Pub Date : 2021-07-29DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1957606
Baogang He
Abstract A variety of forms and practices of citizenship in China has been well studied, but, unfortunately, studies on industrial citizenship are missing. Moreover, while there has been a growing literature on Chinese workers and their relationship with management in the last decade or so, most of it has focussed on protest and litigation rather than on deliberation and industrial citizenship. This paper fills the intellectual gap by applying T. H. Marshall’s idea of industrial citizenship to workplaces in China and examining it through a case study of a workplace deliberation experiment. The workplace deliberation experiment showed that, first, workplace deliberation in China can be seen as a form of industrial citizenship and “participatory management”, which still retains an element of hierarchy, but falls short of the radical idea of industrial democracy and unionism. Second, workplace deliberation improved management practices but still faced significant obstacles, such as asymmetric power relationships and the control characteristics of industrial relations. Though Chinese industries are institutionalizing more workers’ voice input, Beijing nevertheless forestalls the Polish style of an independent trade union, thus workplace deliberation can be seen as a part of its authoritarian empowerment strategy.
{"title":"Industrial citizenship, workplace deliberation and participatory management in China: the deliberative polling experiment in a private firm","authors":"Baogang He","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1957606","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1957606","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A variety of forms and practices of citizenship in China has been well studied, but, unfortunately, studies on industrial citizenship are missing. Moreover, while there has been a growing literature on Chinese workers and their relationship with management in the last decade or so, most of it has focussed on protest and litigation rather than on deliberation and industrial citizenship. This paper fills the intellectual gap by applying T. H. Marshall’s idea of industrial citizenship to workplaces in China and examining it through a case study of a workplace deliberation experiment. The workplace deliberation experiment showed that, first, workplace deliberation in China can be seen as a form of industrial citizenship and “participatory management”, which still retains an element of hierarchy, but falls short of the radical idea of industrial democracy and unionism. Second, workplace deliberation improved management practices but still faced significant obstacles, such as asymmetric power relationships and the control characteristics of industrial relations. Though Chinese industries are institutionalizing more workers’ voice input, Beijing nevertheless forestalls the Polish style of an independent trade union, thus workplace deliberation can be seen as a part of its authoritarian empowerment strategy.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"438 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1957606","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47206531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-28DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1956174
Y. Xiong, Miao Li
Abstract The discrepancies in the implementation and enactment of policies on migrant children’s education in China’s largest city centers (i.e. Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen) have received increasing attention. Drawing upon data from a longitudinal ethnographic study conducted in Shanghai and policy documents issued by other city centers, we propose the concept of industrial ecology to explicate the divergent trajectories of municipal-level education policies and regulations on the systematic relocation of migrant children to local public schools. We maintain that the industrial ecology of host cities resembling either a pipeline-shaped network of companies or a root-like network of companies has a decisive impact on the inclusiveness of city-level policies. In addition, by ‘voting with their feet’ migrants relocate to other cities to acquire their fundamental citizenship rights. Therefore, China’s largest city centers implement different policies to integrate migrant children into the public education system because of the interplay between the mechanism of competition between the host city and adjacent cities for retaining the workforce and the ‘voting with their feet’ mechanism of migrants.
{"title":"Industrial ecology and local citizenship of migrant children in urban China","authors":"Y. Xiong, Miao Li","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1956174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1956174","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The discrepancies in the implementation and enactment of policies on migrant children’s education in China’s largest city centers (i.e. Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen) have received increasing attention. Drawing upon data from a longitudinal ethnographic study conducted in Shanghai and policy documents issued by other city centers, we propose the concept of industrial ecology to explicate the divergent trajectories of municipal-level education policies and regulations on the systematic relocation of migrant children to local public schools. We maintain that the industrial ecology of host cities resembling either a pipeline-shaped network of companies or a root-like network of companies has a decisive impact on the inclusiveness of city-level policies. In addition, by ‘voting with their feet’ migrants relocate to other cities to acquire their fundamental citizenship rights. Therefore, China’s largest city centers implement different policies to integrate migrant children into the public education system because of the interplay between the mechanism of competition between the host city and adjacent cities for retaining the workforce and the ‘voting with their feet’ mechanism of migrants.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"466 - 488"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1956174","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43515060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-08DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1940690
Ronghui Tan, R. Hu, A. Vatn
Abstract In this paper we discuss if existing political and economic institutions can ensure sustainable futures. We do so by combining a global outlook with more specifically examining the situation in China. Present institutions foster growth, they are however weak at motivating actions that keep economies within an environmentally safe and socially just space. We especially note the challenges that strong focus on growth combined with ex post environmental regulations create for natural systems with tipping-points. In this situation, there is a need to change institutions to ensure strong emphasis on long-term sustainability as opposed to short term economic surplus. Regarding political decision-making, we discuss ways to break short-termism through strengthening public deliberation as well as formalizing political responsibility for the future. Regarding economic institutions, we emphasize the need to widen the goals of firms including responsibilities for environmental qualities. The latter may demand changes in ownership structures.
