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Harry Harootunian , The Unspoken Heritage: The Armenian Genocide and Its Unaccounted Lives. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2019, xii + 179 pages. Harry Harootunian,《不为人知的遗产:亚美尼亚种族灭绝及其无人计数的生活》。达勒姆和伦敦:杜克大学出版社,2019,xii+179页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-13 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.8
R. Suny
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引用次数: 0
From “notable Syrians” to “ordinary Anatolians”: the politics of “normalization” and the experience of exile during World War I 从“著名的叙利亚人”到“普通的安纳托利亚人”:“正常化”的政治和第一次世界大战期间的流亡经历
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-12 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.10
M. T. Çi̇çek
Abstract This article examines an important attempt at the political engineering undertaken in Syria during the Great War. It focuses on the experience of the Arabs exiled to Anatolia by Cemal Pasha to redesign Syrian society in line with the Committee of Union and Progress’ idea of empire, which imagined an authoritarian regime. The members of the Arabist parties were removed from Syria to eliminate their contemporaneous and future resistance to the emerging despotic regime. The article sets out to analyze what the exiles experienced in Anatolia using their memoirs in Arabic and the Ottoman documents describing their conditions in Anatolia, and to what extent the aims could be realized. It argues that the purpose was to put a politics of “normalization” into practice by depoliticizing the Arab notable families through “relocation” to Anatolia, although the resistance of the exiles and varying attitudes in Ottoman bureaucracy significantly differentiated outcomes. It also uncovers many untold stories with regard to the daily life of the exiles and adds much to our knowledge on the experience of Arab exiles in Anatolia. It is the first serious examination of the experiences of the Arab exiles using their own texts and narrative.
本文考察了第一次世界大战期间在叙利亚进行的政治工程的一次重要尝试。它着重于被Cemal Pasha流放到安纳托利亚的阿拉伯人的经验,按照统一与进步委员会的帝国思想重新设计叙利亚社会,该委员会设想了一个专制政权。阿拉伯政党的成员被赶出叙利亚,以消除他们当时和将来对正在出现的专制政权的抵抗。本文利用流亡者在安纳托利亚的阿拉伯语回忆录和描述他们在安纳托利亚情况的奥斯曼文献,着手分析他们在安纳托利亚的经历,以及在多大程度上可以实现目标。它认为,其目的是通过“搬迁”到安纳托利亚,使阿拉伯显要家族非政治化,从而将政治“正常化”付诸实践,尽管流亡者的抵制和奥斯曼官僚机构的不同态度显著地分化了结果。它还揭示了许多关于流亡者日常生活的不为人知的故事,并增加了我们对安纳托利亚阿拉伯流亡者经历的了解。这是第一次用阿拉伯流亡者自己的文本和叙述来认真考察他们的经历。
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引用次数: 1
Sexuality politics on the football field: queering the field in Turkey 足球场上的性政治:土耳其的球场
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.12
Deniz Aktan
Abstract Focusing on queer-identified amateur football teams, this article investigates the potentials of the mobilities and alliances of gender non-conforming footballing people to disrupt the seemingly effortless structure of the football field. While football is arguably one of the sports with the strongest discriminatory attitudes toward gender non-conforming people, it has also become a site of resistance for queers in Turkey as of 2015. How political opposition groups relate to the football field, which is mostly considered as a male-dominant and heterosexualized space where social norms are reproduced, are classified into three groups in my research: resistance through, against, and for football. I give particular attention to the category “resistance for football” as a distinctive way for gender non-conforming people to inhabit the field. I discuss how the link between sexual and spatial orientations shapes the domain of what a body can do, both in terms of normativity and capacity, and I explore what these teams offer in order to exceed spatial and sexual boundaries. Lastly, I present recent queer interventions in the value system of the game through which I reflect upon the concept of “queer commons” and the processes of bonding, belonging, and border-making in queer communities.
