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South African local government at crossroads 南非地方政府正处于十字路口
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2023.2166445
Bhaso Ndzendze, Siphamandla Zondi
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引用次数: 0
Governing Through Turbulent Coalitions: Will ActionSA Bring Stability to Gauteng Metropolitan Municipalities? 通过动荡的联盟治理:行动会给豪登省带来稳定吗?
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2151686
I. Khambule
ABSTRACT The 2021 Local Government Elections represented a turning point for South Africa’s electoral landscape as it produced a record number (66) of hung municipalities since the democratic dispensation. This follows the 2016 LGEs that brought changes in the control of key metropolitan municipalities (Nelson Mandela Bay, City of Johannesburg and the City of Tshwane). However, post-2016 elections, the coalition governance of these metropolitan municipalities faced instabilities and turbulences produced by different ideologies and interests within coalition partners. The 2021 LGEs saw the emergence of ActionSA strategically influencing the multiparty coalitions in metropolitan municipalities such as Ekurhuleni, Tshwane and the City of Johannesburg. With the noted coalition instabilities pre-ActionSA era, this article interrogates the meaning and implication of the rise of ActionSA for coalition governance in Gauteng metropolitan municipalities post 2021 LGEs. Preliminary evidence shows that ActionSA plays a critical role in stabilising Gauteng metros by acting as the intermediary between the Democratic Alliance and the multiparty coalition partners. In delineating ActionSA’s achievements and challenges in maintaining stability in these metros, the article notes the mammoth task of balancing between stabilising the metros and campaigning to win the metros and votes from and within coalition partners.
2021年地方政府选举代表了南非选举格局的一个转折点,因为它产生了自民主制度以来创纪录的(66个)悬浮市政当局。在此之前,2016年的LGEs带来了对主要大都市(纳尔逊曼德拉湾、约翰内斯堡市和茨瓦内市)控制的变化。然而,2016年大选后,这些大都市的联合治理面临着由联盟伙伴内部不同意识形态和利益所产生的不稳定和动荡。在2021年大选中,“行动联盟”的出现对埃库胡莱尼、茨瓦内和约翰内斯堡等大城市的多党联盟产生了战略影响。鉴于“行动联盟”之前的联盟不稳定,本文探讨了“行动联盟”的兴起对豪登省城市2021年LGEs后联盟治理的意义和影响。初步证据表明,行动联盟作为民主联盟和多党联盟伙伴之间的中间人,在稳定豪登省大都市方面发挥了关键作用。在描述行动组织在维护这些城市稳定方面取得的成就和面临的挑战时,文章指出,在稳定城市与争取城市和联盟伙伴的选票之间取得平衡是一项艰巨的任务。
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引用次数: 0
An Election Postponement as a Change of the Constitution: Its Democratic and Constitutional Implications 作为宪法变更的选举延期:其民主和宪法意义
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2151689
D. Kotzé
ABSTRACT The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on a possible postponement of the 2021 South African local government elections is analysed. The question was whether a court of law could constitutionally postpone the election and if so, would such a postponement constitute a legal amendment of the Constitution? In a brief literature review, four themes were identified, namely the ‘unamendability’ of a constitution, unconstitutional constitutional amendments, the ‘basic structure’ of constitutions’ doctrine and the ‘implicit limitations’ on amendments doctrine. The Electoral Commission of SA appointed the Moseneke inquiry for advice on whether the election will be free and fair while subject to the pandemic regulations. It recommended an election postponement beyond the constitutional time-limits which was tested by the Constitutional Court. The Court did not allow for a postponement but insisted on additional voter registrations. The conclusions are that the judiciary regarded ‘regular elections’ as a more binding constitutional principle than ‘free and fair elections’. Judicial amendments of the Constitution would be possible only in exceptional cases, which excluded the pandemic. The positive public perceptions about the election are qualified by a lower voter turnout, which results in compromising the quality of South Africa’s democracy, but only temporarily.
摘要分析了新冠肺炎疫情对2021年南非地方政府选举可能推迟的影响。问题是,法院是否可以根据宪法推迟选举,如果可以,这种推迟是否构成对宪法的法律修正?在一篇简短的文献综述中,确定了四个主题,即宪法的“不可修改性”、违宪宪法修正案、宪法学说的“基本结构”和修正案学说的“隐含限制”。南非选举委员会任命了Moseneke调查委员会,就在遵守疫情规定的情况下选举是否自由公正征求意见。它建议推迟选举,超过宪法法院测试的宪法时限。法院不允许延期,但坚持要求增加选民登记。结论是,司法机构将“定期选举”视为比“自由公正选举”更具约束力的宪法原则。只有在排除疫情的特殊情况下,才能对宪法进行司法修正。公众对选举的积极看法受到选民投票率下降的限制,这导致南非民主质量的下降,但只是暂时的。
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引用次数: 1
The 2021 municipal elections: rise of the volatile voter or disaffected citizen? 2021年市政选举:动荡的选民还是心怀不满的公民的崛起?
