Hrabanus Maurus's De institutione clericorum is a masterpiece of clerical formation, emblematic of the Carolingian Renewal and esteemed by thinkers throughout the Middle Ages. In the third book, Hrabanus juxtaposes Augustine's teachings in De doctrina christiana with Gregory the Great's instruction in the Regula pastoralis to craft an original case for a close connection between wisdom and moral life in priestly training. Hrabanus's effort concretizes long-standing concerns of Carolingian reformers reiterated in landmark reform documents from the late eighth and early ninth centuries. Moreover, throughout his life, Hrabanus periodically returns to his work on priestly formation for words and ideas to undergird subsequent efforts at integrating education with pastoral practice in a variety of genres, including his model sermons, his encyclopedic commentary, and his handbook for missionary conversion. In addition to highlighting Hrabanus's individual genius as one who adroitly applies traditional authorities in novel ways to contemporary problems, this study illumines the crucial role played by monasteries like Fulda as engines for the Carolingian reform.
{"title":"NEW INSIGHTS, OLD TEXTS CLERICAL FORMATION AND THE CAROLINGIAN RENEWAL IN HRABANUS MAURUS","authors":"Owen M. Phelan","doi":"10.1017/tdo.2016.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.7","url":null,"abstract":"Hrabanus Maurus's De institutione clericorum is a masterpiece of clerical formation, emblematic of the Carolingian Renewal and esteemed by thinkers throughout the Middle Ages. In the third book, Hrabanus juxtaposes Augustine's teachings in De doctrina christiana with Gregory the Great's instruction in the Regula pastoralis to craft an original case for a close connection between wisdom and moral life in priestly training. Hrabanus's effort concretizes long-standing concerns of Carolingian reformers reiterated in landmark reform documents from the late eighth and early ninth centuries. Moreover, throughout his life, Hrabanus periodically returns to his work on priestly formation for words and ideas to undergird subsequent efforts at integrating education with pastoral practice in a variety of genres, including his model sermons, his encyclopedic commentary, and his handbook for missionary conversion. In addition to highlighting Hrabanus's individual genius as one who adroitly applies traditional authorities in novel ways to contemporary problems, this study illumines the crucial role played by monasteries like Fulda as engines for the Carolingian reform.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"41 1","pages":"63 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/tdo.2016.7","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57571674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies about Christian perceptions of Islam and other non-Christian cultures in the Middle Ages in recent years have tended to focus on individual authors and their works. New research in the field of manuscript philology, particularly its focus on the idea of the “whole book,” however, suggests some new interpretive vistas that can sharpen our understanding of how medieval readers engaged with, and responded to, texts about the non-Christian Other. This article takes as its subject a twelfth-century miscellany manuscript from the Westfalian monastery of Grafschaft that constitutes a remarkable dossier of hagiographical and exegetical texts relating to Muslims, pagans, and holy war. This codex, Darmstadt Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Cod. 749, offers a window onto how works dealing with these subjects were read not only on their own terms, but in dynamic relationship to one another. Focusing on the associative resonances between the different works in a single manuscript allows us to understand how one monastic community in northern Germany sought to place the twelfth-century Crusades in a broader historical and theological context. The results of such an approach complicate the traditional Christian-Muslim binary we usually encounter in studies of Crusading or medieval views of non-Christians, underscoring how one community of medieval readers thought about the problem of religious conflict in several temporal, geographic, and conceptual dimensions.
