Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913805
Siphamandla Zondi
ABSTRACT As African countries battled the Covid-19 crisis in 2020, one of the questions that were raised was whether the state was taking a central stage in the affairs of society, especially solutions to major problems. The question was triggered by the fact that there has been a decline in the capacity, role and prestige of the state in Africa for decades. Yet it seems that the responses to Covid-19, following the WHO guidelines, have placed the state at the centre, without dislocating other stakeholders like the private sector and the civil society. This paper uses the evidence from a select number of African countries of different sizes in various regions of the continent to provide an empirical perspective on the role of the state in Covid-19 responses in 2020 to answer the question of whether Covid-19 has occasioned a return of the state, thus reversing the neoliberal designs in favour of a lean and mean state in Africa.
{"title":"Covid-19 and the Return of the State in Africa","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913805","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As African countries battled the Covid-19 crisis in 2020, one of the questions that were raised was whether the state was taking a central stage in the affairs of society, especially solutions to major problems. The question was triggered by the fact that there has been a decline in the capacity, role and prestige of the state in Africa for decades. Yet it seems that the responses to Covid-19, following the WHO guidelines, have placed the state at the centre, without dislocating other stakeholders like the private sector and the civil society. This paper uses the evidence from a select number of African countries of different sizes in various regions of the continent to provide an empirical perspective on the role of the state in Covid-19 responses in 2020 to answer the question of whether Covid-19 has occasioned a return of the state, thus reversing the neoliberal designs in favour of a lean and mean state in Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"190 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913805","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45620403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913801
Dorcas Ettang
ABSTRACT Both developing and developed countries have felt the impact of COVID-19 on global politics and trade. The African continent faces new threats in addition to already existing challenges like poor infrastructure, underdevelopment and weak institutions. Through an analysis of official speeches and UN reports on the emerging developments around COVID-19, this paper explores the impact of the pandemic on Africa and answers the critical question of the potential and place for Africa’s international relations in a post-COVID world. While many argue that COVID-19 has further deepened the gap between Africa and the developed world, this paper argues that it has also created opportunities for innovation and a re-emergence of Africa as a more vital continent in global politics and far removed from its colonial legacy. This study finds that Africa’s vast resources and wealth of experts; its innovative local industries and rapid response potential; its active community and grassroots; its committed private sector; the work of the African Union; the continent’s geopolitical and economic position, and its many lessons position it to be a strong player in a post-COVID world.
{"title":"New Opportunities and Threats: Reimagining Africa’s International Relations in the Midst of COVID-19","authors":"Dorcas Ettang","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913801","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913801","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Both developing and developed countries have felt the impact of COVID-19 on global politics and trade. The African continent faces new threats in addition to already existing challenges like poor infrastructure, underdevelopment and weak institutions. Through an analysis of official speeches and UN reports on the emerging developments around COVID-19, this paper explores the impact of the pandemic on Africa and answers the critical question of the potential and place for Africa’s international relations in a post-COVID world. While many argue that COVID-19 has further deepened the gap between Africa and the developed world, this paper argues that it has also created opportunities for innovation and a re-emergence of Africa as a more vital continent in global politics and far removed from its colonial legacy. This study finds that Africa’s vast resources and wealth of experts; its innovative local industries and rapid response potential; its active community and grassroots; its committed private sector; the work of the African Union; the continent’s geopolitical and economic position, and its many lessons position it to be a strong player in a post-COVID world.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"312 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913801","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46574695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913799
A. Anisin
ABSTRACT Crises brought about by COVID-19 have provided us with a key set of observations about global power in an era where international relations scholars are close to coming to a consensus in acknowledging the decline of Western and specifically American hegemony. This paper adopts a decolonial approach to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on international politics. It argues that throughout much of the Western world, COVID-19 has marked one of the first unexpected encounters with death that populations have faced since World War II and the pre-poliomyelitis vaccine era. As a result, global health policies mandated by the WHO have been articulated in favour of the West. Statistical analysis of death tolls brought about by COVID-19, numerous other infectious diseases and viruses along with associated geographic patterns reveal that quarantine and lockdown policies were carried out at the expense and wellbeing of much of the developing world. Contrary to popular contemporary arguments that contend the international liberal order is in decline, the emergence of COVID-19 and subsequent global health policy responses have demonstrated that Western hegemony and soft power are still salient.