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2151690
C. Schulz-Herzenberg
ABSTRACT South Africa's 2021 municipal elections present something of a paradox. The results suggested a highly competitive environment, especially in the urban metropoles, with an unprecedented number of hung councils where no single party was able secure 51 percent. The larger parties suffered losses while smaller parties made gains, suggesting voters had abandoned old political homes for new ones. In contrast, while previous local elections enjoyed modest but steady increases in participation, the 2021 municipal elections also witnessed a sharp decline in voter turnout. Less than a third of eligible voters participated. This paper argues that these paradoxical features are likely to remain a feature of South African electoral politics in the medium-term. While many who participated were likely to be volatile voters, switching their votes to a party different from previous choices, their participation was insufficient to compensate for a higher numbers of abstentions, which are a result of growing political system disaffection with electoral actors. These disaffected citizens are positioned at the periphery of politics and will be difficult to entice back to the polls, leaving the competitive aspect of South Africa's elections reliant on a diminishing number of engaged and unpredictable voters.
摘要南非2021年的市政选举呈现出某种矛盾。结果表明,竞争激烈的环境,尤其是在城市大都市,无党派议会的数量空前,没有一个政党能够获得51%的选票。较大的政党遭受了损失,而较小的政党获得了收益,这表明选民已经放弃了旧的政治家园,转而选择了新的政治家园。相比之下,尽管之前的地方选举参与率略有但稳步上升,但2021年的市政选举投票率也大幅下降。只有不到三分之一的合格选民参加了投票。本文认为,这些自相矛盾的特征在中期内可能仍然是南非选举政治的一个特征。虽然许多参加投票的人可能是不稳定的选民,他们将选票投给了一个不同于以往选择的政党,但他们的参与不足以弥补弃权人数的增加,这是政治制度对选举行为体日益不满的结果。这些心怀不满的公民处于政治的边缘,很难吸引他们重返投票站,这使得南非选举的竞争方面依赖于越来越少的参与和不可预测的选民。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the binary: examining dynamic youth voter behaviour in South Africa 超越二元:考察南非年轻选民的动态行为
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2151687
M. Bekker, Carin Runciman, B. Roberts
ABSTRACT The 2021 South African local government elections continued a trend of dissipating turnout among young voters. The youth, aged 18–34, constitute nearly a third of SA's adult population, and their voting decisions could have a decisive influence on electoral politics. Youth voter behaviour - including that of the ‘born-free’ generation - has been an area of critical interest. However, this interest has mostly yielded an image of young people as disillusioned, consistent abstainers. We argue that youth electoral behaviour should be approached not as a binary of voter/abstainer, but be placed along a voting-behavioural continuum. Our analysis of UJElection Survey and the South African Social Attitudes Survey data, supports concepts that function as markers along this continuum, including ‘loyal voters', ‘casual voters', ‘party-loyal abstainers' and ‘consistent abstainers', each with different underlying motivations. Ultimately, this dispels static notions, providing a more nuanced and complex picture of youth voter behaviour.
摘要2021年南非地方政府选举延续了年轻选民投票率下降的趋势。18-34岁的年轻人占南非成年人口的近三分之一,他们的投票决定可能对选举政治产生决定性影响。年轻选民的行为——包括“天生自由”的一代——一直是人们关注的一个领域。然而,这种兴趣在很大程度上产生了一种年轻人的形象,他们是幻想破灭的、始终如一的禁欲者。我们认为,不应将青年的选举行为视为选民/弃权者的二元关系,而应将其置于投票行为的连续体中。我们对UJElection Survey和南非社会态度调查数据的分析支持了在这一连续体中起标记作用的概念,包括“忠诚选民”、“临时选民”、”政党忠诚弃权者“和”一贯弃权者“,每一个都有不同的潜在动机。最终,这消除了静态的观念,为年轻选民的行为提供了一幅更加微妙和复杂的画面。
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引用次数: 5
An Agenda with no gender: 2021 local government elections and patriarchal domination in South African politics 无性别议程:2021年地方政府选举和南非政治中的父权制统治
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2161448
H. Ndlovu
ABSTRACT The South African opposition political parties went to the 2021 local government elections with one agenda: to push the African National Congress (ANC) – as the majority political party since the dawn of democracy to the opposition bench. This was despite their deep-seated ideological differences that are to date, far from being reconciled. The Democratic Alliance (DA), liberal at core, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) adopting the radical left stance and the Action SA as a new kid on the opposition block, had to sacrifice their differences to ensure that they unseat the ANC from all the major metropolitan municipalities in the Gauteng province and other provinces. While the agenda was clear, the politics has not centred women as part of transformative development. Sprinkling a few women here and there, the political parties continue to consolidate patriarchal dominance through compromised coalitions. The paper draws analysis from the election manifestos of four political parties, the ANC as the majority ruling party, the DA and the EFF as the major opposition political parties and the ActionSA as a newcomer and the kingmaker of the 2021 LGE in Gauteng. I argue that in spite of women accounting for a higher number of voters than men, women continue to be poorly represented in local politics.
