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Ayatollah Khomeini’s approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and its longstanding ramifications 阿亚图拉·霍梅尼解决巴以冲突及其长期后果的方法
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269701
Doron Itzhakov
ABSTRACTThis article examines the long term efforts made by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to create revolutionary opposition to the rule of Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, while exploiting the evolving relations between Iran and Israel as a blueprint for his proclamations. Khomeini’s anti-Israel policies had both anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist components that contributed to mustering different segments of Iran’s opposition to the Shah and Israel. This intersection of the mutual animosities consolidated relations between Khomeini’s supporters and the PLO in Lebanon, despite their major theological differences. The change brought about by the Islamic Revolution led to a restructuring of identities, values, norms and policies, which affected Israel considerably and today still calls for a new framework of analysis. Currently, the Islamic regime continues to utilise the Palestinian narrative as leverage its attempts to achieve regional hegemony and maintain its leadership in the Muslim world.KEYWORDS: Ayatollah KhomeiniIsraelIranPLOMohammed Reza PahlaviIslamic revolutionIslamic RepublicHezbollahPLOanti-Semitism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. https://www.bbc.com/persian/articles/cg3rnqn8q28o.2. Bialer, “The Iranian Connection.”3. Jervis, “Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma.” For an overview of Iranian writers publications, see: Velayati, Iran va Tahavolat- e Palestine; Murteza, Diplomasi-ye Penhan; Rad, Hamkari-e Savak va Mussad; Haji Yousefy, Iran va Regime-ye Sahyonisti; and Reza, Ertebat-e Nashenokhte.4. Itzchakov, “Iran’s Quds Day.”5. Taroujani, “Tarikh-e Ma’aser-e Iran az Didgah-e Imam-e Khomeini,” 317–18.6. Mavani, “Ayatullah Khomeini’s Concept of Governance.”7. Chehabi, “Religion and Politics in Iran.”8. Itzchakov, Iran-Israel 1948–1963.9. Mavani, “Ayatullah Khomeini’s Concept of Governance,” 807–8.10. Rahimi, “The Rise of Shi’i Ideology in Pre-Revolutionary Iran.”11. Kohlberg, “From Imamiyya to Ithnä-’ashariyya.”12. Shavit and Winter, “My Enemy, My Mentor.”13. Khomeini, Velayat-e Faqih Hokumat-e Eslami, 70–71.14. Lewis, “Freedom and Justice in the Modern Middle East.”15. Itzchakov, “Iran’s Unwavering Israel-Hatred.”16. Keddie and Richard, Roots of Revolution, 140.17. Chehabi, Iranian Politics, 158–9.18. Zubaida, Islam, The People and the State, 253–9.19. Abrahamian, “The Guerrilla Movement in Iran.”20. Chehabi, Iranian Politics, 156.21. Murteza, Selselhay-e Pahlavi, 104.22. The Islamic Republican Party was founded in 1979 and disbanded in 1987.23. Itzchakov, Iran-Israel 1948–1963, 45–6.24. Taghavi, “Fadaeeyan-i Islam.”25. Rahimi, “Democratic Authority,” 198.26. Moghadam, “Mayhem, Myths, and Martyrdom,” 136.27. Shaery-Eisenlohr and Shaery-Eisenlohr, “Post-Revolutionary Iran and Shi’i Lebanon.”28. Shapira, Hezbollah, 75–6.29. Nasr, The Shi’a Revival, 71–2.30. For an analysis of Shariati’s “Islamic Sociology,” see: Zubaida, Islam, The People and the State, 71–8. About Shariati’s personal l
