scholarship has begun to re-appraise this work and re-evaluate its place within the Christian tradition. This paper looks at the work of Hadewijch, a thirteenth-century mystical poet from Brabant in the Netherlands who, though less well known than other Beguines such as Hildegaard of Bingen and Marguerite Porete, may, as John Arblaster and Paul Verdeyen argue, “rightly be called the greatest poetic genius in the Dutch language.” It is probable that her work was not widely known during her lifetime (not, that is, directly), but research is strengthening the argument that her theology was transmitted via the works of John of Ruusbroec. This paper will attend both to Hadewijch's poesy and her theology and ask what the dynamic structure in her verse — its shifts of perspective, gender perspective, and non-linear narrative — might lead us to grasp about her theology.
长期以来,女性的感受和男性的思想一直是分析中世纪基督教写作的主要视角。因此,十二至十三世纪出现在北欧各地的宗教女性本土神学家贝吉尼斯的作品经常被认为是情感神秘主义。最近的学术界开始重新评价这部作品,并重新评价它在基督教传统中的地位。这篇论文着眼于哈德维伊奇的作品,他是一位来自荷兰布拉班特的13世纪神秘主义诗人,虽然不如宾根的希尔德加德和玛格丽特·波雷特等贝京因人所知,但正如约翰·阿布拉斯特和保罗·威尔迪恩所说,他可能“被正确地称为荷兰语中最伟大的诗歌天才”。“很可能她的作品在她的一生中并不广为人知(不是直接为人所知),但研究正在加强她的神学是通过鲁斯布罗克的约翰的作品传播的论点。本文将关注哈德维奇的诗歌和她的神学,并询问她的诗歌中的动态结构——视角的转变、性别视角和非线性叙事——可能会让我们了解她的神学。
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引用次数: 1
GLOSSING THE GLOSS: READING PETER LOMBARD’S COLLECTANEA ON THE PAULINE EPISTLES AS A HISTORICAL ACT 粉饰:作为一种历史行为解读彼得·隆巴德的《保罗书信集》
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.8
Peter O’Hagan
Peter Lombard's influential commentary on the Pauline Epistles, the Collectanea in omnes divi Pauli epistolas, has received little extended analysis in scholarly literature, despite its recognized importance both in its own right and as key for the development of his Sentences. This article presents a new approach to studying the Collectanea by analyzing how Lombard's commentary builds on the Glossa “Ordinaria” on the Pauline Epistles. The article argues for treating the Collectanea as a “historical act,” focusing on how Lombard engages with the biblical text and with authoritative sources within which he encounters the same biblical text embedded. The article further argues for the necessity of turning to the manuscripts of both the Collectanea and the Glossa, rather than continuing to rely on inadequate early modern printed editions or the Patrologia Latina. The article then uses Lombard's discussion of faith at Romans 1:17 as a case study, demonstrating the way in which Lombard begins from the Glossa, clarifies its ambiguities, and moves his analysis forward through his use of other auctoritates and theological quaestiones. A comparison with Lombard's treatment of faith in the Sentences highlights the close links between Lombard's biblical lectures and this later work. The article concludes by arguing that scholastic biblical exegesis and theology should be treated as primarily a classroom activity, with the glossed Bible as the central focus. Discussion of Lombard's work should draw on much recent scholarship that has begun to uncover the layers of orality within the textual history of scholastic works.
彼得·伦巴第对保罗书信的有影响力的评论,Collectanea in omnes divi Pauli epistolas,在学术文献中几乎没有得到深入的分析,尽管它在其本身的权利和他的句子的发展中都被认为是重要的。本文通过分析伦巴第的评注是如何建立在对保罗书信的普通注释之上,提出了一种研究《集锦》的新方法。这篇文章主张将《合集》视为“历史行为”,重点关注伦巴第是如何与圣经文本和权威来源打交道的,他在这些来源中遇到了嵌入的圣经文本。这篇文章进一步论证了转向Collectanea和Glossa的手稿的必要性,而不是继续依赖不充分的早期现代印刷版本或paterlogia Latina。然后,文章用伦巴第在罗马书1:17中对信仰的讨论作为案例研究,展示了伦巴第如何从Glossa开始,澄清其歧义,并通过使用其他权威和神学问题推进他的分析。与伦巴第在《句子》中对信仰的处理进行比较,突出了伦巴第的圣经讲座与后来的作品之间的密切联系。文章最后认为,经院圣经训诂学和神学应该主要作为一种课堂活动来对待,以圣经为中心焦点。对伦巴第著作的讨论应该借鉴许多最近的学术研究,这些研究已经开始揭示学术著作文本历史中的口述层次。
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引用次数: 1
DRYHTHELM'S DESIRE: COMPUNCTION AND BEDE'S CELESTIAL TOPOGRAPHY 德莱瑟姆的欲望:内疚与贝德的天体地形
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.2
Erik Carlson
Modern critics usually read the vision of Dryhthelm as an account of a man frightened into penitential asceticism even though Bede explains that Dryhthelm lived out his days in the desire for heaven, not fear of punishment. While fear is an important part of Dryhthelm's conversion, Bede depicts the process according to the doctrine of compunction as it is received from Gregory the Great, who presents compunction as a process by which fear of punishment yields to love and the desire for heaven. Reading the conversion of Dryhthelm as a process of Gregorian compunction reveals both Bede's fundamental optimism about the vision Dryhthelm has seen and a spirituality in the text that is more nuanced and positive than the fire and ice that figure so prominently in it. Proceeding from these observations, the paper argues that the celestial topography of Dryhthelm's vision is a spiritual topography — a map of personal and emotional progress through compunction, as understood by Gregory the Great and received by Bede, and only incidentally a map of celestial regions deemed logically necessary by later theologians. These conclusions complicate hellfire and brimstone readings of this and other Anglo-Saxon texts about judgment and penance, and they call for nuanced readings of compunction as a complex and productive experience.