摘要:南非反对党参加2021年地方政府选举的议程只有一个:将非洲人国民大会(ANC)推上反对党席位。尽管迄今为止,他们之间根深蒂固的意识形态分歧远未得到调和。以自由主义为核心的民主联盟(DA)、采取激进左翼立场的经济自由斗士(EFF)和作为反对党新成员的南非行动党(Action SA)不得不牺牲他们的分歧,以确保他们将非国大从豪登省和其他省的所有大城市赶下台。虽然议程很明确,但政治并没有把妇女作为变革发展的一部分。各政党通过妥协的联盟,继续巩固父权制的主导地位。本文从四个政党的竞选宣言中进行了分析,ANC是多数执政党,DA和EFF是主要反对党,ActionSA是豪登省2021年LGE的新人和缔造者。我认为,尽管女性选民人数高于男性,但女性在地方政治中的代表性仍然很低。
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引用次数: 0
Local government elections and the illusion of pragmatism 地方政府选举与实用主义幻想
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2161445
M. Shangase
ABSTRACT The emphasis on and centrality of service delivery in political party manifestos brings about an illusion of local government as a de-ideological and value-free sphere of governance. Whilst the focus on service delivery implies a strict pragmatism of sorts, it can be argued that this occurs against a backdrop of prevailing paradigms or frameworks of ideas which determine the parameters for political action even at this sphere of government. Moreover, the emphasis on service delivery in party manifestos gives the impression that political parties are interchangeable as the focus is on pragmatic and ‘neutral’ service provision. The short history of local government in South Africa, however, does have episodes of neoliberal approaches at the municipal level and that past has been ignored. Following the 2021 local government elections, A fair few analysts have advanced the notion that local government is about pragmatism and service delivery and not grand narratives and ideology.
摘要政党宣言中对服务提供的强调和中心地位,使人们产生了一种错觉,认为地方政府是一个去意识形态和无价值观的治理领域。虽然对服务提供的关注意味着某种程度上的严格实用主义,但可以说,这是在主流范式或思想框架的背景下发生的,这些范式或框架甚至决定了政府这一领域的政治行动参数。此外,政党宣言中对服务提供的强调给人的印象是,政党是可以互换的,因为重点是务实和“中立”的服务提供。然而,南非地方政府的短暂历史确实在市政层面出现了新自由主义的做法,而过去的做法被忽视了。在2021年地方政府选举之后,相当多的分析人士提出了这样一种观点,即地方政府是关于实用主义和服务提供的,而不是宏大的叙事和意识形态。
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引用次数: 0
Kidney metabolism and acid-base control: back to the basics. 肾脏代谢和酸碱控制:回归基本原理。
4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-08-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1007/s00424-022-02696-6
Pedro Henrique Imenez Silva, Nilufar Mohebbi

Kidneys are central in the regulation of multiple physiological functions, such as removal of metabolic wastes and toxins, maintenance of electrolyte and fluid balance, and control of pH homeostasis. In addition, kidneys participate in systemic gluconeogenesis and in the production or activation of hormones. Acid-base conditions influence all these functions concomitantly. Healthy kidneys properly coordinate a series of physiological responses in the face of acute and chronic acid-base disorders. However, injured kidneys have a reduced capacity to adapt to such challenges. Chronic kidney disease patients are an example of individuals typically exposed to chronic and progressive metabolic acidosis. Their organisms undergo a series of alterations that brake large detrimental changes in the homeostasis of several parameters, but these alterations may also operate as further drivers of kidney damage. Acid-base disorders lead not only to changes in mechanisms involved in acid-base balance maintenance, but they also affect multiple other mechanisms tightly wired to it. In this review article, we explore the basic renal activities involved in the maintenance of acid-base balance and show how they are interconnected to cell energy metabolism and other important intracellular activities. These intertwined relationships have been investigated for more than a century, but a modern conceptual organization of these events is lacking. We propose that pH homeostasis indissociably interacts with central pathways that drive progression of chronic kidney disease, such as inflammation and metabolism, independent of etiology.