近年来，关于中世纪基督教对伊斯兰教和其他非基督教文化的看法的研究往往集中在个别作者和他们的作品上。然而，手稿语言学领域的新研究，特别是对“整本书”概念的关注，提出了一些新的解释前景，可以使我们更加深刻地理解中世纪读者是如何参与和回应关于非基督教他者的文本的。本文以12世纪威斯特伐利亚格拉夫沙夫修道院的杂记手稿为主题，该手稿构成了与穆斯林，异教徒和圣战有关的圣徒传记和训诂文本的非凡档案。这本抄本，达姆施塔特Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek，公元749年，提供了一个窗口，让我们了解到，处理这些主题的作品是如何被阅读的，不仅是他们自己的条件，而且是彼此之间的动态关系。关注同一份手稿中不同作品之间的关联共振，可以让我们了解德国北部的一个修道院团体是如何将十二世纪的十字军东征置于更广泛的历史和神学背景下的。这种方法的结果使我们在研究十字军东征或中世纪对非基督徒的看法时经常遇到的传统基督教-穆斯林二元对立复杂化，强调了中世纪读者群体如何从几个时间、地理和概念维度思考宗教冲突问题。
{"title":"SAINTS, PAGANS, AND THE WONDERS OF THE EAST: THE MEDIEVAL IMAGINARY AND ITS MANUSCRIPT CONTEXTS","authors":"J. Eldevik","doi":"10.1017/tdo.2016.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.12","url":null,"abstract":"Studies about Christian perceptions of Islam and other non-Christian cultures in the Middle Ages in recent years have tended to focus on individual authors and their works. New research in the field of manuscript philology, particularly its focus on the idea of the “whole book,” however, suggests some new interpretive vistas that can sharpen our understanding of how medieval readers engaged with, and responded to, texts about the non-Christian Other. This article takes as its subject a twelfth-century miscellany manuscript from the Westfalian monastery of Grafschaft that constitutes a remarkable dossier of hagiographical and exegetical texts relating to Muslims, pagans, and holy war. This codex, Darmstadt Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Cod. 749, offers a window onto how works dealing with these subjects were read not only on their own terms, but in dynamic relationship to one another. Focusing on the associative resonances between the different works in a single manuscript allows us to understand how one monastic community in northern Germany sought to place the twelfth-century Crusades in a broader historical and theological context. The results of such an approach complicate the traditional Christian-Muslim binary we usually encounter in studies of Crusading or medieval views of non-Christians, underscoring how one community of medieval readers thought about the problem of religious conflict in several temporal, geographic, and conceptual dimensions.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"71 1","pages":"235 - 272"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/tdo.2016.12","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57571157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay examines sources related to the creation and promulgation of the first codification of Aragonese territorial law in the mid-thirteenth century. The Fueros de Aragón have proven to be one of Europe's most durable bodies of laws, having persisted in some form or another for more than a millennium. In exploring the process by which Aragonese law was first codified, this essay expands our understanding of the evolution of medieval law. At the same time, it offers an occasion for questioning the origins of a written legal tradition that has defined historical and contemporary conceptions of Aragonese political identity within Spain. Of particular interest here is the tension that exists between longstanding assumptions about the origins of the first code of Aragonese law and the medieval sources that have something to say about it. In order to discern the process by which the fueros were codified, this essay scrutinizes the narrative prologues to multiple Latin and romance texts of the Fueros de Aragón as they are found in medieval manuscripts and early printed texts. The essay also considers the implications that these findings have for ongoing scholarship on the institutionalization of the Fueros de Aragón in Aragonese history.
本文考察了与13世纪中期阿拉贡领土法的第一部编纂和颁布有关的资料来源。事实证明，Aragón法律条文是欧洲最持久的法律体系之一，以这样或那样的形式存在了一千多年。在探索阿拉贡法律首次编纂的过程中，本文扩展了我们对中世纪法律演变的理解。与此同时，它提供了一个质疑书面法律传统起源的机会，这种传统定义了西班牙境内阿拉贡人政治身份的历史和当代概念。这里特别有趣的是关于阿拉贡第一部法典起源的长期假设与中世纪文献之间存在的紧张关系。为了辨别《火神》被编纂的过程，这篇文章仔细研究了《火神》Aragón的多个拉丁和浪漫文本的叙事序言，因为它们在中世纪手稿和早期印刷文本中被发现。本文还考虑了这些发现对正在进行的阿拉贡历史上Fueros de Aragón制度化的学术研究的影响。
{"title":"THE THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CODIFICATION OF THE FUEROS DE ARAGÓN","authors":"J. Speed","doi":"10.1017/tdo.2016.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.9","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines sources related to the creation and promulgation of the first codification of Aragonese territorial law in the mid-thirteenth century. The Fueros de Aragón have proven to be one of Europe's most durable bodies of laws, having persisted in some form or another for more than a millennium. In exploring the process by which Aragonese law was first codified, this essay expands our understanding of the evolution of medieval law. At the same time, it offers an occasion for questioning the origins of a written legal tradition that has defined historical and contemporary conceptions of Aragonese political identity within Spain. Of particular interest here is the tension that exists between longstanding assumptions about the origins of the first code of Aragonese law and the medieval sources that have something to say about it. In order to discern the process by which the fueros were codified, this essay scrutinizes the narrative prologues to multiple Latin and romance texts of the Fueros de Aragón as they are found in medieval manuscripts and early printed texts. The essay also considers the implications that these findings have for ongoing scholarship on the institutionalization of the Fueros de Aragón in Aragonese history.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"71 1","pages":"303 - 331"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/tdo.2016.9","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57571304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In characteristic fashion, the Iter Italicum of Paul Oskar Kristeller reveals the richness of Renaissance thought on seafaring. The literature on seafaring conserved in manuscripts cataloged in the Iter Italicum ranges from commentary on ancient seafaring to eulogies of contemporary heroes to works on mechanics and engineering with unusual proposals for naval weaponry. Those manuscripts likewise highlight the Renaissance conceptualization of seafaring as an art and a creative tension in Renaissance scholarship between looking back to the past and looking forward to the future.