摘要本文考察了阿亚图拉·鲁霍拉·霍梅尼为建立反对巴列维统治的革命性反对派所做的长期努力,同时利用伊朗和以色列之间不断发展的关系作为他发表宣言的蓝图。霍梅尼的反以色列政策既有反犹太主义的成分,也有反犹太复国主义的成分,这使得伊朗反对国王和以色列的不同派别聚集在一起。这种相互仇恨的交集巩固了霍梅尼的支持者和黎巴嫩巴解组织之间的关系,尽管他们在神学上存在重大分歧。伊斯兰革命带来的变化导致了身份、价值、规范和政策的重新调整,这对以色列产生了重大影响,今天仍然需要一种新的分析框架。目前,伊斯兰政权继续利用巴勒斯坦的叙述作为杠杆,企图实现地区霸权,并保持其在穆斯林世界的领导地位。关键词:霍梅尼,以色列,伊朗,普洛梅洛姆,礼萨,巴列维,伊斯兰革命,伊斯兰共和国,真主党,巴勒斯坦反犹太主义披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。https://www.bbc.com/persian/articles/cg3rnqn8q28o.2。比阿勒,《伊朗关系》。杰维斯,<安全困境下的合作>。有关伊朗作家出版物的概述,请参见:Velayati, Iran va Tahavolat- e Palestine;Murteza, Diplomasi-ye Penhan;Rad, hamkarie Savak va Mussad;哈吉·尤塞夫,伊朗现政权的忠实支持者;3 .礼萨,ertebate nashenokhte。伊察科夫,《伊朗的圣城日》Taroujani,“Tarikh-e Ma 'aser-e Iran az Didgah-e Imam-e Khomeini”,317-18.6。阿亚图拉·霍梅尼的治理概念>,第7页。《伊朗的宗教与政治》,第8页。伊察科夫,伊朗-以色列1948-1963.9。《阿亚图拉·霍梅尼的治理概念》,807-8.10。拉希米,<革命前伊朗什叶派意识形态的兴起>,第11页。Kohlberg, <从Imamiyya到Ithnä- ' ashariyya >沙维特和温特,《我的敌人,我的导师》霍梅尼,Velayat-e Faqih Hokumat-e Eslami, 70-71.14。现代中东的自由与正义>,第15页。伊兹查科夫,<伊朗坚定不移的以色列仇恨>,第16页。凯迪和理查德,《革命的根源》,140.17。《伊朗政治》,158-9.18。祖拜达,伊斯兰教,人民与国家,253-9.19。Abrahamian, <伊朗的游击运动>,第20页。伊朗政治,156.21。Murteza, Selselhay-e Pahlavi, 104.22伊斯兰共和党成立于1979年,并于1987年解散。伊察科夫,伊朗-以色列1948-1963,45-6.24。塔格哈维,<法达伊扬-伊斯兰>,第25页。拉希米,“民主权威”,198.26。摩加达姆,<混乱、神话和殉难> 136.27。《革命后的伊朗和什叶派黎巴嫩》,第28期。夏皮拉,真主党,75-6.29。Nasr,《什叶派复兴》,71-2.30页。关于沙里亚蒂的“伊斯兰社会学”的分析,见:祖拜达,伊斯兰,人民与国家,71-8页。关于沙里亚蒂的个人生活,见:阿贝迪,“阿里沙里亚蒂。”arjmand, <改革运动> 32。Moghadam, <混乱、神话和殉难> 139.33。《阿里·沙里亚提论巴勒斯坦问题》34。夏皮拉,真主党,97.35。Abrahamian,“伊朗的游击运动”,第8-9.36页。沙阿的黎巴嫩政策> 37。夏皮拉,真主党,81.38分。Samii,“沙阿的黎巴嫩政策”,80.39。沙皮拉,“谁是杀害伊玛目穆萨萨德尔的幕后黑手?”《革命后的伊朗和什叶派黎巴嫩》,第280.41页。阿贾米,消失的伊玛目,93.42。穆萨·萨德尔于1978年8月在前往利比亚的途中失踪。夏皮拉,真主党,81-2.44。齐瑟,黎巴嫩,60.45。建国十年后,阿迈勒的地位开始输给真主党,后者逐渐发展成为黎巴嫩政治中最具统治力的政党。夏皮拉,《谁是幕后主使》166.47。黎巴嫩的Zisser, 76.48。《革命后的伊朗和什叶派黎巴嫩》,第273-4.49页。波玳:“从法赫德到阿布达拉。”见上面说明4。Nasr,什叶派复兴,73-9.52。伊朗与伊斯兰革命的传播> 53。伊兹查科夫,<伊朗必须妖魔化敌人以证明自己的正当性> 54。沃尔特,《革命与战争》55页。Kaye,以色列和伊朗。《软实力》,第57页。Menashri,《伊朗的地区政策》,第58页。Zisser,黎巴嫩,217-18.59。《叙利亚战争》60。Takeyh,“所有阿亚图拉的人”,54.61。巴以冲突的伊斯兰化> 62。夏皮拉,真主党,93.63。https://www.ynet.co.il/news/article/hyfbdkmz3#autoplay.Additional信息撰稿人说明doron Itzhakov doron Itzhakov是以色列巴伊兰大学贝京-萨达特战略研究中心的高级研究员。
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引用次数: 0
The massacre that never was : the myth of Deir Yassin and the creation of the Palestine refugee problem The massacre that never was : the myth of Deir Yassin and the creation of the Palestine refugee problem , by Eliezer Tauber, New Milford, The Toby Press/ASMEA, 2021, 322 pp., notes, bibliography, index, £30.99 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-59264-543-5 《从未发生过的大屠杀:代尔·亚辛的神话与巴勒斯坦难民问题的产生》,作者:埃利泽·陶伯,新米尔福德,托比出版社/ASMEA, 2021年,322页,注释,参考书目,索引,30.99英镑(精装本),ISBN 978-1-59264-543-5
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269750
Elad Ben-Dror
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引用次数: 0
The meaning of multicultural evaluation and meaningful evaluation: the importance of multifaceted responsive evaluation in higher education 多元文化评价与有意义评价的意义:高等教育多层次响应性评价的重要性
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269737
Shira Soffer-Vital, Idit Finkelstein, Yael Shraga-Roitman, Revital Cohen-Liverant, Tsfira Grebelsky-Lichtman
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引用次数: 0
Antisemitism or political purge? Stalin’s Jewish policies revisited 反犹主义还是政治清洗?斯大林的犹太政策被重新审视
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269729
Yu Xiao, Ji Zeng
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引用次数: 0
The Israel-Iran conflict: between Washington and Beijing 以色列-伊朗冲突:华盛顿和北京之间
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269694
Efraim Karsh