{"title":"The Contradictions of COVID-19 and the Persistence of Western Hegemony","authors":"A. Anisin","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913799","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Crises brought about by COVID-19 have provided us with a key set of observations about global power in an era where international relations scholars are close to coming to a consensus in acknowledging the decline of Western and specifically American hegemony. This paper adopts a decolonial approach to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on international politics. It argues that throughout much of the Western world, COVID-19 has marked one of the first unexpected encounters with death that populations have faced since World War II and the pre-poliomyelitis vaccine era. As a result, global health policies mandated by the WHO have been articulated in favour of the West. Statistical analysis of death tolls brought about by COVID-19, numerous other infectious diseases and viruses along with associated geographic patterns reveal that quarantine and lockdown policies were carried out at the expense and wellbeing of much of the developing world. Contrary to popular contemporary arguments that contend the international liberal order is in decline, the emergence of COVID-19 and subsequent global health policy responses have demonstrated that Western hegemony and soft power are still salient.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"331 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913799","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41347178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913803
R. Marenga, Job Shipululo Amupanda
ABSTRACT Over the past 30 years, the successive SWAPO regimes that governed Namibia always followed a neoliberal policy path. Co-existing with the neoliberal elites are thousands of Namibians living in squalors in a country that has been declared as one of the most unequal nations on the face of the earth. Over the years, social justice activists never gave up the fight for a just and equitable society. They fought for better shelter, housing, economic equality, land, water and sanitation, free tertiary education and income grants to cushion the poor. The successive SWAPO regimes have been indifferent. Interestingly, in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, government ended up implementing the very initiatives it rejected over the years. This text explores several social justice struggles over the years and demonstrates how these were implemented by government as a Covid-19 response in 2020. It thus argues that social justice is possible and the state has demonstrated its capacity in implementing these programmes. It then calls on social justice activists to use the Covid-19 currency to ensure that social justice becomes central in a post-Covid-19 economic order.
{"title":"The Coronavirus and Social Justice in Namibia","authors":"R. Marenga, Job Shipululo Amupanda","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913803","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Over the past 30 years, the successive SWAPO regimes that governed Namibia always followed a neoliberal policy path. Co-existing with the neoliberal elites are thousands of Namibians living in squalors in a country that has been declared as one of the most unequal nations on the face of the earth. Over the years, social justice activists never gave up the fight for a just and equitable society. They fought for better shelter, housing, economic equality, land, water and sanitation, free tertiary education and income grants to cushion the poor. The successive SWAPO regimes have been indifferent. Interestingly, in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, government ended up implementing the very initiatives it rejected over the years. This text explores several social justice struggles over the years and demonstrates how these were implemented by government as a Covid-19 response in 2020. It thus argues that social justice is possible and the state has demonstrated its capacity in implementing these programmes. It then calls on social justice activists to use the Covid-19 currency to ensure that social justice becomes central in a post-Covid-19 economic order.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"206 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913803","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48934324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913797
G. Nhamo
ABSTRACT The 17th Sustainable Development Goal seeks to promote partnerships at various levels. To this end, COVID-19 vaccines development partnerships in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) are inevitable in facilitating ethical access to affordable and safe vaccines the world over. With South Africa being part of the BRICS, its presence can assist in leveraging the partnership to ensure that COVID-19 vaccines developed by the BRICS are efficiently deployed in Africa. Through the tracking of announcements, documents and critical discourse analysis, and Geographical Information Systems, this paper investigates COVID-19 vaccines development collaboration in the BRICS and its implication for Africa. It emerges that there is an inherent discord in the BRICS, with bilateral arrangements both within and outside the forum being evident. This has resulted in advance breakthrough COVID-19 vaccines from China and Russia not widely tried across the BRICS. The paper notes that these developments weaken the global south and affect its potential to develop COVID 19 vaccines. The work recommends a reconsideration in terms of COVID-19 vaccines development and future proofing of collaboration within the BRICS and finding a way of having South Africa continue to lobby for affordable and accessible vaccines for Africa.
