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Avi Rubin, Ottoman Rule of Law and the Modern Political Trial: The Yıldız Case. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2018, xviii + 226 pages. 阿维·鲁宾,《奥斯曼法治与现代政治审判:Yıldız案》。纽约州雪城:雪城大学出版社,2018,xvii+226页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.22
Burak Onaran
which scholars and politicians Yavuz is referring to. Moreover, the fact that the term does not have an established Turkish translation equivalent calls for elaboration. I also find it difficult to believe that Ziya Gökalp was “one of Atatürk’s right-hand men” (p. 41). The Turkish War of Independence lasted until 1922 and Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk from 1934) was primarily a military leader up until then. Gökalp died in 1924, before the socially transformative reforms of the Turkish Republic were initiated. His writings may have been influential, but Gökalp was hardly Atatürk’s right-hand man. More egregious than the varying quality of factual claims is the overall framing of the work. The post-Kemalist take that was refreshing in the early 2000s appears stale when used in 2020. Perhaps it is because the party that its political version fostered has grown authoritarian, but more pertinently the scholarly version has run out of analytical purchase. If I were to be unkind, Nostalgia for Empire is a scholarly counterpart to those books and think pieces where American journalists go to “fly-over country” to interview Trump supporters in diners, essentializing “the real America” and buying/reproducing a particular narrative of where that America is (in Kansas) and what it wants (“make America great again”). The difficulty is that the resulting analysis is not only analytically problematic, but at the same time it is the legitimizing discourse of a particularly nasty political current. This review could have been the equivalent of a music fan claiming “I liked his early work better.” But the problem runs deeper. Like the “Trump voter in diner” genre, Nostalgia for Empire turns the sources’ political narrative into its own scholarly analysis. Despite extensive criticism of Erdoğan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, the book reads as an apologia for imperial nostalgia and for the post-Kemalist political project as much as an analysis of it.
Yavuz所指的是学者和政治家。此外,该术语没有一个既定的土耳其语翻译,这一事实需要详细说明。我也很难相信Ziya Gökalp是“atat的得力助手之一”(第41页)。土耳其独立战争一直持续到1922年,在此之前,穆斯塔法·凯末尔主要是一名军事领袖。Gökalp死于1924年,当时土耳其共和国的社会变革尚未开始。他的作品可能有影响力,但Gökalp并不是atat rk的得力助手。比事实主张的质量参差不齐更令人震惊的是这项工作的整体框架。在21世纪初令人耳目一新的后凯末尔主义观点,在2020年使用起来就显得陈腐了。也许是因为它的政治版本培育的政党已经变得专制,但更确切地说,学术版本已经失去了分析的价值。如果要我说句刻薄的话,《怀旧帝国》是一本与这些书相对应的学术书籍,它认为美国记者去“飞越国家”采访特朗普的支持者,将“真正的美国”本质化,并购买/复制一种特定的叙事,即美国在哪里(在堪萨斯州),它想要什么(“让美国再次伟大”)。困难在于,由此产生的分析不仅在分析上存在问题,同时,它也是一种特别恶劣的政治潮流的合法化话语。这篇评论就相当于一个乐迷说:“我更喜欢他早期的作品。”但问题更深层次。就像“特朗普在餐厅里的选民”类型一样,《怀旧帝国》将消息来源的政治叙事变成了自己的学术分析。尽管对Erdoğan和艾哈迈德Davutoğlu进行了广泛的批评,但这本书读起来既是对帝国怀旧的辩解,也是对后凯末尔主义政治计划的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Elif M. Babül, Bureaucratic Intimacies: Translating Human Rights in Turkey. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2017, xiv + 230 pages 埃利夫·m·巴布<e:2>,《官僚关系:土耳其的人权翻译》。斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2017,14 + 230页
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.23
Ş. Bahçecik
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引用次数: 0
Neo-Ottomanism and Cool Japan in comparative perspective 新奥斯曼主义与酷日本的比较研究
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.17
Murat Ergin, Chika Shinohara
Abstract Turkey and Japan have comparable histories of modernization beginning in the nineteenth century. They have since then produced modernities that are considered a mix of “Eastern” and “Western.” Over recent decades, both faced the question of what comes after modernity and began manufacturing their versions of authenticities and cultural exports. This paper comparatively locates two symptoms of this process. “Neo-Ottomanism” refers to the increasing cultural consumption of Turkey’s imperial past while “Cool Japan” emphasizes popular products in entertainment, fashion, youth culture, and food, intending to shift Japan’s image to a “cool” place. Both projects, in different ways, are sponsored by the state; yet their reception in popular culture illustrates the vexed relationship between the state and culture: while states endeavor to colonize culture for their own interests, popular culture provides avenues to outwit the state’s attempts. Popular culture’s autonomy in both contexts has to do with the collapse of traditional hierarchies, which has paved the ways for the promotion and export of new identity claims. Local and global representations of neo-Ottomanism and Cool Japan differ. Internally, they are fragmented; externally, they are linked to international “soft power,” and offer alternatives modernities in Turkey and Japan’s regional areas of influence.