摘要本文以同性恋身份的业余足球队为中心,调查了性别不合的足球运动员的流动性和联盟破坏足球场看似毫不费力的结构的潜力。虽然足球可以说是对性别不合者歧视态度最强烈的运动之一,但截至2015年,它也成为土耳其同性恋者的抵制场所。在我的研究中,政治反对派团体与足球场的关系被分为三类:通过足球的抵抗、反对足球和支持足球。我特别关注“抵制足球”这一类别,认为这是性别不合者在球场上的一种独特方式。我讨论了性取向和空间取向之间的联系如何在规范性和能力方面塑造身体所能做的领域,并探索了这些团队为超越空间和性界限所提供的东西。最后,我介绍了最近酷儿对游戏价值体系的干预,通过这些干预,我反思了“酷儿公地”的概念以及酷儿社区中的联系、归属和边界形成过程。
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引用次数: 6
M. Hakan Yavuz. Nostalgia for the Empire: Politics of Neo-Ottomanism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. xviii + 318 pp. 哈坎·亚武兹先生。对帝国的怀旧:新奥斯曼主义的政治。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2020年。xvii+318页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.2
Einar Wigen
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引用次数: 0
Pelin Başcı, Social Trauma and Telecinematic Memory: Imagining the Turkish Nation since the 1980 Coup. Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, xiii + 340 pages. Pelin Başcı,《社会创伤和电视电影记忆:1980年政变以来的土耳其民族想象》。Palgrave Macmillan,2017,xiii+340页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-29 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.11
U. C. Ünlü
interactions, if we are to follow Sennett’s conceptualization – among inhabitants. While the book delicately illustrates the ways in which anxieties have been processed through varying visual strategies predicated on and revolving around loss and nostalgia, it is not equally clear how these strategies have reinforced the possibilities that might be born out of such encounters. Istanbul, Open City presents a powerful and inspiring account of urban modernity in Istanbul – a city, with its multilayered histories, which is charming at first glance, yet equally challenging for its observers. Combining meticulous visual analysis with a comprehensive historical outlook, it skillfully explores deep-seated conflicts and tensions that plague the city’s present. As such, it is a stimulating work that deserves to be read not only by scholars of urban studies, but also by anyone who seeks to understand the perplexing reality of contemporary Turkey.
互动,如果我们要遵循Sennett的概念化——在居民之间。虽然这本书巧妙地说明了焦虑是如何通过各种基于失落和怀旧的视觉策略来处理的,但这些策略是如何强化这种遭遇可能产生的可能性的,目前还不清楚。《开放城市伊斯坦布尔》对伊斯坦布尔的城市现代性进行了有力而鼓舞人心的描述——这座城市有着多层次的历史,乍一看很迷人,但对观察者来说同样具有挑战性。它将细致的视觉分析与全面的历史观相结合,巧妙地探索了困扰这座城市现状的深层次冲突和紧张关系。因此,这是一部激动人心的作品,不仅值得城市研究学者阅读,也值得任何试图理解当代土耳其令人困惑的现实的人阅读。
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引用次数: 0
Burnt by the sun: disaggregating temperature’s current and future impact on mortality in the Turkish context 被太阳灼伤:在土耳其背景下分解温度对死亡率的当前和未来影响
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-26 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.6
I. Özen
Our study plans to quantify the effect of higher temperatures on different critical Turkish health outcomes mainly to chart future developments and to identify locations in Turkey that may be potential vulnerable hotspots. The general structure of the temperature mortality function was estimated with different fixed-level effects, with a specific focus on the mortality effect of maximum apparent temperature. Regional models were fitted to pinpoint the thresholds where the temperature–mortality relation changes, thus investigating whether the thresholds are determined nationally or regionally. The future patterns were estimated by extrapolating from future temperature trends: analyzing possible future mortality trends under the restricting assumption of minimal acclimation. Using the fixed effect regression structure, social and developmental variables acting as heat effect modifiers were also identified. In the largest dataset, the initial fixed effect regression specification supports the hypothesis summarized by the U-shaped relationship between temperature and mortality. This is a first corroboration for Turkish climate and health research. In addition, intermediation effects were substantiated for the level of urbanization and population density, and the human development and health development within provinces. Regional heterogeneity is substantiated by the mortality–temperature relationship and the significant threshold deviations from the national average.
