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Party Politics and Public Goods in a Racially Divided Space: A Study of Community Policing in Hout Bay, South Africa 种族分裂空间中的政党政治与公共产品——南非胡特湾社区警务研究
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2102785
Ann K. Karreth
ABSTRACT This paper explores the political and historical roots of collective action problems around community policing in Hout Bay, South Africa. Utilizing a social capital approach, it argues that party politics has exacerbated a racialized politics of public goods provision in the community, with implications for the local governance of security. Using original data from semi-structured interviews and secondary sources, the paper analyzes the community’s environment of social capital, the influence of local and provincial party agendas on inter-group relations there, and its ultimate impact on community policing in Hout Bay.
摘要本文探讨了南非胡特湾社区治安集体行动问题的政治和历史根源。利用社会资本方法,它认为政党政治加剧了社区公共产品供应的种族化政治,对地方安全治理产生了影响。利用半结构化访谈和二次来源的原始数据,本文分析了胡特湾社区的社会资本环境,地方和省级政党议程对那里的群体间关系的影响,以及它对社区治安的最终影响。
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引用次数: 0
Nigeria Democracy Without Development: How to fix it 没有发展的尼日利亚民主:如何解决
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2124641
O. Olasupo
insightful analysis of Nigeria ’ s paradox of democracy with no dividends, and o ff ers some practical suggestions for dealing with this quagmire. Nigeria swims in a sea of crushing poverty, serious leadership dysfunction, and state failure where violence of one kind or another is the norm of the day in the nation due to the political class ’ s inability to fi nd a moral compass and govern well. The author shows how the majority of Nigerians are at the receiving end of the resulting misery and poverty which raises pertinent questions about the essence of democracy. The book details and explains the causes of Nigerians ’ worsening conditions, including their rising levels of poverty, inequality, and unemployment, while the particularly who have wealth instead of providing of the general populace, ts democracy themselves. The author criticised the ironic undermining of Nigeria ’ s democracy by the same group of individuals (the political elite) primary bene fi ciaries. The author thus investigates the necessity of the Nigerian democracy ’ s retreat and o ff ers plausible explanations for why democracy has not consolidated in ways that result in meeting the development yearnings of Nigerians and Nigeria.
对尼日利亚没有红利的民主悖论进行了深刻的分析,并为解决这一困境提供了一些切实可行的建议。尼日利亚在极度贫困、严重的领导功能失调和国家失败的海洋中游泳,由于政治阶层无法找到道德指南针和良好治理,这种或那种暴力成为该国当今的常态。作者展示了大多数尼日利亚人是如何承受由此产生的苦难和贫困的,这就提出了有关民主本质的相关问题。这本书详细解释了尼日利亚人状况恶化的原因,包括贫困、不平等和失业水平的上升,而那些拥有财富而不是提供一般民众的人,他们自己是民主的。作者批评了尼日利亚民主被同一群人(政治精英)的主要受益者所破坏的讽刺行为。因此,作者调查了尼日利亚民主倒退的必要性,并给出了合理的解释,说明为什么民主没有以满足尼日利亚人和尼日利亚人对发展的渴望的方式得到巩固。
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引用次数: 1
The Fabric of Dissent: Public Intellectuals in South Africa 异议的结构:南非的公共知识分子
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2124640
Sanet Solomon
insightful analysis of Nigeria ’ s paradox of democracy with no dividends, and o ff ers some practical suggestions for dealing with this quagmire. Nigeria swims in a sea of crushing poverty, serious leadership dysfunction, and state failure where violence of one kind or another is the norm of the day in the nation due to the political class ’ s inability to fi nd a moral compass and govern well. The author shows how the majority of Nigerians are at the receiving end of the resulting misery and poverty which raises pertinent questions about the essence of democracy. The book details and explains the causes of Nigerians ’ worsening conditions, including their rising levels of poverty, inequality, and unemployment, while the particularly who have wealth instead of providing of the general populace, ts democracy themselves. The author criticised the ironic undermining of Nigeria ’ s democracy by the same group of individuals (the political elite) primary bene fi ciaries. The author thus investigates the necessity of the Nigerian democracy ’ s retreat and o ff ers plausible explanations for why democracy has not consolidated in ways that result in meeting the devel-opment yearnings of Nigerians and Nigeria.