保罗·奥斯卡·克里斯特勒(Paul Oskar Kristeller)的《Iter Italicum》以独特的方式揭示了文艺复兴时期航海思想的丰富性。意大利国际原子能机构(Iter Italicum)收录的手稿中保存着有关航海的文献，从古代航海的评论到当代英雄的颂词，再到机械和工程方面的作品，其中包括对海军武器的不同寻常的建议。这些手稿同样强调了文艺复兴时期航海作为一门艺术的概念，以及文艺复兴时期学术回顾过去和展望未来之间的创造性张力。
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Pub Date : 2016-02-25DOI: 10.1017/S0362152900012356
B. Carella
In this article, I seek to define the difficult legal phrase utroque iure caruerunt (“and they have been deprived of both laws”), which appears in capitulum XII of the Legatine Capitulary of 786 (a collection of canons promulgated ostensibly by a papal legation sent to England in order to address unspecified abuses), describing a punitive sanction for malefactors who have committed or conspired to commit the crime of regicide. I have been able to identify no parallel occurrence of this phrase in any culturally similar or temporally proximate documents, leaving me with little beyond the text itself to seek evidence for its precise meaning. Since it has been demonstrated recently that Alcuin — a native-born Anglo-Saxon and a Northumbrian — was intimately involved in drafting the Legatine Capitulary (if, indeed, he was not the sole author), and moreover, since this phrase appears in a text composed in the first instance for a Northumbrian audience, I argue that this phrase is deeply rooted in Anglo-Saxon legal precedents. I conclude that the phrase signifies that those guilty of regicide should be deprived of both secular and ecclesiastical law, that is, that they should be both outlawed and excommunicated. As such, this phrase represents the first reference to the legal sanction of outlawry in Anglo-Saxon law by more than a century. Additionally, this phrase would appear to take for granted the close cooperation between ecclesiastical and secular jurisprudence specifically to punish crime, a feature of Anglo-Saxon law likewise not formally described (according to current thought) until more than a century later. I finish by considering the implications of my argument for the history of Anglo-Saxon law, suggesting in particular that we must revise currently held opinions about the pace of its development, particularly in the Anglian North, where — due most likely to the loss of evidence resulting from the Viking invasions — very little primary-text evidence has survived.
