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Memory Laws as a Misuse of Legislation 记忆法是立法的误用
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000200
Eran Fish
Memory laws are often accused of enforcing an inaccurate, manipulative or populist view of history. Some are also said to violate fundamental rights, in particular the right to free speech. These accusations are not entirely unjustified. Yet, a discussion of memory legislation that concentrates on these faults might be missing its mark. The main problem with memory legislation is not necessarily with the merits of any particular law. Rather, the determination of historical facts is not the kind of matter that should be entrusted to the legislator in the first place. The role of legislation is to make social cooperation possible despite substantial disagreement, but only when such social cooperation is indeed required. Disputes about historical facts, I argue, are not a coordination problem that requires a legislative solution. Still less can they justify legal coercion.
记忆法经常被指责强制执行不准确、操纵或民粹主义的历史观。据说有些人还侵犯了基本权利,特别是言论自由权。这些指控并非完全没有道理。然而,专注于这些错误的记忆立法讨论可能会失去意义。记忆立法的主要问题不一定与任何特定法律的优点有关。相反,确定历史事实并不是一开始就应该交给立法者的事情。立法的作用是使社会合作成为可能,尽管存在重大分歧,但只有在确实需要这种社会合作的情况下。我认为,关于历史事实的争议不是一个需要立法解决的协调问题。他们更不能为法律强制辩护。
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引用次数: 0
Transformation – Overcoming the Limits of Liberal Peace and Transitional Justice in Deeply Divided Societies: Reconciliation in Liberal Peace Theory 转型——在深度分裂的社会中克服自由主义和平与过渡正义的局限:自由主义和平理论中的和解
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000169
Or Avi-Guy
This article explores the tension between the theoretical conceptualisations of liberal peace, transitional justice and reconciliation by focusing on power sharing as a liberal peace institution-building mechanism. Power sharing is based on the premise that identities in conflict in deeply divided societies are difficult, if not impossible, to change. The article outlines the limitations of liberal peace by demonstrating how the implementation of power-sharing arrangements creates a political reality in which conflict patterns are further entrenched, thus hindering the prospects of conflict transformation. In order to address the limitations of liberal peace, the article draws on models of transformative justice to highlight the growing need for a new conceptualisation of reconciliation as a political and transformative concept, in which both justice and reconciliation are recognised as intrinsic goals for post-conflict societies. Thus, the re-establishment of political structures and institutional reforms is envisaged not only as a tool to promote political stability, but as a means of facilitating transformation in conflict patterns in the political and social spheres.
本文通过关注作为自由和平制度建设机制的权力分享,探讨了自由和平、过渡时期正义与和解的理论概念之间的紧张关系。权力分享的前提是,在严重分裂的社会中,冲突中的身份即使不是不可能,也很难改变。文章概述了自由和平的局限性,展示了权力分享安排的实施如何造成冲突模式进一步根深蒂固的政治现实,从而阻碍了冲突转变的前景。为了解决自由和平的局限性,文章借鉴了变革性正义的模式,强调日益需要将和解作为一个政治和变革性概念,在这一概念中,正义和和解都被视为冲突后社会的内在目标。因此,重建政治结构和体制改革不仅被视为促进政治稳定的工具,而且也是促进政治和社会领域冲突模式转变的手段。
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引用次数: 0
Israeli Pre-Transitional Justice and the Nakba Law 以色列过渡时期前司法和纳克巴法
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000157
Yoav Kapshuk, Lisa Strömbom
Pre-transitional justice activities that expose past injustices during entrenched conflicts can incite strong reactions among actors who feel threatened by or dislike such activities, and who thus attempt to silence controversial truths. This article illuminates how attempts to silence controversial truths, in parallel with shutting down debate, can also have the unintended outcome of enlarging public discourse on previously marginalised issues. Thus, paradoxically, efforts to curb freedom of expression sometimes result instead in an expanded public capacity to debate previously silenced truths about the conflict. We conduct a case study of reactions to pre-transitional justice in Israeli society focusing on the so-called Nakba Law, enacted in 2011. Through interviews with members of the non-governmental organisation Zochrot, politicians, teachers and media persons, we first show the relationship between pre-transitional justice and enacting the Nakba Law. We then demonstrate that while the Nakba Law indeed aimed to hamper freedom of expression, it also enabled increased public knowledge about the meaning of Nakba. Our theoretical proposition regarding this paradox, in this case activated by instigating new memory laws, is highly relevant to other conflicts-in-resolution that experience pre-transitional justice processes.
在根深蒂固的冲突中揭露过去不公正现象的过渡前司法活动,可能会在感到受到威胁或不喜欢这种活动的行为者中引起强烈反应,从而试图压制有争议的真相。这篇文章阐明了在关闭辩论的同时,试图压制有争议的真相,也会产生扩大公众对先前被边缘化问题的讨论的意外结果。因此,矛盾的是,遏制言论自由的努力有时反而会扩大公众辩论先前沉默的冲突真相的能力。我们对以色列社会对过渡前司法的反应进行了个案研究,重点是2011年颁布的所谓《Nakba法》。通过对非政府组织Zochrot成员、政治家、教师和媒体人士的采访,我们首先展示了过渡前司法与颁布Nakba法之间的关系。然后,我们证明,虽然《纳克巴法》确实旨在阻碍言论自由,但它也使公众更多地了解纳克巴的含义。我们关于这一悖论的理论主张,在本案中是通过煽动新的记忆法而激活的,与过渡前司法程序中的其他解决冲突高度相关。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000194
M. Shaw, Y. Shany, Y. Ronen
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引用次数: 0
International Refugee Regime: An Alternative Form of Protection for Human Rights Defenders? 国际难民制度:人权捍卫者的另一种保护形式?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000066
Aikaterini Koula
Human rights defenders (HRDs) are subjected to serious human rights violations through legal and extralegal actions. Notably, most of the abuses against them remain unpunished, perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence against them. There is room for doubt that international human rights law has failed to provide efficient protection for HRDs, and this article considers the international refugee regime as an alternative system of protection. In this sense the article first discusses the intersection between the terms ‘refugee’ and ‘human rights defender’ to establish that defenders fall within the protection of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Following an inductive reasoning, the article considers the most well-trodden defects of the refugee regime and the reluctance of HRDs to adopt refugee status; it concludes that this alternative may not be suitable for defenders. Besides a doctrinal approach, the article employs a socio-legal approach, which is enhanced by interviews with HRDs.
