Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1952738
Godfrey Maringira, S. Gukurume
ABSTRACT In post-apartheid South Africa, one of the central analytical questions is to do with the continuity of protests, in particular student movement protests that are highly driven by social, economic and political conditions in the present. In a social and political context of student protests, student movement is considered a threat to the state and a target for state violence. In this paper, we assert that student movement in contemporary South Africa is a social and political space in which we can begin to engage with and understand issues of dispossession and repossession as re-emerging struggles in South Africa. We also assert that student protests should be understood as real or perceived emancipatory terrain of transformation within and beyond the university campus, but also as the engine that engages with the unfinished struggle for decolonisation and transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. We draw on and engage with decolonial thought as our analytical lens through which to unpack and understand student protests in South Africa.
{"title":"Politics, (Re)Possession and Resurgence of Student Protests in South African Universities","authors":"Godfrey Maringira, S. Gukurume","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1952738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1952738","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In post-apartheid South Africa, one of the central analytical questions is to do with the continuity of protests, in particular student movement protests that are highly driven by social, economic and political conditions in the present. In a social and political context of student protests, student movement is considered a threat to the state and a target for state violence. In this paper, we assert that student movement in contemporary South Africa is a social and political space in which we can begin to engage with and understand issues of dispossession and repossession as re-emerging struggles in South Africa. We also assert that student protests should be understood as real or perceived emancipatory terrain of transformation within and beyond the university campus, but also as the engine that engages with the unfinished struggle for decolonisation and transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. We draw on and engage with decolonial thought as our analytical lens through which to unpack and understand student protests in South Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"486 - 505"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1952738","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46290808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-19DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913552
M. Kpessa-Whyte, Mumuni Abu
ABSTRACT Since 1992, political power in Ghana alternates between the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). Yet beyond extrapolations from previous election results not much is known about the socio-demographic characteristics of the core membership of these two political parties. Using data from the Ghana Opinion Poll study conducted by the Centre for Policy Research and the Fredrich Ebert Stiftung, Ghana in April 2018, this study employed a multinomial logistic regression model to understand the social and demographic features around which support for the political parties in Ghana coalesced. We found that age of the respondent, education, employment, region of residence, ethnicity and religion are significant predictors of partisan affiliation. Notwithstanding the NDC’s electoral success over the years, we observe a process of political realignment that favours the NPP across most of the demographic variables analysed. The study has implications for the mobilisation and recruitment strategies of both political parties.
{"title":"A Comparative Analysis of the Social and Demographic Factors in Ghanaian Political Party Affiliations","authors":"M. Kpessa-Whyte, Mumuni Abu","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913552","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since 1992, political power in Ghana alternates between the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). Yet beyond extrapolations from previous election results not much is known about the socio-demographic characteristics of the core membership of these two political parties. Using data from the Ghana Opinion Poll study conducted by the Centre for Policy Research and the Fredrich Ebert Stiftung, Ghana in April 2018, this study employed a multinomial logistic regression model to understand the social and demographic features around which support for the political parties in Ghana coalesced. We found that age of the respondent, education, employment, region of residence, ethnicity and religion are significant predictors of partisan affiliation. Notwithstanding the NDC’s electoral success over the years, we observe a process of political realignment that favours the NPP across most of the demographic variables analysed. The study has implications for the mobilisation and recruitment strategies of both political parties.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"427 - 449"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913552","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45702545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913555
Nqophisa Diko, Norman Sempijja
ABSTRACT For decades, the most used mainstream model for economic growth and development was that used and promoted by the global north. However, this model has not seen the same results in the developing global south as it has in the developed global north. BRICS emerged as an organisation that presented an alternative means to the global north’s approach to economic growth and development. This article examines whether BRICS membership has fostered the economic growth and development of South Africa and Brazil. This article examines the five years before and after Brazil and South Africa joined BRICS. Key findings of the study are that economic growth and development gains have been minimal. The study concludes that Brazil and South Africa have achieved political gains from their BRICS membership, which is considered to offset the absence of tangible economic growth and development gains.