我们的研究计划量化高温对土耳其不同关键健康结果的影响,主要是为了绘制未来的发展图,并确定土耳其可能成为潜在脆弱热点的地区。在不同的固定水平效应下估计了温度-死亡率函数的总体结构,特别关注最高表观温度的死亡率效应。区域模型被拟合以精确定位温度-死亡率关系变化的阈值,从而调查阈值是在全国还是在区域内确定的。通过从未来的温度趋势推断出未来的模式:在最小适应条件的限制假设下分析未来可能的死亡率趋势。使用固定效应回归结构,还确定了充当热效应调节剂的社会和发展变量。在最大的数据集中,初始固定效应回归规范支持由温度和死亡率之间的U型关系总结的假设。这是土耳其气候和健康研究的第一个佐证。此外,城市化水平和人口密度以及各省内的人类发展和健康发展的中介效应也得到了证实。死亡率-温度关系和与全国平均水平的显著阈值偏差证明了区域异质性。
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引用次数: 0
İpek Türeli, Istanbul, Open City: Exhibiting Anxieties of Urban Modernity. London and New York: Routledge, 2018, xiii + 169 pages 伊斯坦布尔,《开放城市:展现城市现代性的焦虑》。伦敦和纽约:Routledge,2018,xiii+169页
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.7
Fırat Genç
İpek Türeli’s Istanbul, Open City is a well-timed addition to the recent body of work produced on urban space and life in Turkey. Placing visual cultural analysis in dialogue with urban history and breaking with conventional modes of periodization, the book provides a fresh look at Istanbul, a city which understandably looms large within the field of urban studies. It approaches head-on the ways in which the dramatic changes in Istanbul’s physical and social space since the 1950s have been represented visually in various media such as photography, cinema films, public exhibitions, panorama museums, and theme parks, so as to “peel back the layers of cultural anxiety that shape the way the city is experienced today” (p. 5). As such, the book, which is based on a doctoral dissertation completed at the University of California Berkeley’s Department of Architecture, not only enriches our understanding of Istanbul’s recent history, but also provides insights into the conceptualization of the intricate relations between past and present through examining anxieties inherent in the experience of urban modernity. The book suggests that Istanbul’s imaginative geographies have been forged through “a pervasive feeling of loss” which in turn enhances a nostalgic gesture, particularly among the urban middle classes. In the face of the influx of ruralto-urban migrants in the post-war era and the swift urban development that has expanded the city’s physical boundaries in an unprecedented way, middleclass urbanites have articulated and mediated their anxieties concerning class relations, cultural practices, and identities through the trope of nostalgia that insistently refers to a vanished sense of totality and certainty. In this regard, nostalgia serves as the primary affect that permeates the visual cultural production on Istanbul, as “the future of the city is increasingly imagined based on improvisations of its past” (p. 4). Such interplay between past and present is not peculiar to a specific period, social group, or political actor, but has become an immanent dimension of discursive practices through which the city is seen and signified. Underlying this overall argument is a particular approach that takes into consideration the “productivity” of visual representations. Conceptualizing them as constitutive of reality, rather than merely reflective of it, the book perceptively illustrates the ways in which visual representations shape predominant perspectives on the built environment and thus form urban imaginaries through which individuals collectively experience the city. Along these lines, the book unpacks how the socially shocking and politically explosive ambiguities born out of rapid modernization, changing 205