深入分析了尼日利亚没有红利的民主悖论,并为解决这一困境提出了一些切实可行的建议。尼日利亚生活在极度贫困、严重的领导功能障碍和国家失败的海洋中,由于政治阶层无法找到道德指南针和良好治理,这种或那种暴力行为在这个国家成为常态。作者展示了大多数尼日利亚人是如何承受由此产生的苦难和贫困的,这引发了关于民主本质的相关问题。这本书详细介绍并解释了尼日利亚人状况恶化的原因,包括他们的贫困、不平等和失业率不断上升,而那些拥有财富而不是普通民众的人,他们自己也没有民主。作者批评了同一群个人(政治精英)的主要利益对尼日利亚民主的讽刺性破坏。因此,作者调查了尼日利亚民主倒退的必要性,并对为什么民主没有以满足尼日利亚人和尼日利亚发展愿望的方式巩固提供了合理的解释。
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引用次数: 0
Political Settlements Analysis of Natural Resource Governance in Botswana 博茨瓦纳自然资源治理的政治解决方案分析
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2132679
E. Botlhale
ABSTRACT Natural resources are abundant in Africa and must be used to achieve macroeconomic goals like growth and development. Political settlements are important to achieving these results because they materially affect how natural resource governance is carried out. The pursuit of growth and development is impacted by these settlements. Political settlements may either make it easier or harder to achieve these macroeconomic goals. Natural resource rents in some polities do not result in growth and development because of win-lose political agreements. However, this need not be the case as demonstrated by the Botswana case. This study used Botswana as a case study to illustrate political settlements analysis of natural resource governance. It asked, ‘what effect do political settlements have on the management of natural resources in Botswana?’ It concluded that win-win political settlements produced inclusive resource exploitation, resulting in economic growth and development and a rise in citizen welfare. The final lesson for resource-rich African nations is to establish political settlements that promote both economic growth and development to increase societal welfare.
摘要非洲自然资源丰富,必须利用这些资源来实现增长和发展等宏观经济目标。政治解决方案对实现这些成果很重要,因为它们对自然资源治理的实施方式产生了重大影响。对增长和发展的追求受到这些定居点的影响。政治解决方案可能会使实现这些宏观经济目标变得更容易或更困难。一些政体中的自然资源租金并没有因为双赢的政治协议而导致增长和发展。然而,博茨瓦纳的情况并不一定如此。本研究以博茨瓦纳为例,说明了对自然资源治理的政治解决方案分析。它问道,“政治解决方案对博茨瓦纳自然资源的管理有什么影响?”它得出的结论是,双赢的政治解决方案产生了包容性的资源开发,带来了经济增长和发展,并提高了公民福利。资源丰富的非洲国家的最后一个教训是建立政治解决方案,促进经济增长和发展,以增加社会福利。
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引用次数: 1
Orders of Exclusion: Great Powers and the Strategic Sources of Foundational Rules in International Relations 排他秩序:大国与国际关系基本规则的战略渊源
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2060543
Nico Buitendag, Mika Hayashi
Traces the rise of Bolshevism at the end of World War I and the determined but unsuccessful Allied efforts to stop its progression by intervening in the Russian civil war, a campaign that was further complicated by counterrevolutions and civil unrest in several other world regions. By the author of The Devil's Disciples. 15,000 first printing.... Download ebook, read file pdf 1919 and the Battle with Bolshevism
追溯了布尔什维克主义在第一次世界大战结束时的兴起,以及盟军通过干预俄罗斯内战来阻止其发展的坚定但失败的努力,这场运动因其他几个世界地区的反革命和内乱而更加复杂。作者:《魔鬼的门徒》。15000首次打印。。。。下载电子书,阅读pdf文件1919和布尔什维克主义之战
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引用次数: 10
The Academic Boycott of Israel: Juxtaposing Academic Freedom and Human Rights in International Relations 学术对以色列的抵制:国际关系中学术自由与人权的并列
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2065152
A. Kagee
ABSTRACT This article juxtaposes the principle of academic freedom with the call for an academic boycott of Israel to advance Palestinian human rights. It examines the controversy surrounding a conference that took place at Stellenbosch University in South Africa in 2018, where an Israeli delegation was disinvited from presenting a research symposium following calls for an academic boycott. The article is an analysis of the media responses of academic leaders, activists, and social commentators in Israel and South Africa to the cancellation of the Israeli symposium at the conference. The argument advanced is that scholarship is influenced, facilitated and restrained by political systems, and that the academy is more accurately viewed as a political space where some wield power while others do not. The case is made that universities and academic conferences function as a consequence of historical and political forces and reflect the challenges with which states constantly engage.
