Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2289759
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
{"title":"Combatants in African conflicts, professionals, praetorians, militias, insurgents and mercenaries\u0000 \u0000 Combatants in African conflicts, professionals, praetorians, militias, insurgents and mercenaries\u0000 \u0000 , by, Simon David Taylor, London, Routledge, May 2022, 248pp., £130.00 (hbk), ISBN 9781351065467","authors":"Andrew E. Yaw Tchie","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2289759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2289759","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138994616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2291600
Kendra Connock, Laura Rubidge, Jordan Mc Lean
{"title":"Amin’s progressive internationalism","authors":"Kendra Connock, Laura Rubidge, Jordan Mc Lean","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2291600","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2291600","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"24 19","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139006579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2280372
Darlington Mutanda
ABSTRACTThe sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the European Union in 2002 help demonstrate how postcolonialism functions in the international system. A corpus of literature has emerged on how these sanctions have harmed the economy and jeopardised the lives and livelihoods of the people, sanction effectiveness, and also on how Zimbabwe can navigate them. There remain gaps in empirically contextualising the imposition of the sanctions apart from the common narrative of human rights abuses. This article uses purposive document analysis to analyse Zimbabwe-European Union relations with a view to try to unpack the complexities of the relationship between these two blocs. It shows that the inconsistent relationship goes beyond human rights abuses. The ideology of postcolonialism helps in explaining the embedded conflict between Africa and Europe. When the interests of the centre are threatened, the backlash is severe as was the case with Zimbabwe. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Declaration by authorThe manuscript has not been published elsewhere and it has not been submitted simultaneously for publication elsewhere.
{"title":"EU sanctions on Zimbabwe: rethinking Africa’s economic and political security in the global age","authors":"Darlington Mutanda","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2280372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2280372","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the European Union in 2002 help demonstrate how postcolonialism functions in the international system. A corpus of literature has emerged on how these sanctions have harmed the economy and jeopardised the lives and livelihoods of the people, sanction effectiveness, and also on how Zimbabwe can navigate them. There remain gaps in empirically contextualising the imposition of the sanctions apart from the common narrative of human rights abuses. This article uses purposive document analysis to analyse Zimbabwe-European Union relations with a view to try to unpack the complexities of the relationship between these two blocs. It shows that the inconsistent relationship goes beyond human rights abuses. The ideology of postcolonialism helps in explaining the embedded conflict between Africa and Europe. When the interests of the centre are threatened, the backlash is severe as was the case with Zimbabwe. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Declaration by authorThe manuscript has not been published elsewhere and it has not been submitted simultaneously for publication elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"59 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136346982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2280388
Edlyne E. Anugwom
ABSTRACTThe paper argues that the current quest for decolonisation and decoloniality struggles are primarily embodiments of disenchantment with the development doldrums in the continent after decades of political independence. While both decolonisation and decoloniality sound like intellectual pursuits concerned with knowledge production, they are in essence efforts towards recasting and rebooting development in the continent. Despite ingrained differences both decolonisation and decoloniality, aspire towards unmasking the futility and incompleteness of Euro-American epistemological traditions and worldviews. Despite differences in the usage of concepts, both decolonisation and decoloniality reframe the notion of ‘delinking’ made popular by Samir Amin. In effect, Amin may rightly be conceived as a precursor of the decolonisation struggle. Apart from agitating for a pluriversality of epistemic traditions and ‘ways of knowing’, both decolonisation and decoloniality seek to reposition Africa in global relations of power and politics and from the above engender sustainable development. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Given the vastness of his writings and expansive but articulate span of his ideas I am only going to systematically excerpt those aspects of his writings with direct bearing on the theme of this paper and the discussion pursued thus far. In other words, this is neither a comprehensive rehash nor a thorough-going evaluation or critique of Amin. I would leave such chores to those who are better equipped for them.