土耳其和日本在19世纪开始的现代化进程中有着相似的历史。从那时起,他们产生了被认为是“东方”和“西方”混合的现代性。近几十年来,两者都面临着现代性之后会发生什么的问题,并开始制造各自版本的真实性和文化输出。本文比较定位了这一过程中的两个症状。“新奥斯曼主义”指的是日益增长的土耳其帝国历史文化消费,而“酷日本”则强调娱乐、时尚、青年文化和食品方面的流行产品,意图将日本的形象转变为一个“酷”的地方。这两个项目都由国家以不同的方式赞助;然而,他们在大众文化中的接受说明了国家与文化之间令人烦恼的关系:当国家为了自己的利益而努力殖民文化时,大众文化提供了战胜国家企图的途径。在这两种情况下,流行文化的自主性都与传统等级制度的崩溃有关,这为促进和输出新的身份要求铺平了道路。新奥斯曼主义和酷日本在当地和全球的表现有所不同。在内部,它们是支离破碎的;对外,他们与国际“软实力”联系在一起,并在土耳其和日本的地区影响力范围内提供了另一种现代性。
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引用次数: 0
Darin N. Stephanov. Ruler Visibility and Popular Belonging in the Ottoman Empire, 1808–1908. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2019. vii + 240 pp. Darin N.Stephanov。1808–1908年奥斯曼帝国的统治者能见度和民众归属。爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社,2019。vii+240页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.20
Fatma Öncel
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引用次数: 0
The Ottoman Empire, the United States, and the legal battle over extradition: the “Kelly affair” 奥斯曼帝国、美国与引渡法律之争:“凯利事件”
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-14 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.15
Berna Kamay
Abstract This article examines extradition in nineteenth-century Ottoman diplomacy by exploring an illustrative legal conflict between the Ottoman Empire and the United States. The Kelly affair, which revolved around the murder of an Ottoman subject by an American sailor in Smyrna (Izmir) in 1877, sparked a diplomatic dispute that lasted for several decades. The controversy stemmed from conflicting interpretations of the treaty of commerce signed in 1830. The inability to reach a consensus pushed the parties to resort to the 1874 Extradition Treaty, which was the only official Ottoman extradition agreement. The Kelly affair poignantly illustrates how extradition, an issue of international law that touched on territorial jurisdiction and subjecthood, was a complicated and ill-defined matter when addressed in practice. By investigating the confrontation between the Ottoman Empire and the USA, both putative secondary powers on the international stage at the time, this article challenges the existing historical narratives on interimperial relations that highlight Europe as the locus of power and agency. Even though ad hoc political actions overshadowed the binding force of the treaty text, it demonstrates how both governments adopted a political strategy that moved beyond the intrinsic arguments and logic of the capitulations to embrace a novel legal discourse.