İpek treli的《伊斯坦布尔,开放的城市》是最近土耳其城市空间和生活作品的适时补充。这本书将视觉文化分析与城市历史对话,打破了传统的分期模式,为伊斯坦布尔提供了一个全新的视角,这个城市在城市研究领域中理所当然地显得很重要。它正面探讨了自20世纪50年代以来伊斯坦布尔物理和社会空间的巨大变化,这些变化通过摄影、电影、公共展览、全景博物馆和主题公园等各种媒体在视觉上表现出来,从而“剥离塑造今天城市体验方式的文化焦虑层”(第5页)。这是基于在加州大学伯克利分校建筑系完成的博士论文,不仅丰富了我们对伊斯坦布尔近代史的理解,而且通过研究城市现代性经验中固有的焦虑,为过去和现在之间复杂关系的概念化提供了见解。这本书表明,伊斯坦布尔富有想象力的地理位置是通过“一种普遍的失落感”形成的,这种失落感反过来又增强了一种怀旧的姿态,尤其是在城市中产阶级中。面对战后涌入的城乡移民,以及以前所未有的方式扩大城市物理边界的快速城市发展,中产阶级城市居民通过怀旧的修辞表达和调解他们对阶级关系、文化习俗和身份的焦虑,这种怀旧一直指的是一种消失的整体性和确定性。在这方面,怀旧是渗透在伊斯坦布尔视觉文化生产中的主要影响,因为“城市的未来越来越多地基于其过去的即兴创作而想象”(第4页)。过去和现在之间的这种相互作用不是特定时期,社会群体或政治行动者所特有的,而是已经成为话语实践的内在维度,通过它,城市被看到和象征。这一整体论点的基础是一种考虑到视觉表现的“生产力”的特殊方法。将它们概念化为现实的组成部分,而不仅仅是对现实的反映,这本书敏锐地说明了视觉表现如何塑造对建筑环境的主要观点,从而形成城市想象,个人通过这种想象共同体验城市。沿着这些思路,这本书揭示了快速现代化如何产生社会震惊和政治上爆炸性的模糊性,改变了205
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引用次数: 0
Hanna L. Muehlenhoff, EU Democracy Promotion and Governmentality: Turkey and Beyond. New York: Routledge, 2019. xii + 173 pp. Hanna L.Muehlenhoff,《欧盟民主促进与治理:土耳其及其他国家》。纽约:劳特利奇,2019。xii+173页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.3
Pelin Sönmez
The European Union (EU) has always been dominated by liberal policies, however the rise of neoliberal tendencies in European states has been reflected in EU governance as well. The Open Method of Coordination introduced by the Lisbon Treaty is cited as a good example to show neoliberal governmentality in the EU by incorporating many actors such as civil society and private actors into decision-making processes. For Walters and Haahr, such actors should be active participants, because “now everyone is supposed to strive for self-improvement to achieve a utopian goal of becoming a knowledge based economy”1 (p. 21). Neoliberal governmentality of the EU also reveals itself with project funding for civil society organisations (CSOs), thereby empowering them to become managerially oriented, visible and self-sufficient institutions. As various commentators, ranging from Michel Foucault to Milja Kurki to Jens H. Haahr, have suggested, neoliberal governmentality instruments transform civil society organizations to perform like corporations and render them less grassroots. Kurki describes, in particular, a special relationship between neoliberal governmentality and depoliticization over a direct EU instrument called the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR). She states that EIDHR creates a depoliticizing influence for CSOs’ work and political positions.2 Hanna L. Muehlenhoff’s book, EU Democracy Promotion and Governmentality: Turkey and Beyond, covers similar territory and raises the question whether the EU’s CSO funding created such a depoliticizing effect by showing “actual influences” on the CSOs in Turkey. In her words, this book “analyzes whether and how the EU’s civil society programs depoliticise civil society in Turkey by integrating an analysis of the EU’s policies and the domestic context of CSO’s” (p. 10). Four key structural issues are significant for shaping Muehlenhoff’s analysis of the Turkish case. First, Turkey’s lengthy candidacy process; second, the concept of Europeanization which occupies a significant place in Turkey’s domestic politics as well as rationalities of domestic political actors; third, a skeptical attitude toward CSOs under Turkey’s authoritarian tendencies; and last, the Gezi protests in 2013, breeding a different form of civil society that demands more rights and democratic change. Muehlenhoff limits her
欧盟一直由自由主义政策主导,但欧洲国家新自由主义倾向的兴起也反映在欧盟治理中。《里斯本条约》引入的开放协调方法是一个很好的例子,通过将民间社会和私人行为者等许多行为者纳入决策过程,展示了欧盟的新自由主义治理心态。对于Walters和Haahr来说,这些参与者应该是积极的参与者,因为“现在每个人都应该努力自我完善,以实现成为知识经济的乌托邦目标”1(第21页)。欧盟的新自由主义治理也体现在为民间社会组织提供项目资金,从而使它们能够成为以管理为导向、引人注目和自给自足的机构。正如从米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)到米尔贾·库尔基(Milja Kurki)再到延斯·H·哈尔(Jens H.Haahr)等众多评论家所建议的那样,新自由主义治理工具将民间社会组织转变为像公司一样的组织,使其不那么草根。库尔基特别描述了新自由主义治理与非政治化之间的特殊关系,这与一项名为《欧洲民主与人权文书》的欧盟直接文书有关。她指出,EIDHR对民间社会组织的工作和政治立场产生了非政治化的影响。2 Hanna L.Muehlenhoff的著作《欧盟民主促进和治理:土耳其及其后》涵盖了类似的领域,并提出了一个问题,即欧盟的民间社会组织资金是否通过对土耳其民间社会组织表现出“实际影响”而产生了这种非政治化效应。用她的话说,这本书“通过整合对欧盟政策和民间社会组织国内背景的分析,分析了欧盟民间社会计划是否以及如何使土耳其民间社会非政治化”(第10页)。四个关键的结构问题对穆伦霍夫对土耳其案件的分析具有重要意义。首先,土耳其漫长的候选程序;第二,在土耳其国内政治中占有重要地位的欧洲化概念以及国内政治行为者的理性;第三,在土耳其的独裁倾向下,对民间社会组织持怀疑态度;最后是2013年的格兹抗议活动,滋生了一种不同形式的公民社会,要求更多的权利和民主变革。Muehlenhoff限制了她