{"title":"Beyond the debate: decolonisation, decoloniality and the reframing of development in Africa","authors":"Edlyne E. Anugwom","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2280388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2280388","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe paper argues that the current quest for decolonisation and decoloniality struggles are primarily embodiments of disenchantment with the development doldrums in the continent after decades of political independence. While both decolonisation and decoloniality sound like intellectual pursuits concerned with knowledge production, they are in essence efforts towards recasting and rebooting development in the continent. Despite ingrained differences both decolonisation and decoloniality, aspire towards unmasking the futility and incompleteness of Euro-American epistemological traditions and worldviews. Despite differences in the usage of concepts, both decolonisation and decoloniality reframe the notion of ‘delinking’ made popular by Samir Amin. In effect, Amin may rightly be conceived as a precursor of the decolonisation struggle. Apart from agitating for a pluriversality of epistemic traditions and ‘ways of knowing’, both decolonisation and decoloniality seek to reposition Africa in global relations of power and politics and from the above engender sustainable development. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Given the vastness of his writings and expansive but articulate span of his ideas I am only going to systematically excerpt those aspects of his writings with direct bearing on the theme of this paper and the discussion pursued thus far. In other words, this is neither a comprehensive rehash nor a thorough-going evaluation or critique of Amin. I would leave such chores to those who are better equipped for them.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"123 21","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135136841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2280380
Elias Chukwuemeka Ngwu, Vincent Chidi Onah
ABSTRACTThe profundity of Samir Amin’s contributions to the quest for the development of Africa and the global South is beyond questioning. From the onset, Amin focused on ways to promote autonomous development in the periphery. He advocated delinking and remained true to these convictions till the very end when he concluded that the challenge was not so much about the South moving out of the crisis of capitalism as it was about its moving out of a global capitalist system in crisis; or moving beyond capitalism. This paper interrogates the suitability of this central plank of Amin’s political economy vis-a-vis Claude Ake’s contention that the greatest impediment to African development inheres in the nature of its politics and that the solution is to be sought therein. We argued that the challenge for contemporary Africa is not so much about exiting the anarchial global capitalist system as it is about striking internal balance in the context of the larger systemic perturbations. But beyond comparing, we mapped the place of contemporary African intellectuals in the continent’s development schema along the path of Ake's proposition and in pursuit of the shared vision of these two illustrious scholar-activists for a democratic and prosperous Africa. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
{"title":"Between Samir Amin and Claude Ake: towards a roadmap for Africa’s development","authors":"Elias Chukwuemeka Ngwu, Vincent Chidi Onah","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2280380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2280380","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe profundity of Samir Amin’s contributions to the quest for the development of Africa and the global South is beyond questioning. From the onset, Amin focused on ways to promote autonomous development in the periphery. He advocated delinking and remained true to these convictions till the very end when he concluded that the challenge was not so much about the South moving out of the crisis of capitalism as it was about its moving out of a global capitalist system in crisis; or moving beyond capitalism. This paper interrogates the suitability of this central plank of Amin’s political economy vis-a-vis Claude Ake’s contention that the greatest impediment to African development inheres in the nature of its politics and that the solution is to be sought therein. We argued that the challenge for contemporary Africa is not so much about exiting the anarchial global capitalist system as it is about striking internal balance in the context of the larger systemic perturbations. But beyond comparing, we mapped the place of contemporary African intellectuals in the continent’s development schema along the path of Ake's proposition and in pursuit of the shared vision of these two illustrious scholar-activists for a democratic and prosperous Africa. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"123 51","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135136987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2280866
Tawanda Ray Bvirindi, Patience Chadambuka, Felix Tombindo
ABSTRACTThe paper is nested within the decolonial theme by repositioning Patrice Lumumba’s decolonial thought within the radical writings of Samir Amin. As seen in his famous independence speech, Patrice Lumumba is arguably one of the African decolonial giants who championed the remembering of the black bodies by challenging their dismembering facilitated and sustained by the grand construction of the human by Euro-modernity. Rereading his decolonial ideas through repositioning it in Amin’s works comes at an opportune time given the recent burial of his last known remains – a tooth that was removed from his body as a trophy by a Belgian officer who participated in his brutal murder in the 1960s. It is within this context that this paper seeks to underscore the logic and legitimacy of Lumumba’s decolonial thinking by repositioning it in the works of Amin. By doing so, we aim to contribute to all non-European discourses aimed at decolonial self-reconstruction and self-definition, such as Afrocentricty. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Heteronomativity is the belief in the omnipotence of heterosexuality over homosexuality. Anthropocentrism is the belief that only human beings are supreme and central entities in the universe. Militarism is the belief that a country should build and maintain military prowess to use it aggressively in defending and maintaining its national and foreign interests.