在本文中，我试图定义一个难以理解的法律短语utroque iure caruerunt(“他们已经被剥夺了这两项法律”)，它出现在786年的Legatine capitulum XII(表面上是由教皇公使馆为了解决未指明的滥用行为而派往英国颁布的教规集)，描述了对犯下或合谋犯下弑君罪的罪犯的惩罚性制裁。我无法在任何文化相似或时间相近的文献中发现这个短语的平行出现，除了文本本身，我几乎没有找到它的确切含义的证据。由于最近有证据表明，Alcuin——一个土生土长的盎格鲁-撒克逊人和诺森伯兰人——密切参与了Legatine Capitulary的起草(如果他确实不是唯一的作者的话)，而且，由于这句话出现在最初为诺森伯兰读者编写的文本中，我认为这句话深深植根于盎格鲁-撒克逊法律先例中。我的结论是，这句话意味着那些犯有弑君罪的人应该被剥夺世俗和教会的法律，也就是说，他们应该被宣布为非法并被逐出教会。因此，这句话代表了一个多世纪以来盎格鲁-撒克逊法律中第一次提到对非法行为的法律制裁。此外，这个短语似乎理所当然地认为教会和世俗法理学之间的密切合作，特别是为了惩罚犯罪，盎格鲁-撒克逊法律的一个特征同样没有正式描述(根据当前的思想)，直到一个多世纪之后。最后，我考虑了我的论点对盎格鲁-撒克逊法律历史的影响，特别建议我们必须修改目前对其发展速度的看法，特别是在盎格鲁北部，那里-由于最有可能的证据丢失导致维京入侵-很少有原始文本证据幸存下来。
{"title":"The Earliest Expression for Outlawry in Anglo-Saxon Law","authors":"B. Carella","doi":"10.1017/S0362152900012356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0362152900012356","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I seek to define the difficult legal phrase utroque iure caruerunt (“and they have been deprived of both laws”), which appears in capitulum XII of the Legatine Capitulary of 786 (a collection of canons promulgated ostensibly by a papal legation sent to England in order to address unspecified abuses), describing a punitive sanction for malefactors who have committed or conspired to commit the crime of regicide. I have been able to identify no parallel occurrence of this phrase in any culturally similar or temporally proximate documents, leaving me with little beyond the text itself to seek evidence for its precise meaning. Since it has been demonstrated recently that Alcuin — a native-born Anglo-Saxon and a Northumbrian — was intimately involved in drafting the Legatine Capitulary (if, indeed, he was not the sole author), and moreover, since this phrase appears in a text composed in the first instance for a Northumbrian audience, I argue that this phrase is deeply rooted in Anglo-Saxon legal precedents. I conclude that the phrase signifies that those guilty of regicide should be deprived of both secular and ecclesiastical law, that is, that they should be both outlawed and excommunicated. As such, this phrase represents the first reference to the legal sanction of outlawry in Anglo-Saxon law by more than a century. Additionally, this phrase would appear to take for granted the close cooperation between ecclesiastical and secular jurisprudence specifically to punish crime, a feature of Anglo-Saxon law likewise not formally described (according to current thought) until more than a century later. I finish by considering the implications of my argument for the history of Anglo-Saxon law, suggesting in particular that we must revise currently held opinions about the pace of its development, particularly in the Anglian North, where — due most likely to the loss of evidence resulting from the Viking invasions — very little primary-text evidence has survived.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"70 1","pages":"111 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0362152900012356","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56910846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
《中世纪拉丁亚里士多德评论》，《传统》23（1967）：313-413（作者A-F）；24（1968）：149-254（作者G-I）；26（1970）：135-216（作者Jacobus Johannes Juff）；27（1971）：251-351（作者Johannes de Kanthi Myngodus）；28（1972）：281-396（作者Narcissus Richardus）；29（1973）：93-197（作者Robertus Wilhelmus），30（1974）：119-44（补充作者）。拉丁亚里士多德评论。Vols。1.1，1.2，中世纪作家。佛罗伦萨，1988年。拉丁语评论家d’Aristote au moyen-âge。弗里堡，1988年。《文艺复兴时期拉丁亚里士多德评论》，《文艺复兴研究21》（1974）：228-89（作者A-B）；文艺复兴季刊28（1975）：689-741（作者C）；29（1976）:714-45（作者D-F）；30（1977）：681-741（作者G-K）；31（1978）:532-603（作者L-M）；32（1979）:529-80（作者N-Ph）；33（1980）：623-734（作者Pi-Sm）；35（1982）：164-256（作者So-Z）。拉丁亚里士多德评论。第2卷，文艺复兴时期作家。佛罗伦萨，1988年。