摘要本文通过探讨奥斯曼帝国与美国之间的法律冲突,探讨了19世纪奥斯曼外交中的引渡问题。凯利事件围绕着1877年一名美国水手在士麦那(伊兹密尔)谋杀一名奥斯曼帝国臣民展开,引发了持续数十年的外交争端。争议源于对1830年签署的《商业条约》的相互矛盾的解释。由于无法达成共识,各方不得不诉诸1874年的《引渡条约》,这是奥斯曼帝国唯一的官方引渡协议。凯利事件深刻地表明,引渡是一个涉及领土管辖权和从属关系的国际法问题,在实践中是一个复杂而不明确的问题。通过调查奥斯曼帝国和美国这两个当时国际舞台上公认的次要大国之间的对抗,本文挑战了现有的关于帝国间关系的历史叙事,这些叙事强调欧洲是权力和代理的中心。尽管临时政治行动掩盖了条约文本的约束力,但它表明,两国政府都采取了一种政治策略,超越了投降的内在论点和逻辑,接受了一种新颖的法律话语。
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引用次数: 0
NPT volume 64 Cover and Front matter NPT第64卷封面和封面
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.18
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引用次数: 0
NPT volume 64 Cover and Back matter 《不扩散核武器条约》第64卷封面和背面
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.19
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ Introduction 编辑的介绍
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.16
Biray Kolluoğlu, Deniz Yükseker
Volume 64 of New Perspectives on Turkey is the second issue of this journal produced during the COVID-19 pandemic. While our lives continue to be turned and twisted in various ways, this volume, with its rich and diverse content, is testimony that we are settling down with the “new normal.” This volume brings together four independent articles and a mini dossier consisting of three articles and a lengthy introductory essay. The independent articles cover populism and elections, conflict resolution and women, collective memory and national identity, and finally climate change and public health. The final article is one that contributes to the nascent scholarship in Turkey on the impact of climate change. As editors we are happy to lead the discussion in this field and we will try to pursue it in the future. The mini dossier, guest edited by Cenk Özbay and Kerem Öktem, became increasingly topical as the articles were being processed. At this writing, the increasing visibility and mobilization of the LGBTI community since the turn of the century is confronting a serious backlash. Attacks against women’s demands for equality and attacks against the LGBTI community have been on the rise especially in the past few years. On the first day of 2021, the President of Turkey made a top-down appointment to the rectorship of Boğaziçi University, which triggered protests by its students, to which the government has responded by arresting and demonizing the protestors, especially LGBTI individuals. More recently, on March 20, 2021, the President pulled the country out of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, better known as the İstanbul Convention, through a late-night presidential decree. These acts are the most recent examples, and in a way, just the tip of the iceberg, in the government’s increasing gender conservatism and authoritarianism. Hence, the mini dossier is a very timely attempt to critically reflect on these developments. The first article of this issue is by Osman Şahin on populism and elections, a topic that has global reverberations in countries across the globe from India to the United States, from Russia to Brazil. As social scientists around the world are grappling to understand the ways in which populist regimes generate support, Osman Şahin studies the 2015 general elections in Turkey which were held twice within a period of five months. He argues that by triggering perceptions of ontological insecurity through the Kurdish issue, the ruling populist Justice and Development Party (AKP) managed to increase its 1