肾脏是调节多种生理功能的核心,如清除代谢废物和毒素、维持电解质和体液平衡以及控制酸碱平衡。此外,肾脏还参与全身葡萄糖生成以及激素的产生或激活。酸碱条件会同时影响所有这些功能。面对急性和慢性酸碱紊乱,健康的肾脏能正确协调一系列生理反应。然而,受伤的肾脏适应此类挑战的能力会下降。慢性肾病患者就是典型的慢性和进行性代谢性酸中毒患者。他们的机体发生了一系列变化,导致多个参数的稳态发生巨大的不利变化,但这些变化也可能进一步导致肾脏损伤。酸碱紊乱不仅会导致酸碱平衡维持机制发生变化,还会影响与之紧密相连的其他多种机制。在这篇综述文章中,我们将探讨肾脏参与维持酸碱平衡的基本活动,并说明这些活动如何与细胞能量代谢和其他重要的细胞内活动相互关联。一个多世纪以来,人们一直在研究这些相互交织的关系,但缺乏对这些活动的现代概念性组织。我们提出,酸碱平衡与炎症和新陈代谢等推动慢性肾脏病进展的核心通路之间存在不可分割的相互作用,与病因无关。
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引用次数: 0
The African Three (A3) at the UN Security Council: Translating Agency into Influence? 联合国安理会的非洲三巨头:将机构转化为影响力?
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2122003
M. Brosig, Markus Lecki
ABSTRACT African positions in multilateral organisations have become more pronounced in recent years. An emerging body of literature on African agency indicates a visible increase in coordinating African interests at international level. This article interrogates to which degree African agency has materialised at the UN Security Council (UNSC) and whether this has led to greater influence in the highest decision-making body of the UN? For this undertaking, we explore UNSC resolution voting patterns over a period of 22 years (2000–2021). This is the first time an extensive analysis of A3 voting at the UNSC has been conducted. We find that although there are qualitative signs of improved coordination, this has only partially resulted in a measurable increase in direct influence. The article connotes an agency influence gap. African countries do not effectively transfer their new found agency into greater influence. The last section of the article presents four explanatory reasons for this deficiency.
近年来,非洲在多边组织中的地位越来越明显。关于非洲机构的新文献表明,在国际一级协调非洲利益的工作明显增加。这篇文章质疑非洲机构在联合国安理会(UNSC)的实体化程度,以及这是否导致了在联合国最高决策机构的更大影响力?为此,我们研究了22年间(2000-2021年)联合国安理会决议的投票模式。这是首次对安理会的A3投票进行全面分析。我们发现,虽然有改善协调的定性迹象,但这只是部分导致直接影响的可衡量的增加。这篇文章暗示了机构影响力差距。非洲国家并没有有效地将其新成立的机构转化为更大的影响力。文章的最后一节提出了这一缺陷的四个解释原因。
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引用次数: 2
Normative Emulation and the Diffusion of Institutional Frameworks from the European Union to the African Union 规范性模仿与制度框架从欧洲联盟向非洲联盟的扩散
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2022.2103332
G. Nubong
ABSTRACT The European and African experiences of integration have followed different historical trajectories. However, Africa’s approach to regionalism seems to be dominated by European conceptions in two areas: political and institutional. From an institutional perspective, a number of European Union and African Union institutions bare certain similarities. Do these institutional similarities represent traceable evidence of the diffusion of regional integration from the European Union to the African Union? This article answers this question using a process tracing methodology within a policy transfer and diffusion framework. It tests for evidence of diffusion haven occurred through conditionalities (incentives) offered from EU support for Africa’s continental integration as well as for lesson drawing and emulation by the AU. It finds no traceable evidence of diffusion from the EU to the OAU/AU between 1963 to 2003 and concludes that normative emulation is the most probable cause of the institutional similarities between the EU and AU.
摘要欧洲和非洲的一体化经历遵循着不同的历史轨迹。然而,非洲对区域主义的态度似乎在两个领域受到欧洲观念的支配:政治和体制。从体制角度来看,欧洲联盟和非洲联盟的一些机构有某些相似之处。这些制度上的相似之处是否代表了区域一体化从欧洲联盟向非洲联盟扩散的可追溯证据?本文使用政策转移和扩散框架内的过程跟踪方法回答了这个问题。它通过欧盟对非洲大陆一体化的支持以及非盟的借鉴和效仿来测试扩散的证据。它没有发现1963年至2003年间从欧盟扩散到非统组织/非盟的可追溯证据,并得出结论,规范模仿是欧盟和非盟之间制度相似的最可能原因。
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引用次数: 3
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Politikon
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