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引用次数: 0
Turkey’s Queer Times 土耳其的酷儿时代
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.4
Cenk Özbay, Kerem Öktem
Today Turkey is one of the few Muslim-majority countries in which same-sex sexual acts, counternormative sexual identities, and expressions of gender nonconformism are not illegal, yet are heavily constrained and controlled by state institutions, police forces, and public prosecutors. For more than a decade Turkey has been experiencing a “queer turn”—an unprecedented push in the visibility and empowerment of queerness, the proliferation of sexual rights organizations and forms of sociabilities, and the dissemination of elements of queer culture—that has engendered both scholarly and public attention for sexual dissidents and gender non-conforming individuals and their lifeworlds, while it has also created new spaces and venues for their self-organization and mobilization. At the point of knowledge production and writing, this visibility and the possible avenues of empowerment that it might provide have been in jeopardy: not only do they appear far from challenging the dominant norms of the body, gender, and sexuality, but queerness, in all its dimensions, has become a preferred target for Islamist politics, conservative revanchism, and populist politicians.
今天,土耳其是少数几个以穆斯林为主的国家之一,在这些国家中,同性性行为、反规范的性身份和不符合性别的表达并不违法,但却受到国家机构、警察部队和检察官的严格约束和控制。十多年来,土耳其经历了一场“酷儿转向”——在酷儿的知名度和赋权方面前所未有的推动,性权利组织和社交形式的激增,以及酷儿文化元素的传播——这引起了学术界和公众对性异见者和性别不一致的个人及其生活世界的关注,同时也为他们的自我组织和动员创造了新的空间和场所。从知识生产和写作的角度来看,这种可见性和它可能提供的赋权途径已经处于危险之中:它们不仅远远没有挑战身体、性别和性行为的主导规范,而且酷儿在所有方面都已成为伊斯兰政治、保守复仇主义和民粹主义政治家的首选目标。
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引用次数: 9
Turkey’s queer times: epistemic challenges 土耳其的酷儿时代:认识上的挑战
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.5
Evren Savcı
Abstract This article suggests that Turkey’s queer times are co-constitutive with Jasbir Puar’s queer times of homonationalism. If the queer times of homonationalism correspond to a folding of some queers into life and respectability at the cost of rising Islamophobia in the “West,” Turkey’s queer times witnessed the increasing marginalization and “queering” of variously respectable subjects in the name of Islam and strong LGBT organizing against such marginalization. It discusses the epistemic challenges of studying Turkey’s queer times that stem from a theoretical suspicion that “queer” operates as a tool of colonial modernity when it spreads to the “non-West,” a suspicion that is due both to a perception of Islam as a target and victim of Western neocolonialism and to an ahistorical and rigidly discursive understanding of language. In turn, scholarship on Turkey’s queer times has the potential to truly transnationalize queer studies, both getting us out of the binaries of global–local, colonial–authentic, and West–East and reminding scholars that hegemonies are scattered.
摘要本文认为,土耳其的酷儿时代与贾斯比尔?普阿的同性恋时代是同一性的。如果说同音异义的酷儿时代对应于以“西方”日益高涨的伊斯兰恐惧症为代价,将一些酷儿融入生活和受人尊敬,那么土耳其的酷儿时期见证了各种受人尊敬的主体以伊斯兰教的名义日益边缘化和“酷儿化”,以及强烈的LGBT组织反对这种边缘化。它讨论了研究土耳其酷儿时代的认识挑战,这些挑战源于一种理论怀疑,即“酷儿”在传播到“非西方”时是殖民现代性的工具,这种怀疑既源于将伊斯兰教视为西方新殖民主义的目标和受害者,也源于对语言的非历史性和严格的话语理解。反过来,关于土耳其酷儿时代的学术有可能真正将酷儿研究跨国化,既能让我们走出全球-地方、殖民地-真实和东西方的二元对立,又能提醒学者霸权是分散的。
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引用次数: 3
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New Perspectives on Turkey
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