{"title":"Conduit for Economic Growth and Development? Exploring South Africa and Brazil’s BRICS Membership.","authors":"Nqophisa Diko, Norman Sempijja","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913555","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For decades, the most used mainstream model for economic growth and development was that used and promoted by the global north. However, this model has not seen the same results in the developing global south as it has in the developed global north. BRICS emerged as an organisation that presented an alternative means to the global north’s approach to economic growth and development. This article examines whether BRICS membership has fostered the economic growth and development of South Africa and Brazil. This article examines the five years before and after Brazil and South Africa joined BRICS. Key findings of the study are that economic growth and development gains have been minimal. The study concludes that Brazil and South Africa have achieved political gains from their BRICS membership, which is considered to offset the absence of tangible economic growth and development gains.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"355 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913555","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47843414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913553
M. Kanyane
ABSTRACT Faction is an old age phenomenon world over. The democratic consolidation in South Africa post 1994 is close to three decades but did not escape factionalism. Does faction phenomenon bring about havoc, conflicts, splits, and instability corollaries or strengthen party politics in response to fulfilling the general will? In responding to this question, South African party politics and factional battles within the ruling party and other political formations are discussed as a case study to explore the merits and demerits of factions and factionalism. In doing this, a discourse analysis was undertaken to understand how faction phenomenon brings about complots or a positive change. The discourse analysed arrived to the conclusion that whilst factions are blatantly criticised for rearing havoc and instability in party politics as well as signs of split-offs and threats as demerits in South Africa, there are also inevitable trade-offs to be welcomed as merits to create opportunities to drive positive change within the broader party-political spectrum to strengthen participatory democracy and the multi-party system in South Africa.
{"title":"Factions and Factionalism in South African Party Politics – Appraising (de)Merits","authors":"M. Kanyane","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913553","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Faction is an old age phenomenon world over. The democratic consolidation in South Africa post 1994 is close to three decades but did not escape factionalism. Does faction phenomenon bring about havoc, conflicts, splits, and instability corollaries or strengthen party politics in response to fulfilling the general will? In responding to this question, South African party politics and factional battles within the ruling party and other political formations are discussed as a case study to explore the merits and demerits of factions and factionalism. In doing this, a discourse analysis was undertaken to understand how faction phenomenon brings about complots or a positive change. The discourse analysed arrived to the conclusion that whilst factions are blatantly criticised for rearing havoc and instability in party politics as well as signs of split-offs and threats as demerits in South Africa, there are also inevitable trade-offs to be welcomed as merits to create opportunities to drive positive change within the broader party-political spectrum to strengthen participatory democracy and the multi-party system in South Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"572 - 588"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913553","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59309085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913554
E. Bornman, J. Harvey, Herman Janse van Vuuren, B. Kekana, Mokgadi Matuludi, Bongi Mdakane, L. Ramphele
ABSTRACT Since the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, a new generation of ‘Born Frees’ have been able to vote. With a worldwide decrease in formal political engagement and a rise in alternative forms of political participation among the youth, this qualitative study investigates political engagement among youth from the Pretoria area. Six focus groups were conducted from 2014 to 2018. The results indicate that post-apartheid youth are not a monolithic group. Some youth were enthusiastic and regarded voting as a rite of passage to adulthood. Voting was, furthermore, perceived as a valued right, an obligation due to those who struggled against apartheid, and a way to influence society. However, some black participants voiced apathy and/or disillusionment with the current (older) political leadership and parties. Not voting was perceived as a conscious act of political opposition. Conclusions are drawn about the implications for the South African democracy.
{"title":"Political Engagement and Opinions of Youth in Post-apartheid South Africa: A Qualitative Study","authors":"E. Bornman, J. Harvey, Herman Janse van Vuuren, B. Kekana, Mokgadi Matuludi, Bongi Mdakane, L. Ramphele","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913554","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, a new generation of ‘Born Frees’ have been able to vote. With a worldwide decrease in formal political engagement and a rise in alternative forms of political participation among the youth, this qualitative study investigates political engagement among youth from the Pretoria area. Six focus groups were conducted from 2014 to 2018. The results indicate that post-apartheid youth are not a monolithic group. Some youth were enthusiastic and regarded voting as a rite of passage to adulthood. Voting was, furthermore, perceived as a valued right, an obligation due to those who struggled against apartheid, and a way to influence society. However, some black participants voiced apathy and/or disillusionment with the current (older) political leadership and parties. Not voting was perceived as a conscious act of political opposition. Conclusions are drawn about the implications for the South African democracy.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"372 - 390"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913554","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43592071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1917206
Stephanie Rudwick, Z. Sijadu, I. Turner
ABSTRACT This study is based on a discourse analysis of official COVID-19 addresses by South African national government ministers with a focus on linguistic choices. While access to healthcare is an obvious issue of social justice during the pandemic, language plays a covert role in processes of access and inequality. Linguistic understanding influences social participation and during an epidemic crisis, access to language plays a significant role in improving responses of affected individuals. Although English is widely accepted as a common lingua franca in the country, it excludes those who are not proficient in the language. In this article, we analyse code-switching practices, translanguaging, and increasing African language usage among ministers of parliament during official COVID-19 speeches and briefings. We argue that the growing use of multilingual resources among South African politicians carries ramifications on language politics, i.e. a shift away from an unquestioned monolingual discourse purporting English as ‘the’ lingua franca which has in the past characterised most national speeches. From this new multilingual perspective, the pandemic has effected an inward orientation rather than the previously dominating concern with international relations.