《土耳其新观点》第64卷是该杂志在新冠肺炎大流行期间出版的第二期。虽然我们的生活仍在以各种方式被改变和扭曲,但这本书以其丰富多样的内容证明了我们正在“新常态”中“安定下来”。这本书汇集了四篇独立文章和一份由三篇文章和一篇长篇介绍文章组成的小型档案。独立文章涵盖民粹主义与选举、冲突解决与妇女、集体记忆与民族认同,最后是气候变化与公共卫生。最后一篇文章为土耳其关于气候变化影响的新兴学术做出了贡献。作为编辑,我们很乐意领导这一领域的讨论,我们将在未来努力推动这一讨论。这份由CenkÖzbay和KeremÖktem客串编辑的迷你档案,随着文章的处理,变得越来越热门。在撰写本文时,自世纪之交以来,LGBTI社区的知名度和动员度不断提高,正面临着严重的反弹。对妇女平等要求的攻击和对LGBTI群体的攻击一直在增加,尤其是在过去几年。2021年的第一天,土耳其总统自上而下地任命Bo阿齐西大学校长,这引发了该校学生的抗议,对此,政府逮捕并妖魔化了抗议者,尤其是LGBTI个人。最近,2021年3月20日,总统通过一项深夜总统令,将该国从《欧洲委员会防止和打击暴力侵害妇女和家庭暴力公约》(也称为《伊斯坦布尔公约》)中除名。这些行为是最近的例子,在某种程度上,只是政府日益增强的性别保守主义和威权主义的冰山一角。因此,这份小型档案是对这些事态发展进行批判性反思的一次非常及时的尝试。本期的第一篇文章是奥斯曼·沙欣关于民粹主义和选举的文章,这个话题在从印度到美国,从俄罗斯到巴西的全球国家都引起了反响。当世界各地的社会科学家都在努力理解民粹主义政权获得支持的方式时,OsmanŞahin研究了2015年土耳其大选,该大选在五个月内举行了两次。他认为,通过库尔德问题引发本体论不安全感,执政的民粹主义正义与发展党(AKP)成功地提高了其1
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引用次数: 0
Remembering hope: mediated queer futurity and counterpublics in Turkey’s authoritarian times 铭记希望:土耳其威权时代被调解的酷儿未来与反公众
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.14
Yener Bayramoğlu
Abstract This article explores how hope and visions of the future have left their mark on media discourse in Turkey. Looking back at some of the events that took place in the 1980s, a decade that was shaped by the aftermath of the 1980 coup d’état, and considering them alongside what has happened since the ban of Istanbul’s Pride march in 2015, it examines traces of hope in two periods of recent Turkish history characterized by authoritarianism. Drawing on an array of visual and textual material drawn from the tabloid press, magazines, newspapers, and digital platforms, it inquires into how queer hope manages to infiltrate mediated publics even in times of pessimism and hopelessness. Based upon analysis of an archive of discourses on resistance, solidarity, and future, it argues that queer hope not only helps to map out possible future routes for queer lives in (and beyond) Turkey, but also operates as a driving political force that sustains queers’ determination to maintain their presence in the public sphere despite repressive nationalist, militarist, Islamist, and authoritarian regimes.
摘要本文探讨了未来的希望和愿景是如何在土耳其的媒体话语中留下印记的。回顾20世纪80年代发生的一些事件,以及自2015年伊斯坦布尔骄傲游行被禁止以来发生的事情,它审视了土耳其近代历史上两个以威权主义为特征的时期的希望痕迹。它借鉴了小报、杂志、报纸和数字平台上的一系列视觉和文本材料,探讨了即使在悲观和绝望的时候,酷儿的希望是如何渗透到被调解的公众中的。基于对一份关于抵抗、团结和未来的论述档案的分析,它认为酷儿的希望不仅有助于为土耳其(及其他地区)的酷儿生活规划出可能的未来路线,而且是一种政治驱动力,支撑着酷儿们在公共领域保持存在的决心,以及独裁政权。
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引用次数: 2
Salih Can Açıksöz. Sacrificial Limbs: Masculinity, Disability, and Political Violence in Turkey. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2020, xxiv + 246 pages. Salih Can Açıksöz。牺牲肢体:土耳其的男性气概、残疾和政治暴力。加利福尼亚州奥克兰:加利福尼亚大学出版社,2020年,xxiv+246页。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/npt.2021.13
Hazal Hürman
future holds. Başcı adeptly demonstrates that cinema has the power to defy official narratives and disturb conventional accounts of identity and history while constructing a new public discourse through the depiction of the suppressed. Social Trauma and Telecinematic Memory reminds us of the refreshing notion that cinema has the power to rewrite history. Despite the all-pervading authority of official history that silences memories, “[c]hildren remember, and grow up to tell stories” (p. 196).
未来依然存在。Başcı熟练地证明了电影有能力挑战官方叙事,扰乱对身份和历史的传统描述,同时通过对被压制者的描绘来构建新的公共话语。《社会创伤》和《电视电影记忆》让我们想起了一个令人耳目一新的概念,即电影有改写历史的力量。尽管官方历史的权威无处不在,让记忆沉默,但“孩子们会记住,长大后会讲故事”(第196页)。
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引用次数: 0
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New Perspectives on Turkey
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