本文将学术自由原则与呼吁学术抵制以色列以促进巴勒斯坦人权相提并论。它探讨了围绕2018年在南非斯坦伦博斯大学举行的一次会议的争议,在呼吁学术抵制之后,一个以色列代表团被取消了出席研究研讨会的邀请。这篇文章分析了以色列和南非的学术领袖、活动家和社会评论家对会议取消以色列专题讨论会的媒体反应。他们提出的论点是,学术受到政治制度的影响、促进和制约,更准确地说,学术应该被视为一个政治空间,在这个空间里,一些人握有权力,而另一些人没有。他们认为,大学和学术会议是历史和政治力量的结果,反映了国家不断面临的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Appropriating the Indo-Pacific Construct: An Analysis of Eurocentrism from a Southeast Asian Perspective 挪用印太架构:东南亚视角下的欧洲中心主义分析
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2065424
S. Alatas
ABSTRACT Mainstream discourses on the Indo-Pacific have gained momentum over the last fifteen years or so. Since 2007, when India and Japan began sharing strategic assessments after China's enunciation of its “String of Pearls” strategy, military-strategic references to the construct dominated scholarly and policy discussions. This article is an analysis of these discourses, from the perspective of Southeast Asia. Specifically, the discussion suggests that the Southeast Asian roots of the Indo-Pacific construct predate 2007. They prioritise oceanic connectivity and diplomatic engagement across maritime spaces, embodied in the Southeast Asian concepts of nusantara and bebas-aktif. The small states of Southeast Asia had already conceived of one contiguous Indian and Pacific oceanic space within the context of decolonisation, Third World emancipation, and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This article suggests that these conceptual maps remain muted in mainstream discourses on the Indo-Pacific. It also highlights the Eurocentric nature of discourses on regionalism and geopolitics, which tend to silence Southeast Asia's role in concept-building. The analysis concludes that discourses about the Indo-Pacific region would be more informed by Southeast Asia's strategic vision and perspectives on connectivity, which could in turn, contribute to more productive policies on peaceful engagement in region.
关于印太的主流论述在过去15年左右的时间里获得了发展势头。自2007年以来,在中国宣布“珍珠链”战略后,印度和日本开始分享战略评估,有关该战略的军事战略参考在学术和政策讨论中占据主导地位。本文从东南亚的视角对这些话语进行分析。具体而言,讨论表明,东南亚的印太结构根源早于2007年。他们优先考虑海洋互联互通和跨海域外交接触,体现在东南亚的努桑塔拉(nusantara)和bebas-aktif概念中。东南亚的小国已经在非殖民化、第三世界解放和不结盟运动的背景下设想了一个毗连的印度洋和太平洋空间。本文表明,这些概念地图在印太的主流话语中仍然保持沉默。它还强调了关于地区主义和地缘政治的话语的欧洲中心主义本质,这往往使东南亚在概念构建中的作用保持沉默。分析的结论是,有关印太地区的论述将更多地受到东南亚对互联互通的战略愿景和观点的影响,这反过来可能有助于制定更有成效的地区和平参与政策。
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引用次数: 0
Authoritarian Personality vs Institutional Performance – Understanding Military Rule in Africa 专制人格vs制度绩效——了解非洲的军事统治
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2072582
Carlos García-Rivero
ABSTRACT Sub-Saharan Africa is the region where democracy has encountered the most difficulties in establishing itself, where the most military coups have occurred and, in addition, where public demonstrations of support on the streets are common after a coup d’état. In fact, the last 15 years has seen growing popular support for military rule. This study aims to analyse the underlying reasons for the public approval of military rule in Africa. Two main explanatory theories are contrasted: the institutional performance approach versus the cultural approach. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis, making extensive use of survey data to analyse the factors that explain the support for military rule in eleven African countries. The results indicate that in Sub-Saharan Africa institutional performance and authoritarian personality and values, are the main factors driving societal support for military rule.