{"title":"Politics of Language in COVID-19: Multilingual Perspectives from South Africa","authors":"Stephanie Rudwick, Z. Sijadu, I. Turner","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1917206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1917206","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study is based on a discourse analysis of official COVID-19 addresses by South African national government ministers with a focus on linguistic choices. While access to healthcare is an obvious issue of social justice during the pandemic, language plays a covert role in processes of access and inequality. Linguistic understanding influences social participation and during an epidemic crisis, access to language plays a significant role in improving responses of affected individuals. Although English is widely accepted as a common lingua franca in the country, it excludes those who are not proficient in the language. In this article, we analyse code-switching practices, translanguaging, and increasing African language usage among ministers of parliament during official COVID-19 speeches and briefings. We argue that the growing use of multilingual resources among South African politicians carries ramifications on language politics, i.e. a shift away from an unquestioned monolingual discourse purporting English as ‘the’ lingua franca which has in the past characterised most national speeches. From this new multilingual perspective, the pandemic has effected an inward orientation rather than the previously dominating concern with international relations.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"242 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1917206","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41797396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1917205
Ainara Mancebo
ABSTRACT The President of the Republic of South Africa declared a national state of disaster, in terms of the Disaster Management Act 2002 (Act 57 of 2002) on the 16th of March 2020, which empowers the executive to coordinate disaster management mechanism that focuses on preventing and reducing the outbreak of Covid-19 virus. In other words, the legislative and executive functions of the state have effectively been lapsed into one. This case study examines the consequences of this type of emergency regime on the behaviour of parliamentary opposition parties. Parliaments initiate, prepare and pass legislation, as well as exercise oversight and hold government to account. I look at the number of amendments, oral and written questions for a limited period of six months from the announcement of the national state of disaster, and compare with the same period the previous years, 2018, 2019, 2020, to determine if the changing nature of executive-legislative constitutional balance has influenced the behaviour of opposition parties in their strategies relating to policy-making and scrutiny.
{"title":"South African Opposition Party Behaviour Under the National State of Disaster to Respond to the Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"Ainara Mancebo","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1917205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1917205","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The President of the Republic of South Africa declared a national state of disaster, in terms of the Disaster Management Act 2002 (Act 57 of 2002) on the 16th of March 2020, which empowers the executive to coordinate disaster management mechanism that focuses on preventing and reducing the outbreak of Covid-19 virus. In other words, the legislative and executive functions of the state have effectively been lapsed into one. This case study examines the consequences of this type of emergency regime on the behaviour of parliamentary opposition parties. Parliaments initiate, prepare and pass legislation, as well as exercise oversight and hold government to account. I look at the number of amendments, oral and written questions for a limited period of six months from the announcement of the national state of disaster, and compare with the same period the previous years, 2018, 2019, 2020, to determine if the changing nature of executive-legislative constitutional balance has influenced the behaviour of opposition parties in their strategies relating to policy-making and scrutiny.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"174 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1917205","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46486285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913798
K. Matlosa
ABSTRACT Conventional wisdom conceives of COVID-19 narrowly as a global health crisis requiring a medical response with a view to ensure health security. A holistic approach characterises COVID-19 as a major crisis that require a response that safeguards democracy. With the onset of COVID-19, African countries have either proceeded with elections or postponed them. Each option has come with challenges for democratisation, peace and stability. Furthermore, African countries find themselves at the horns of dilemma between promoting the right to vote (democracy) on one hand and safeguarding the right to health for citizens (human security) on the other. The stark reality is that African states have to advance both democracy and human security in tandem. Depending on contexts, failure to maintain the democracy-human security balance may bolster autocratisation in Africa.