{"title":"Remembering Lumumba's dismembered body-polity through Amin","authors":"Tawanda Ray Bvirindi, Patience Chadambuka, Felix Tombindo","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2280866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2280866","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe paper is nested within the decolonial theme by repositioning Patrice Lumumba’s decolonial thought within the radical writings of Samir Amin. As seen in his famous independence speech, Patrice Lumumba is arguably one of the African decolonial giants who championed the remembering of the black bodies by challenging their dismembering facilitated and sustained by the grand construction of the human by Euro-modernity. Rereading his decolonial ideas through repositioning it in Amin’s works comes at an opportune time given the recent burial of his last known remains – a tooth that was removed from his body as a trophy by a Belgian officer who participated in his brutal murder in the 1960s. It is within this context that this paper seeks to underscore the logic and legitimacy of Lumumba’s decolonial thinking by repositioning it in the works of Amin. By doing so, we aim to contribute to all non-European discourses aimed at decolonial self-reconstruction and self-definition, such as Afrocentricty. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Heteronomativity is the belief in the omnipotence of heterosexuality over homosexuality. Anthropocentrism is the belief that only human beings are supreme and central entities in the universe. Militarism is the belief that a country should build and maintain military prowess to use it aggressively in defending and maintaining its national and foreign interests.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":" 25","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2280800
Patrick Bond
ABSTRACTSamir Amin’s critiques of both apartheid-era and post-apartheid political economy contributed to his scathing view of the crucial ‘semi-peripheral’ layer of the world system, a perspective typically ignored in binary formulations of Global North and Global South. Amin’s 1977 article ‘The future of South Africa’ was among his first statements of how, using that era’s dependency theory language, ‘South African capital requires an outward policy of expansionism, so that ultimately, internal colonialism becomes coterminous with sub-imperialism’. Amin also labeled post-apartheid South Africa sub-imperialist because of the domination of ‘monopoly capital’ in the extractive-industry circuits (depleting what Marx called ‘free gifts of nature’) and the below-survival-level wages that have long shaped the economic structure. Two other coterminous factors were Pretoria’s imposition of continent-wide neoliberalism through the New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa BRICS network – both of which proved incapable of transcending neoliberal economic policies insisted upon by contemporary imperialism. Following the BRICS 2023 Sandton summit’s elite failure to advance de-dollarisation or other ‘delinking’ strategies, Amin would nod, knowingly, when hearing the term ‘sub-imperial’ to describe the bloc – and look for inspiration instead to successes of grassroots campaigners. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. Thanks are offered to Politikon reviewers Aziz Fall and Darlene Miller, and guest editor Vusi Gumede.
{"title":"‘Nothing has changed, South Africa’s sub-imperialist role has been reinforced’: Samir Amin’s durable critique of apartheid/post-apartheid political economy","authors":"Patrick Bond","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2023.2280800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2023.2280800","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTSamir Amin’s critiques of both apartheid-era and post-apartheid political economy contributed to his scathing view of the crucial ‘semi-peripheral’ layer of the world system, a perspective typically ignored in binary formulations of Global North and Global South. Amin’s 1977 article ‘The future of South Africa’ was among his first statements of how, using that era’s dependency theory language, ‘South African capital requires an outward policy of expansionism, so that ultimately, internal colonialism becomes coterminous with sub-imperialism’. Amin also labeled post-apartheid South Africa sub-imperialist because of the domination of ‘monopoly capital’ in the extractive-industry circuits (depleting what Marx called ‘free gifts of nature’) and the below-survival-level wages that have long shaped the economic structure. Two other coterminous factors were Pretoria’s imposition of continent-wide neoliberalism through the New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa BRICS network – both of which proved incapable of transcending neoliberal economic policies insisted upon by contemporary imperialism. Following the BRICS 2023 Sandton summit’s elite failure to advance de-dollarisation or other ‘delinking’ strategies, Amin would nod, knowingly, when hearing the term ‘sub-imperial’ to describe the bloc – and look for inspiration instead to successes of grassroots campaigners. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. Thanks are offered to Politikon reviewers Aziz Fall and Darlene Miller, and guest editor Vusi Gumede.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":" 38","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has long been considered a populist leader. This study attempts to investigate the evolution of Erdoğan’s populist discourse by examining his political campaign speeches throughout all years of his rule. Using computer-based quantitative content analysis, we analyze the dimensions of populism in Erdoğan’s speeches over time. Our data includes 42 election campaign speeches held between 2004 and 2018. We demonstrate how three dimensions of populism (people-centrism, anti-elitism, moralistic imagination of politics) manifest in Erdoğan’s speeches and how Erdoğan’s degree of populism varies from one election campaign to another. People-centrist approach constitutes the largest share of his discourse in comparison to other dimensions throughout all campaign speeches. Erdoğan’s anti-elitist rhetoric was insignificant during the initial period of his incumbency. However, it increased considerably in the 2014 and 2018 election campaigns. We connect these empirical trends to the particular events in Turkish politics. Thus, this study contributes to the field by providing an empirical approach to Erdoğan’s speeches.