{"title":"COVID-19 Vaccines Development Discord: A Focus on the BRICS and Implications for Africa’s Access and Affordability Matters","authors":"G. Nhamo","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913797","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 17th Sustainable Development Goal seeks to promote partnerships at various levels. To this end, COVID-19 vaccines development partnerships in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) are inevitable in facilitating ethical access to affordable and safe vaccines the world over. With South Africa being part of the BRICS, its presence can assist in leveraging the partnership to ensure that COVID-19 vaccines developed by the BRICS are efficiently deployed in Africa. Through the tracking of announcements, documents and critical discourse analysis, and Geographical Information Systems, this paper investigates COVID-19 vaccines development collaboration in the BRICS and its implication for Africa. It emerges that there is an inherent discord in the BRICS, with bilateral arrangements both within and outside the forum being evident. This has resulted in advance breakthrough COVID-19 vaccines from China and Russia not widely tried across the BRICS. The paper notes that these developments weaken the global south and affect its potential to develop COVID 19 vaccines. The work recommends a reconsideration in terms of COVID-19 vaccines development and future proofing of collaboration within the BRICS and finding a way of having South Africa continue to lobby for affordable and accessible vaccines for Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"278 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913797","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44239999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913802
James Okolie-Osemene
ABSTRACT The advent of the coronavirus pandemic marked a watershed in Nigeria's socio-economic and political milieu, as it created panic in states. Security governance is one of the ingredients of peace and stability in society, but problems sometimes emanate from law enforcement lapses. This paper examined Nigeria's security governance dilemmas during the lockdown enforcement aimed at curbing the spread of COVID-19 and highlighted the key lessons from the government's approach to security governance during the period. Data are gathered through in-depth interviews, media reports and secondary sources. The qualitative paper combined non-killing theory and social contract theory. There were looting of shops, robbery, and killing by security forces, in Lagos, Warri, Aba, Umuahia and other cities during the lockdown owing to the problem of footprint/access. The findings revealed that, despite surveillance efforts, security governance was undermined by the activities of idle youths, non-state armed groups, and unprofessionalism of security forces. While there was a remarkable decrease in crimes compared with the pre-COVID-19 period, the lockdown did not deter troublemakers from engaging in violent acts, such as armed robbery, police violence, and kidnapping. Adequate palliatives should be provided first at high-risk areas during future lockdowns to prevent security threats.
{"title":"Nigeria’s Security Governance Dilemmas During the Covid-19 Crisis","authors":"James Okolie-Osemene","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913802","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The advent of the coronavirus pandemic marked a watershed in Nigeria's socio-economic and political milieu, as it created panic in states. Security governance is one of the ingredients of peace and stability in society, but problems sometimes emanate from law enforcement lapses. This paper examined Nigeria's security governance dilemmas during the lockdown enforcement aimed at curbing the spread of COVID-19 and highlighted the key lessons from the government's approach to security governance during the period. Data are gathered through in-depth interviews, media reports and secondary sources. The qualitative paper combined non-killing theory and social contract theory. There were looting of shops, robbery, and killing by security forces, in Lagos, Warri, Aba, Umuahia and other cities during the lockdown owing to the problem of footprint/access. The findings revealed that, despite surveillance efforts, security governance was undermined by the activities of idle youths, non-state armed groups, and unprofessionalism of security forces. While there was a remarkable decrease in crimes compared with the pre-COVID-19 period, the lockdown did not deter troublemakers from engaging in violent acts, such as armed robbery, police violence, and kidnapping. Adequate palliatives should be provided first at high-risk areas during future lockdowns to prevent security threats.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"260 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913802","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49654458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913804
Omotomilola Ikotun, A. Akhigbe, S. Okunade
ABSTRACT Globalisation has, in many ways, redefined the discourse on borders. While some countries advocate for state centrism which views the functionality of borders as barriers to the entrance of ‘others’, some other countries view borders as bridges for closer human connectivity, a functional tool for combating racism. Globalisation has created a balance between the two blocs; borders now act as filters that permit significant connections between people while keeping threats out. The novel COVID-19 disease has, however, in an unprecedented manner, triggered border closures around the world; the globalisation of public health-related issues has redefined borders, as can be seen in Europe, which saw its member states closing their internal borders and by the extension the collective borders of the Union. This research will use secondary data to analyse the development of the Covid-19 disease situation and the resulting impact on refugees and, most importantly, borders; our findings reveal that though the disease demands closed borders on public health grounds, the situation is being used as a tool by policymakers to institutionalise extreme exclusionary measures, which may be sustained post-COVID-19. This paper opposes this move and advocates for the sustainability of the open border system post-COVID-19 due to its benefits.