Since its establishment in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been openly and vociferously committed to the destruction of the State of Israel. To thwart this genocidal goal – especially the lethal threat of Tehran’s dogged quest for nuclear weapons – Israel has heavily relied on the United States, its longstanding, foremost international ally. Over the past two decades, as its relations with China have greatly expanded, Israel has also sought to harness Beijing’s close and multifaceted ties with Tehran to the fight against a nuclear Iran – to no avail. With the burgeoning Israeli-Chinese relationship stirring recurrent frictions with Washington, especially due to the latter’s alarm over Beijing’s involvement in key infrastructure and hi-tech projects in Israel, Jerusalem has been forced to walk a tight rope between the two rival superpowers so as to maintain their maximum support without alienating either of them.
伊朗伊斯兰共和国自1979年成立以来,一直公开和高调地致力于毁灭以色列国。为了阻止这一种族灭绝的目标——尤其是德黑兰对核武器的不懈追求所带来的致命威胁——以色列严重依赖其长期以来最重要的国际盟友美国。在过去的二十年里,随着与中国的关系大大扩大,以色列也试图利用北京与德黑兰的密切和多方面的关系来对抗拥有核武器的伊朗——但无济于事。随着迅速发展的以中关系引发与华盛顿的经常性摩擦,特别是由于后者对北京参与以色列的关键基础设施和高科技项目感到震惊,耶路撒冷被迫在两个敌对的超级大国之间走钢丝,以便在不疏远任何一方的情况下保持最大的支持。
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引用次数: 0
The history of Galilee, 1538–1949: mysticism, modernization, and war / Zionism and land tenure in Mandate Palestine The history of Galilee, 1538–1949: mysticism, modernization, and war , by M. M. Silver, Lanham, MD, Lexington Books, 2022, x+391 pp., £96 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-7936-4942-3 Zionism and land tenure in Mandate Palestine , by Aida Asim Essaid, London, Routledge, 2014, xii+272 pp., £38.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-0-367-86708-9 加利利的历史,1538-1949:神秘主义,现代化和战争/犹太复国主义和托管巴勒斯坦的土地使用权。加利利的历史,1538-1949:神秘主义,现代化和战争,M. M. Silver, Lanham, MD, Lexington Books, 2022, x+391页,96英镑(精装本),ISBN 978-1-7936-4942-3犹太复国主义和托管巴勒斯坦的土地使用权,Aida Asim Essaid,伦敦,Routledge, 2014, xii+272页,38.99英镑(平装本),ISBN 978-0-367-86708-9
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269751
Roza I. M. El-Eini
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引用次数: 0
Land law and policy in Israel: a prism of identity Land law and policy in Israel: a prism of identity , by Haim Sandberg, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 2022, ix+254 pp., $80 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-253-06044-0 《以色列土地法和政策:身份的棱镜》,海姆·桑德伯格著,布明顿,印第安纳大学出版社,2022年,9 +254页,80美元(精装本),ISBN 978-0-253-06044-0
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269753
David Rodman
"Land law and policy in Israel: a prism of identity." Israel Affairs, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“以色列的土地法和政策:身份的棱镜。”《以色列事务》,印刷前1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Israel and the cyber threat: how the startup nation became a global cyber power Israel and the cyber threat: how the startup nation became a global cyber power , by Charles D. Freilich, Matthew S. Cohen and Gabi Siboni, New York, Oxford University Press, 2023, xvi+422 pp., $45 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-19-767771-1 《以色列和网络威胁:创业国家如何成为全球网络大国》,查尔斯·d·弗雷里奇、马修·s·科恩和加比·西博尼著,纽约,牛津大学出版社,2023年版,16 +422页,45美元(精装本),ISBN 978-0-19-767771-1
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269752
David Rodman
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引用次数: 0
The influence of foreign wars on U.S. domestic military policy: the case of the Yom Kippur War The influence of foreign wars on U.S. domestic military policy: the case of the Yom Kippur War , by Robert W. Tomlinson, Lanham, MD, Lexington Books, 2022, vii+109 pp., $85 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-4985-6811-1 国外战争对美国国内军事政策的影响:以赎罪日战争为例,作者:罗伯特·w·汤姆林森,兰哈姆,医学博士,列克星敦图书,2022,vii+109页,85美元(精装本),ISBN 978-1-4985-6811-1
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2269756
David Rodman
"The influence of foreign wars on U.S. domestic military policy: the case of the Yom Kippur War." Israel Affairs, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