{"title":"Publications: Fr. Charles H. Lohr, S.J., 1925–2015","authors":"Robert F Duffy, Justin Reppert","doi":"10.1017/S0362152900012435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0362152900012435","url":null,"abstract":"\"Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries.\" Traditio 23 (1967): 313-413 (Authors A-F); 24 (1968): 149-254 (Authors G-I); 26 (1970): 135-216 (Authors Jacobus-Johannes Juff); 27 (1971): 251-351 (Authors Johannes de Kanthi-Myngodus); 28 (1972): 281-396 (Authors Narcissus-Richardus); 29 (1973): 93-197 (Authors Robertus-Wilhelmus), 30 (1974): 119-44 (Supplementary Authors). Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Vols. 1.1, 1.2, Medieval Authors. Florence, 1988. Commentateurs d'Aristote au moyen-âge latin. Fribourg, 1988. \"Renaissance Latin Aristotle Commentaries.\" Studies in the Renaissance 21 (1974): 228-89 (Authors A-B); Renaissance Quarterly 28 (1975): 689-741 (Authors C); 29 (1976): 714-45 (Authors D-F); 30 (1977): 681-741 (Authors G-K); 31 (1978): 532-603 (Authors L-M); 32 (1979): 529-80 (Authors N-Ph); 33 (1980): 623-734 (Authors Pi-Sm); 35 (1982): 164-256 (Authors So-Z). Latin Aristotle Commentaries. Vol. 2, Renaissance Authors. Florence, 1988.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"70 1","pages":"407 - 422"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0362152900012435","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56910999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-02-25DOI: 10.1017/S036215290001240X
W. Müller
Canonical bigamy posed a barrier for late medieval men who were or had been married to a widow or unfaithful wife and wanted to retain or be appointed to clerical rank. Western church norms from the twelfth century onward permitted only the papacy to dispense from the obstacle for promotion or readmission to the sacred orders of sub-deacon, deacon, and priest. And yet, papal administrative records from the period indicate that actual dispensations were hardly ever granted to “bigamous” recipients. What accounts for this discrepancy between theoretical freedom and practical restraint? The article discusses the historical evidence and suggests that besides theological reservations the risk of political conflict with lay jurisdictions may have persuaded most of the popes not to make use of their dispensatory power in cases of bigamia.
{"title":"Yes and No: Late Medieval Dispensations from Canonical Bigamy in Theory and Practice","authors":"W. Müller","doi":"10.1017/S036215290001240X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S036215290001240X","url":null,"abstract":"Canonical bigamy posed a barrier for late medieval men who were or had been married to a widow or unfaithful wife and wanted to retain or be appointed to clerical rank. Western church norms from the twelfth century onward permitted only the papacy to dispense from the obstacle for promotion or readmission to the sacred orders of sub-deacon, deacon, and priest. And yet, papal administrative records from the period indicate that actual dispensations were hardly ever granted to “bigamous” recipients. What accounts for this discrepancy between theoretical freedom and practical restraint? The article discusses the historical evidence and suggests that besides theological reservations the risk of political conflict with lay jurisdictions may have persuaded most of the popes not to make use of their dispensatory power in cases of bigamia.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"70 1","pages":"281 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S036215290001240X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56910940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-02-25DOI: 10.1017/S0362152900012381
C. Schabel
In the early thirteenth century, numerous Cistercian monasteries were founded in the former Byzantine territories conquered in the context of the Fourth Crusade. According to the standard narrative, put forth in the 1970s, Pope Innocent III sent the Cistercians on a “mission to the Orthodox,” but the mission was a failure, because the White Monks soon abandoned almost all of their houses in Frankish Greece and Constantinople without having “converted” the Greeks. In the light of recent research on the aftermath of 1204 and on the Cistercian Order, this paper argues that the Frankish rulers took the initiative to found Cistercian monasteries in the Greek East for the same reason that they did so in the Latin West: to cater to the Latin rite aristocracy. This Cistercian mission was a success, since the Cistercian establishments in Greece generally existed as long as the Western nobility survived to patronize and protect them. There is no evidence that Innocent intended the Cistercians to be missionaries in Romania since, contrary to a once common assumption, the papacy did not view the Greeks as requiring the same kind of missionary activity that was deemed necessary in lands inhabited by pagans or heretics.