{"title":"Sustainability of Borders in a Post-COVID-19 World","authors":"Omotomilola Ikotun, A. Akhigbe, S. Okunade","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913804","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Globalisation has, in many ways, redefined the discourse on borders. While some countries advocate for state centrism which views the functionality of borders as barriers to the entrance of ‘others’, some other countries view borders as bridges for closer human connectivity, a functional tool for combating racism. Globalisation has created a balance between the two blocs; borders now act as filters that permit significant connections between people while keeping threats out. The novel COVID-19 disease has, however, in an unprecedented manner, triggered border closures around the world; the globalisation of public health-related issues has redefined borders, as can be seen in Europe, which saw its member states closing their internal borders and by the extension the collective borders of the Union. This research will use secondary data to analyse the development of the Covid-19 disease situation and the resulting impact on refugees and, most importantly, borders; our findings reveal that though the disease demands closed borders on public health grounds, the situation is being used as a tool by policymakers to institutionalise extreme exclusionary measures, which may be sustained post-COVID-19. This paper opposes this move and advocates for the sustainability of the open border system post-COVID-19 due to its benefits.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"297 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913804","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46947789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-29DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1906590
Tong Yu, M. Kanyane
ABSTRACT Ward delimitation does not only affect registered voters but also the entire society. In making use of registered voters to delimit wards it is assumed that registered voters are true representation of the population as the only legitimate stakeholders. This assumption is flawed in many ways. Arguably, ward delimitation using voter equities is not only partisan but also discriminatory. Comparative countries’ case studies were employed to analyse ward delimitation and its implications. Two findings were critical; one, the use of electoral voters roll in elections and ward delimitation is exclusive and has potential to undermine participatory democracy. Secondly, delimitation of wards linked to five years of electoral cycle is short-lived and has potential intended and unintended consequences. It is for this reason that electoral reforms that deepen participatory democracy and stable decennial ward delimitation system are recommended.
{"title":"Inclusive Ward Delimitation in South Africa – Analysing Critical Issues","authors":"Tong Yu, M. Kanyane","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1906590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1906590","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ward delimitation does not only affect registered voters but also the entire society. In making use of registered voters to delimit wards it is assumed that registered voters are true representation of the population as the only legitimate stakeholders. This assumption is flawed in many ways. Arguably, ward delimitation using voter equities is not only partisan but also discriminatory. Comparative countries’ case studies were employed to analyse ward delimitation and its implications. Two findings were critical; one, the use of electoral voters roll in elections and ward delimitation is exclusive and has potential to undermine participatory democracy. Secondly, delimitation of wards linked to five years of electoral cycle is short-lived and has potential intended and unintended consequences. It is for this reason that electoral reforms that deepen participatory democracy and stable decennial ward delimitation system are recommended.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"411 - 426"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1906590","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42796783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1877453
Ikemefuna Taire Paul Okudolo, V. Ojakorotu
ABSTRACT The attainment of development is largely consequent upon the throes of political governance as a fragment of public administration. In truth, the nexus between political governance and development is crucial to the advancement of social justice. The quest to reverse Africa’s underdevelopment and de-democratisation instigated its political leaders to initiate, formalise, and adopt the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The APRM is expected to promote good governance, transparency, democracy, political accountability, and other indicators of development, thereby entrenching developmentalism. Based on Gerry Stoker’s new governance theory, the paper examines the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) of South Africa and Nigeria under the administrations of Thabo Mbeki and Olusegun Obasanjo based on the four theoretical pillars of the APRM. It finds that successive regimes after Mbeki and Obasanjo exhibited poor commitment to implement the ideals of the APRM to further the gains made by the understudied regimes and thereby weakened the developmentalism push of the countries.
{"title":"Irony of Development Agendas: Perspectives on APRM under Presidents Thabo Mbeki and Olusegun Obasanjo","authors":"Ikemefuna Taire Paul Okudolo, V. Ojakorotu","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1877453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1877453","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The attainment of development is largely consequent upon the throes of political governance as a fragment of public administration. In truth, the nexus between political governance and development is crucial to the advancement of social justice. The quest to reverse Africa’s underdevelopment and de-democratisation instigated its political leaders to initiate, formalise, and adopt the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The APRM is expected to promote good governance, transparency, democracy, political accountability, and other indicators of development, thereby entrenching developmentalism. Based on Gerry Stoker’s new governance theory, the paper examines the Country Self-Assessment Report (CSAR) of South Africa and Nigeria under the administrations of Thabo Mbeki and Olusegun Obasanjo based on the four theoretical pillars of the APRM. It finds that successive regimes after Mbeki and Obasanjo exhibited poor commitment to implement the ideals of the APRM to further the gains made by the understudied regimes and thereby weakened the developmentalism push of the countries.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"135 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1877453","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44212530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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