{"title":"Elections in Africa During Covid-19: The Tenuous Balance Between Democracy and Human Security","authors":"K. Matlosa","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913798","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913798","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Conventional wisdom conceives of COVID-19 narrowly as a global health crisis requiring a medical response with a view to ensure health security. A holistic approach characterises COVID-19 as a major crisis that require a response that safeguards democracy. With the onset of COVID-19, African countries have either proceeded with elections or postponed them. Each option has come with challenges for democratisation, peace and stability. Furthermore, African countries find themselves at the horns of dilemma between promoting the right to vote (democracy) on one hand and safeguarding the right to health for citizens (human security) on the other. The stark reality is that African states have to advance both democracy and human security in tandem. Depending on contexts, failure to maintain the democracy-human security balance may bolster autocratisation in Africa.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"159 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913798","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47306478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913800
Siphamandla Zondi, K. Ombongi
Anisin casts a critical eye on how the Western-sponsored liberal international order has contended with the international crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic both to politics and global economic governance Health emergencies of a scale and intensity as witnessed in the case of the novel corona virus (COVID-19) are rare Both papers show how the COVID-19 crisis presents opportunities to challenge the longstanding challenges of postcolonial state [Extracted from the article] Copyright of Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use This abstract may be abridged No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract (Copyright applies to all Abstracts )
{"title":"COVID-19, Politics and International Relations: hopes and impediments","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi, K. Ombongi","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913800","url":null,"abstract":"Anisin casts a critical eye on how the Western-sponsored liberal international order has contended with the international crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic both to politics and global economic governance Health emergencies of a scale and intensity as witnessed in the case of the novel corona virus (COVID-19) are rare Both papers show how the COVID-19 crisis presents opportunities to challenge the longstanding challenges of postcolonial state [Extracted from the article] Copyright of Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use This abstract may be abridged No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract (Copyright applies to all Abstracts )","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"1 1","pages":"157 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79774525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2021.1913806
Linganaden Murday, S. J. Reddi, Sheetal Sheena Sookrajowa
ABSTRACT Mauritius is usually portrayed as one of the most democratic countries in the world and a symbol of good governance. In the COVID-19 context, it is also cited as one of the very few countries that has successfully halted local transmission of the virus. While this reputation is deserved to some extent, there are very real governance issues and undemocratic tendencies that are experienced by its people but rarely captured by outsiders. Using documentary analysis, this article draws from the COVID-19 context to provide a different view of governance in Mauritius. It shows that Mauritius has long-standing governance issues and points out that the government that came to power in 2014 has had a pronounced autocratic tendency that has exacerbated these governance issues. However, no major protest occurred because it was able to balance public outcry with populist measures. The responses to the pandemic acted as a magnifying glass on those governance issues and the new socio-economic situation created by the pandemic neutralised the effect of populist measures. This, in turn, generated an explosive context worsened by another event like the Wakashio oil spill that led to an emerging citizen’s movement that holds the potential to fuel reforms of the country’s ailing governance.
{"title":"Challenges of Governance During COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case Study of Mauritius","authors":"Linganaden Murday, S. J. Reddi, Sheetal Sheena Sookrajowa","doi":"10.1080/02589346.2021.1913806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mauritius is usually portrayed as one of the most democratic countries in the world and a symbol of good governance. In the COVID-19 context, it is also cited as one of the very few countries that has successfully halted local transmission of the virus. While this reputation is deserved to some extent, there are very real governance issues and undemocratic tendencies that are experienced by its people but rarely captured by outsiders. Using documentary analysis, this article draws from the COVID-19 context to provide a different view of governance in Mauritius. It shows that Mauritius has long-standing governance issues and points out that the government that came to power in 2014 has had a pronounced autocratic tendency that has exacerbated these governance issues. However, no major protest occurred because it was able to balance public outcry with populist measures. The responses to the pandemic acted as a magnifying glass on those governance issues and the new socio-economic situation created by the pandemic neutralised the effect of populist measures. This, in turn, generated an explosive context worsened by another event like the Wakashio oil spill that led to an emerging citizen’s movement that holds the potential to fuel reforms of the country’s ailing governance.","PeriodicalId":45047,"journal":{"name":"Politikon","volume":"48 1","pages":"226 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02589346.2021.1913806","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41934822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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