{"title":"Measuring Populist Discourse of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan","authors":"Furkan Çay, Assem Kalkamanova","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.1","url":null,"abstract":"Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has long been considered a populist leader. This study attempts to investigate the evolution of Erdoğan’s populist discourse by examining his political campaign speeches throughout all years of his rule. Using computer-based quantitative content analysis, we analyze the dimensions of populism in Erdoğan’s speeches over time. Our data includes 42 election campaign speeches held between 2004 and 2018. We demonstrate how three dimensions of populism (people-centrism, anti-elitism, moralistic imagination of politics) manifest in Erdoğan’s speeches and how Erdoğan’s degree of populism varies from one election campaign to another. People-centrist approach constitutes the largest share of his discourse in comparison to other dimensions throughout all campaign speeches. Erdoğan’s anti-elitist rhetoric was insignificant during the initial period of his incumbency. However, it increased considerably in the 2014 and 2018 election campaigns. We connect these empirical trends to the particular events in Turkish politics. Thus, this study contributes to the field by providing an empirical approach to Erdoğan’s speeches.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.22151/politikon.55.con2
Oleksii Zahreba
The 2023 IPSA World Congress in Buenos Aires showcased the transformative power of inclusiveness in academic conferences. While online gatherings have broadened access, this in-person event underscored the need for diversity and accessibility. Financial, visa, and language barriers often exclude students, scholars from the Global South, and marginalized voices. To address this, academic associations should actively involve students, provide travel support, and select conference locations thoughtfully. The IPSA Congress exemplified this approach, enabling students to organize panels and aiding Global South scholars through grants and regional collaborations. Such initiatives enhance the discipline's relevance, enriching cross-cultural dialogues and fostering equitable representation in political science.
{"title":"Revitalizing Conferences","authors":"Oleksii Zahreba","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.con2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.con2","url":null,"abstract":"The 2023 IPSA World Congress in Buenos Aires showcased the transformative power of inclusiveness in academic conferences. While online gatherings have broadened access, this in-person event underscored the need for diversity and accessibility. Financial, visa, and language barriers often exclude students, scholars from the Global South, and marginalized voices. To address this, academic associations should actively involve students, provide travel support, and select conference locations thoughtfully. The IPSA Congress exemplified this approach, enabling students to organize panels and aiding Global South scholars through grants and regional collaborations. Such initiatives enhance the discipline's relevance, enriching cross-cultural dialogues and fostering equitable representation in political science.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented exogenous shock for the European Union (EU) and its Member States, one that demanded a joint response at the EU level rather than several differentiated responses at the Member State level. As such, the pandemic crisis opened up a “window of opportunity” for institutional change in the EU’s financial assistance regime. This change pertains to the development of a set of rules governing the disbursement and withdrawal of funding to Member States in the context of crisis management. The paper thus aims to answer the following question: How did the COVID-19 pandemic affect the EU’s financial assistance regime? Drawing on a revisited historical institutionalist framework that allows for the examination of different types of institutional development, the paper argues that the COVID-19 pandemic constitutes a “critical juncture” for the EU's financial assistance regime, resulting in a shift from intergovernmental coordination (with the European Stability Mechanism) to a form of limited supranational delegation (with the Recovery and Resilience Facility).
{"title":"COVID-19 Pandemic and the Establishment of the Recovery and Resilience Facility","authors":"Andrea Capati","doi":"10.22151/politikon.55.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.55.2","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented exogenous shock for the European Union (EU) and its Member States, one that demanded a joint response at the EU level rather than several differentiated responses at the Member State level. As such, the pandemic crisis opened up a “window of opportunity” for institutional change in the EU’s financial assistance regime. This change pertains to the development of a set of rules governing the disbursement and withdrawal of funding to Member States in the context of crisis management. The paper thus aims to answer the following question: How did the COVID-19 pandemic affect the EU’s financial assistance regime? Drawing on a revisited historical institutionalist framework that allows for the examination of different types of institutional development, the paper argues that the COVID-19 pandemic constitutes a “critical juncture” for the EU's financial assistance regime, resulting in a shift from intergovernmental coordination (with the European Stability Mechanism) to a form of limited supranational delegation (with the Recovery and Resilience Facility).","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135834472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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