人权维护者受到法律和法外行动的严重侵犯。值得注意的是,对他们的大多数虐待行为仍然没有受到惩罚,使针对他们的暴力恶性循环长期存在。国际人权法未能为人权捍卫者提供有效的保护,这一点值得怀疑,本文认为国际难民制度是一种替代性的保护制度。从这个意义上讲,本文首先讨论了“难民”和“人权维护者”这两个术语之间的交叉点,以确定维护者属于1951年《难民公约》的保护范围。根据归纳推理,文章考虑了难民制度中最常见的缺陷,以及人权捍卫者不愿接受难民身份;它的结论是,这种选择可能不适合后卫。除了理论方法外,文章还采用了社会法律方法,并通过对人力资源开发人员的采访得到了加强。
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引用次数: 0
Sri Lanka, Human Rights and the United Nations: A Scrutiny into the International Human Rights Engagement with a Third World State Thamil Venthan Ananthavinayagan Springer, 2019, xix + 266 pp, hb £99.99, ebk £79.50, ISBN 9789811373497 hb, 9789811373503 ebk 斯里兰卡,人权与联合国:对与第三世界国家的国际人权接触的审查Thamil Venthan Ananthavinayagan Springer,2019,xix+266 pp,hb£99.99,ebk£79.50,ISBN 9789811373497 hb,9789811373503 ebk
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223721000145
P. Amarasinghe, Eshan Jayawardena
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引用次数: 0
ISR volume 54 issue 2 Cover and Back matter ISR第54卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223721000108
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引用次数: 0
The Nation State Law and the Arabic Language in Israel: Downgrading, Replicating or Upgrading? 民族国家法与以色列的阿拉伯语:降级、复制还是升级?
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021223721000078
M. Wattad
Article 4 of the Nation State Law (NSL), entitled ‘Languages’, stipulates that Hebrew is the language of the state (Article 4(a)); the Arabic language has a special status in the state and regulating the use of Arabic in or by state institutions will be set in law (Article 4(b)); and this clause does not harm the status given to the Arabic language before the law came into effect (Article 4(c), the ‘validity of laws’ clause). The question is whether, how, and to what extent these provisions hinder the present legal status of the Arabic language in Israel. The legal status of Arabic had never been determined decisively before enactment of the NSL. The High Court of Israel has always been divided on this matter, particularly between judges who perceived Arabic as an official language and judges who deemed it solely as having been granted its acknowledged ‘special legal status’. Furthermore, the judges who perceived Arabic as an official language of the state were also in dispute among themselves as to the meaning, the scope and the consequences of such recognition. Considering these circumstances, my view is that the NSL perpetuates the legal status of Arabic as prescribed in the laws and case law that already existed, and that the validity of laws clause, coupled with the special status granted to Arabic in a basic law, suggests that the door is still open for the Court to further endorse the legal status of Arabic in Israel.
《民族国家法》第4条题为“语言”,规定希伯来语为国家语言(第4条第(a)款);阿拉伯语在国家中具有特殊地位,法律将规定在国家机构内或由国家机构使用阿拉伯语(第4(b)条);该条款不损害法律生效前赋予阿拉伯语的地位(第4(c)条,“法律效力”条款)。问题是,这些条款是否、如何以及在多大程度上阻碍了阿拉伯语在以色列目前的法律地位。在颁布《国家安全法》之前,阿拉伯语的法律地位从未得到决定性的确定。以色列高等法院在这一问题上一直存在分歧,特别是在将阿拉伯语视为官方语言的法官和仅将其视为已被授予公认“特殊法律地位”的法官之间。此外,将阿拉伯语视为国家官方语言的法官们对这种承认的含义、范围和后果也存在争议。考虑到这些情况,我的观点是,NSL使已经存在的法律和判例法规定的阿拉伯语的法律地位永久化,法律的有效性条款,加上《基本法》赋予阿拉伯语的特殊地位,表明法院进一步认可阿拉伯语在以色列的法律地位的大门仍然敞开。
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引用次数: 1
ISR volume 54 issue 2 Cover and Front matter ISR第54卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s002122372100011x
Gabrielle Agus, Tali Brecher, MS Diab, E. Finkelman, Tamar Hacohen, Eitan Hagege, Omer Lubin, Y. Nadler, O. Nir, Nir Propper, N. Rubin, Shai Shalgi, Rachelle Taragin
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引用次数: 0
Doctors Playing Gods? The Legal Challenges in Regulating the Experimental Stage of Cybernetic Human Enhancement – Erratum 医生扮演上帝?规范控制论人类增强实验阶段的法律挑战——勘误表
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021223721000091
Thibault Moulin
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引用次数: 0
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ISRAEL LAW REVIEW
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