现代评论家通常将Drythhelm的愿景解读为一个被吓得陷入忏悔苦行的人,尽管Bede解释说Drythelm的日子是在渴望天堂而不是害怕惩罚中度过的。虽然恐惧是Drythhelm皈依的重要组成部分,但Bede根据格雷戈里大帝的内疚学说描述了这个过程,格雷戈里将内疚描述为一个对惩罚的恐惧转化为爱和对天堂的渴望的过程。将Drythhelm的转变解读为格里高利的内疚过程,既揭示了Bede对Drythelm所看到的愿景的基本乐观主义,也揭示了文本中比其中突出的火和冰更微妙、更积极的精神。从这些观察出发,本文认为,Drythelm视野中的天体地形图是一种精神地形图——格雷戈里大帝所理解的、贝德所接受的通过内疚而进行的个人和情感进步的地图,只是顺便提一句,后来的神学家认为在逻辑上是必要的天体区域地图。这些结论使对这本书和其他盎格鲁撒克逊关于审判和忏悔的文本的解读复杂化,并要求对内疚作为一种复杂而富有成效的体验进行细致入微的解读。
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引用次数: 1
THE MONGOL INVASIONS BETWEEN EPISTOLOGRAPHY AND PROPHECY: THE CASE OF THE LETTER “AD FLAGELLUM,” C. 1235/36–1338 书信论和预言之间的蒙古人入侵:以字母“AD鞭毛”为例,约1235/36-1338年
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-12-29 DOI: 10.1017/tdo.2018.6
A. Grant
This is a study of an apocalyptic Latin letter (incipit “Ad flagellum humani generis”), surviving in manuscripts from the mid-thirteenth to fourteenth centuries, that describes an apparent aggressive invasion of an ascetic army in the distant East, led by a figure claiming to be Christ and bearing a new volume of scripture. This article offers the first comprehensive study of the letter's manuscript tradition and presents a new critical edition of the text. It argues that this letter was composed in the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem sometime in the years 1235–36 as a response to intelligence brought by eastern Christian envoys (quite possibly from Georgia or Greater Armenia) concerning the second wave of Mongol invasions in Transcaucasia. These envoys had spent some time in the presence of a Mongol army, possibly that of the general Chormaghan, receiving an edict that probably demanded their submission and stated the Mongols’ divine right to universal domination. This edict, accompanied by other information, was ultimately translated into Latin for the benefit of the authorities of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. These authorities interpreted both the edict and the oral and/or written intelligence that the eastern Christian envoys delivered within the intellectual framework of Latin Christianity. This particular interpretation was then written into a letter that was sent to Western Europe, where it circulated probably quite widely for around a century. Crusade theorists’ need for intelligence about the Middle and Far East, together with the vogue of apocalyptic prophecy in the later Middle Ages, encouraged the continued copying of the text.
这是对一个启示录拉丁字母(incipit“Ad鞭毛虫humani generais”)的研究,该字母在13世纪中期至14世纪的手稿中幸存下来,描述了一支禁欲主义军队在遥远的东方的明显侵略,由一个自称基督的人物领导,并携带一本新的经文。本文首次全面研究了这封信的手稿传统,并提出了一个新的文本批评版本。它认为,这封信是在1235年至1236年的某个时候在十字军的耶路撒冷王国写的,是对东方基督教特使(很可能来自格鲁吉亚或大亚美尼亚)带来的关于蒙古第二波入侵外高加索的情报的回应。这些使者在蒙古军队面前度过了一段时间,可能是乔尔马汗将军的军队,他们收到了一份可能要求他们屈服的法令,并声明了蒙古人享有普遍统治的神圣权利。为了耶路撒冷王国当局的利益,这项法令以及其他信息最终被翻译成了拉丁语。这些权威机构解释了东部基督教特使在拉丁基督教的知识框架内发布的法令和口头和/或书面情报。这种特殊的解释随后被写进了一封寄给西欧的信中,在那里它可能广泛传播了大约一个世纪。十字军东征理论家对中东和远东情报的需求,加上中世纪后期世界末日预言的流行,鼓励了对文本的持续复制。
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引用次数: 0
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