国外战争对美国国内军事政策的影响:以赎罪日战争为例《以色列事务》,印刷前1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Mobile phone distraction and its effects on academic performance of Israeli college students 手机干扰对以色列大学生学业成绩的影响
4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2023.2257472
Gila Albert, Shimon Fridkin, Or Delevski
ABSTRACTThis article focuses on evaluating the connection between academic achievements and the receipt of text messages. A total of 106 students with ADHD were randomly divided into groups: the ‘Turned off’ (1) (phone is turned off completely); the ‘Enabled & Mute’ (2) (phone is on and the ‘silent mode’ has been activated); the ‘Enabled and Sound’ (3) (phone is on and sound is on). It was found that students’ achievements are affected by the sound mode of the mobile phone; that turning off the phone significantly increases the number of correct answers; and that students with ADHD tend to be more easily distracted by the sound than their peers. Within this framework, participants in group 1 scored a significantly higher number of correct answers and were more successful in answering complex questions compared to the participants in group 3.KEYWORDS: IsraelstudentsADHDdistractionmobile phoneperformancesound mode Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Vincent, “Mobile Phone”; Van Deursen et al., “Habitual Addictive Smartphone Behavior”; Gökçearslan et al., “Modelling Smartphone Addiction”; Elhai et al., “Problematic Smartphone Use”; Panova and Carbonell, “Smartphone Addiction?”; Fu, Jin, and Guo, “Mobile Phone Addiction”; and Barnes, Pressey, and Scornavacca, “Mobile Ubiquity.”2. Drews et al., “Text Messaging during Simulated Driving”; and Haque and Washington, “Parametric Duration Reaction Times.”3. Albert and Lotan, “Young Drivers Touch Smartphone”; Asbridge, Brubacher, and Chan, “Cell Phone Traffic Crash”; Caird et al., “Effects of Texting on Driving”; Caird et al., “Effects Cellphones Driver Performance”; Fitch et al., Hand-Held and Hands-Free Driving Performance; Handel et al., “Smartphone-Based Measurement Systems”; Klauer et al., “Distracted Driving”; Strayer et al., Measuring Cognitive Distraction; Carney, Harland and McGehee, “Teen Driver Crashes”; and Hill, Sullman, and Stephens, “Mobile Phone Involvement.”4. Hamilton, Arnold, and Tefft, “Teen Driver Crashes”; Albert and Lotan, “Impact of ‘Soft Blocking’”; Musicant, Lotan, and Albert, “Really Need Smartphones”; and Albert et al., “Smartphone Apps Road Safety?”5. Kuznekoff and Titsworth, “Mobile Phone Usage”; Wei, Wang, and Klausner, “College Students’ Self-Regulation”; Wood et al., “Off-task Multi-Tasking”; Rosen, Carrier, and Cheever, “Facebook and Texting”; Beland and Murphy, “Ill-Communication”; and Kraushaar and Novak, “Student Multitasking with Laptops,” 11.6. Felisoni and Godoi, “Cell Phone Usage and Academic Performance.”7. Oswald, Tremblay, and Jones, “Disruption of Comprehension.”8. Ransdell and Gilroy, “Background Music.”9. Klatte, Bergström, and Lachmann, “Noise Affect Learning.”10. De Coensel et al., “Perception of Environmental Sound.”11. Jones, “Objects, Streams, and Threads of Auditory Attention”; and Macken, Phelps, and Jones, “Auditory Distraction.”12. Hancock and Warm, “Dynamic Model of Stress”; and Hockey, “Compensat
“三个不同的角色”;Chen和Yan,“手机的多任务处理”;Albert and Lotan,“软阻塞”的影响”;希尔,苏尔曼和斯蒂芬斯,“手机参与”;以及贝兰德和墨菲的《沟通不畅》。shimon FridkinGila Albert是以色列Holon理工学院(HIT)的讲师和研究员。西蒙·弗里德金是哈工大的讲师和研究助理。或者Delevski是哈工大的毕业生。
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引用次数: 0
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Israel Affairs
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