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The superior learning of King Aldfrith of Northumbria (685–704) was acknowledged in both Anglo-Saxon and Gaelic contemporary sources by such renowned scholars as Bede of Wearmouth-Jarrow, Aldhelm of Malmesbury, Adomnán of Iona, Stephen of Ripon, and Alcuin of York. Both Aldhelm and Adomnán knew him personally, and texts composed by these two scholars and presented to Aldfrith help delineate the breadth of his educational background. He was educated among the Gaels, and their records described him as sapiens. By examining texts of other seventh-century Gaelic sapientes, and the comments of Aldhelm and Bede about Gaelic intellectual life and educational opportunities, we can expand our purview of the scope of his education. The nature of seventh-century schooling was peripatetic, and Aldfrith's dual heritage requires a broad search for locations. Many scholars accept Iona as the likely source of his learned background, but this essay will argue that, among other likely locations in Britain and Ireland, Bangor in Northern Ireland is best supported by surviving evidence. His benign reign is placed at the end of the first century of the Anglo-Saxon conversion, but his education benefited the kingdom of Northumbria through generations of Gaelic scholarship, as exemplified by peregrini such as Columba and Columbanus, and sapientes like Laidcenn mac Baíth, Cummíne of Clonfert, Ailerán of Clonard, Cenn Fáelad mac Ailello, and Banbán of Kildare. Aldfrith's rule ushered in a period of cultural florescence in Northumbria that saw the first hagiography and earliest illuminated manuscripts produced in Anglo-Saxon England and that culminated in the extensive library authored by Bede (d. 735).
诺森布里亚国王奥尔德弗里思(685-704)的卓越学识在盎格鲁-撒克逊和盖尔语的同时代资料中都得到了诸如威尔茅斯-贾罗的比德、马姆斯伯里的阿尔德海姆、爱奥那的Adomnán、里本的斯蒂芬和约克的阿尔昆等著名学者的认可。奥尔德赫尔姆和Adomnán都认识他本人，这两位学者撰写的文本并提交给奥尔德弗里思，有助于描绘他的教育背景的广度。他在盖尔人中间受教育，盖尔人的记录把他描述为智人。通过研究其他七世纪盖尔智者的文本，以及奥尔德海姆和比德对盖尔人的智力生活和教育机会的评论，我们可以扩大我们对盖尔人教育范围的研究范围。七世纪学校教育的本质是四处游荡，奥尔德弗里思的双重遗产需要广泛寻找地点。许多学者认为爱奥纳可能是他学习背景的来源，但本文将论证，在英国和爱尔兰其他可能的地点中，北爱尔兰的班戈最能得到现存证据的支持。他的温和统治是在盎格鲁-撒克逊人皈依的一世纪末，但他的教育通过几代盖尔学术为诺森布里亚王国带来了好处，例如像哥伦布和科伦巴努斯这样的peregrini，以及像Laidcenn mac Baíth, Cummíne of Clonfert, Ailerán of Clonard, Cenn Fáelad mac Ailello和Banbán of Kildare这样的智者。奥尔德弗里思的统治为诺森布里亚带来了一段文化繁荣期，在盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰出现了第一部圣徒传记和最早的彩绘手稿，并在比德(公元735年)创建的庞大图书馆中达到高潮。
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This paper examines some hitherto unconsidered marginal notes in the calendar of the Liber Floridus (year 1121) and establishes their link with the popular medieval text on the twelve fasting Fridays. The calendrical form of representation makes this information appear side by side with a list of events supposed to have happened on 25 March — a possible starting point for the development of a longer textual version contaminating the list of the twelve Fridays and the list of Friday events.
{"title":"A Note on the Calendar of the Liber Floridus","authors":"S. Ivanov","doi":"10.1353/TRD.2015.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/TRD.2015.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines some hitherto unconsidered marginal notes in the calendar of the Liber Floridus (year 1121) and establishes their link with the popular medieval text on the twelve fasting Fridays. The calendrical form of representation makes this information appear side by side with a list of events supposed to have happened on 25 March — a possible starting point for the development of a longer textual version contaminating the list of the twelve Fridays and the list of Friday events.","PeriodicalId":44907,"journal":{"name":"TRADITIO-STUDIES IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND RELIGION","volume":"70 1","pages":"145 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/TRD.2015.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66439186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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