撒哈拉以南非洲是民主在建立过程中遇到最大困难的地区,这里发生了最多的军事政变,此外,在政变后,在街头举行公众支持示威活动是很常见的。事实上,在过去的15年里,民众对军事统治的支持越来越大。本研究旨在分析公众对非洲军事统治的认可的潜在原因。本文对比了两种主要的解释理论:制度绩效理论和文化理论。这项研究采取了定量分析的形式,广泛使用调查数据来分析11个非洲国家支持军事统治的因素。研究结果表明,在撒哈拉以南非洲地区,制度绩效、专制人格和价值观是推动社会支持军事统治的主要因素。
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of Political Efficacy on Voter Turnout in South Africa 政治效能对南非选民投票率的影响
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2067446
Thoko Mahlangu, C. Schulz-Herzenberg
ABSTRACT South Africa's recent democratic elections have witnessed a decline in political participation. Yet few studies examine the influence of political efficacy on the decision to participate. Using 2014 and 2019 post-election public opinion survey data captured after these respective national and provincial elections, the paper addresses a research gap by demonstrating a relationship between a respondent's level of internal and external political efficacy and their likelihood of voting across two consecutive elections. It finds that external political efficacy, and to a lesser extent, internal efficacy shapes the decision to vote. The responsiveness of the political system is a key determinant of voting even after other key predictors of participation are accounted for. It concludes that years of state-based failures have eroded citizen perceptions of political system responsiveness which has, in turn, undermined how citizens perceive the utility of their vote.
摘要:在南非最近的民主选举中,政治参与度有所下降。然而,很少有研究考察政治效能对参与决策的影响。该论文利用2014年和2019年全国和省级选举后的选举后民意调查数据,通过证明受访者的内部和外部政治效能水平与他们在连续两次选举中投票的可能性之间的关系,解决了研究差距。研究发现,外部政治效能,以及在较小程度上,内部效能影响了投票决定。即使考虑到参与的其他关键预测因素,政治制度的反应能力也是投票的关键决定因素。它得出的结论是,多年来基于国家的失败削弱了公民对政治制度反应能力的看法,而这反过来又削弱了公民如何看待自己选票的效用。
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引用次数: 2
Elite Transformation Towards Good Governance in Nigeria 尼日利亚精英向善治的转变
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2065425
H. Kifordu
ABSTRACT Understanding the scope of elite transformation towards good governance in developing countries’ polities is no doubt fastidious amid attendant context fluidity, institutional instabilities, and literature paucity. Nigeria’s post-colonial polity has witnessed various structural changes, especially in political regime and economic resources. Since the 1999 transition to democracy, no regime breakdown occurred. Curiously, the Nigerian polity has been experiencing spasmodic ethnic clashes, the onslaught of the menacing Boko Haram terror group, the economy disruptive Niger Delta insurgencies, and acute youth discontent with protests often countered with violence by state security agents. Moreover, social infrastructure provision for economic growth and development remains extensively precarious or non-existent. Most vexingly, systematic knowledge about the transformability of the policy decisive and often-critiqued political elite is deficient or sparsely jumbled. Much has been extolled about governance per se, yet context-relative and data-oriented knowledge remain scanty. To what extent is the Nigerian political executive elite composition transforming towards good governance since 1999? The article focuses on the Nigerian political elite transformability through good governance lenses and practices. It draws from relevant elite theories and governance approaches that underscore the methodology. It contends that the political elite innovation remains stagnant, despite relevant structural changes. The findings reveal insignificant elite dynamics towards good governance.
摘要:在随之而来的背景流动性、制度不稳定和文献匮乏的情况下,理解发展中国家政治中精英向善治转变的范围无疑是一件挑剔的事。尼日利亚的后殖民政治经历了各种结构性变化,特别是在政治制度和经济资源方面。自1999年向民主过渡以来,没有发生政权崩溃的情况。奇怪的是,尼日利亚政治一直在经历间歇性的种族冲突、来势汹汹的博科圣地恐怖组织的袭击、破坏经济的尼日尔三角洲叛乱,以及年轻人对抗议活动的强烈不满,这些抗议活动往往由国家安全人员用暴力镇压。此外,为经济增长和发展提供的社会基础设施仍然十分不稳定或根本不存在。最令人烦恼的是,关于决策者和经常受到批评的政治精英的可转变性的系统性知识是缺乏或混乱的。关于治理本身,人们已经赞扬了很多,但与背景相关的和面向数据的知识仍然很少。自1999年以来,尼日利亚政治行政精英组成在多大程度上向善治转变?本文通过善治的视角和实践,重点关注尼日利亚政治精英的可转型性。它借鉴了强调该方法论的相关精英理论和治理方法。它认为,尽管发生了相关的结构变化,但政治精英的创新仍然停滞不前。这些发现揭示了精英在善治方面微不足道的动力。
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引用次数: 0
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Politikon
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