{"title":"What does sustainability demand? An institutionalist analysis with applications to China","authors":"Ronghui Tan, R. Hu, A. Vatn","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1940690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1940690","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper we discuss if existing political and economic institutions can ensure sustainable futures. We do so by combining a global outlook with more specifically examining the situation in China. Present institutions foster growth, they are however weak at motivating actions that keep economies within an environmentally safe and socially just space. We especially note the challenges that strong focus on growth combined with ex post environmental regulations create for natural systems with tipping-points. In this situation, there is a need to change institutions to ensure strong emphasis on long-term sustainability as opposed to short term economic surplus. Regarding political decision-making, we discuss ways to break short-termism through strengthening public deliberation as well as formalizing political responsibility for the future. Regarding economic institutions, we emphasize the need to widen the goals of firms including responsibilities for environmental qualities. The latter may demand changes in ownership structures.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"6 1","pages":"486 - 514"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1940690","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42336172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-07DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1947643
Zhiqiang Xia, Xingyu Yan, Xiaoyong Yang
Abstract The gradual establishment of systematic, equalized, and standardized basic public services has drawn attention of the academic community to the mismatch between supply-demand, and public dissatisfaction. Big-data-driven public services innovatively attempt to solve these problems, and reflect the theoretical essence of the process by which big data can empower the responsiveness of governments. In this study, we adopted the theoretical frameworks of ‘diversified needs–selective responses’, ‘risk shocks–forward-looking responses’, and ‘forward-looking predictions–creative responses’. We propose that big data-driven public services should respond not only to present needs but also to social risks and future needs. Therefore, it is imperative to review the status, problems, and future directions of big data-driven public service research in China. This study uses bibliometric visualization analysis on data from research projects, monographs, and journal publications. The results reveal that the main research topics are basic theoretical issues, service-oriented government development guided by big data strategies, practical innovation of public services in the context of smart governance, and the effective supply of big data-driven public services. Previous studies suffered from weak theoretical reflection and construction, lacked relevant institutions, had less fine-grained and fragmented technical support, and lacked foresight and guidance. Attention should be paid to normative theories and institutions in big data-driven public services to ensure that these services are more targeted and prospective; creative research should be conducted. The systematic summarization of the current state of research and reflections on prospective and creative research trends will provide new ideas regarding future research directions.
{"title":"Research on big data-driven public services in China: a visualized bibliometric analysis","authors":"Zhiqiang Xia, Xingyu Yan, Xiaoyong Yang","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1947643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1947643","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The gradual establishment of systematic, equalized, and standardized basic public services has drawn attention of the academic community to the mismatch between supply-demand, and public dissatisfaction. Big-data-driven public services innovatively attempt to solve these problems, and reflect the theoretical essence of the process by which big data can empower the responsiveness of governments. In this study, we adopted the theoretical frameworks of ‘diversified needs–selective responses’, ‘risk shocks–forward-looking responses’, and ‘forward-looking predictions–creative responses’. We propose that big data-driven public services should respond not only to present needs but also to social risks and future needs. Therefore, it is imperative to review the status, problems, and future directions of big data-driven public service research in China. This study uses bibliometric visualization analysis on data from research projects, monographs, and journal publications. The results reveal that the main research topics are basic theoretical issues, service-oriented government development guided by big data strategies, practical innovation of public services in the context of smart governance, and the effective supply of big data-driven public services. Previous studies suffered from weak theoretical reflection and construction, lacked relevant institutions, had less fine-grained and fragmented technical support, and lacked foresight and guidance. Attention should be paid to normative theories and institutions in big data-driven public services to ensure that these services are more targeted and prospective; creative research should be conducted. The systematic summarization of the current state of research and reflections on prospective and creative research trends will provide new ideas regarding future research directions.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"531 - 558"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1947643","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46421184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract With the improvement of people’s living standards and the awakening of environmental rights awareness, pollution and mass environmental incidents have become the focus of public attention. Using grounded theory analysis in qualitative research and multivariate statistical technology in quantitative research, taking residents and public officials of Shijiazhuang, Tangshan and Heng Shui as the research objects, Study 1 has defined the concept of the political cost of environmental problems (PCEP) and has constructed the PCEP scale by using the methods of interview and questionnaire survey, which provided sufficient theoretical explanation and empirical support for the research on the political cost of environmental problems. Study 2 has explored the relationship between PCEP and the environment-friendly behaviors, verified the applicability of the scale, and found the institutional PCEP, the organizational PCEP, the social PCEP, and the mass basic PCEP all have a positive impact on environment-friendly behaviors.
{"title":"Measuring the political cost of environmental problems (PCEP): a scale development and validation","authors":"Yingyan Liu, Zaisheng Zhang, Huadun Chen, Heng Zhao","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1944555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1944555","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With the improvement of people’s living standards and the awakening of environmental rights awareness, pollution and mass environmental incidents have become the focus of public attention. Using grounded theory analysis in qualitative research and multivariate statistical technology in quantitative research, taking residents and public officials of Shijiazhuang, Tangshan and Heng Shui as the research objects, Study 1 has defined the concept of the political cost of environmental problems (PCEP) and has constructed the PCEP scale by using the methods of interview and questionnaire survey, which provided sufficient theoretical explanation and empirical support for the research on the political cost of environmental problems. Study 2 has explored the relationship between PCEP and the environment-friendly behaviors, verified the applicability of the scale, and found the institutional PCEP, the organizational PCEP, the social PCEP, and the mass basic PCEP all have a positive impact on environment-friendly behaviors.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"8 1","pages":"303 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1944555","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42922070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1943948
Lei Liu, Lixu Tang, Ruimin Liu, Mingyue Li
Abstract As the direct responsible cadre in China’s local environmental management, the role of environmental protection bureau head (EPBH) is both critical and embarrassing. However, the profile of this group of cadres is largely unknown. This paper makes the first attempt to delineate China’s prefectural EPBHs and find several distinct features. First, although advocated by the central authority, “be younger” has not been realized in the appointment of EPBH. On the contrary, older candidates have been more favored in recent years. Second, EPBH is primarily a political actor rather than professional actor. However, they have been bearing increasing political pressure due to professional task. Third, county governments and other prefectural departments are the most important sources of EPBH, while for general environmental officials, it is very hard to be promoted as EPBH. Fourth, the promotion chance of EPBH is relatively high and most of them have been promoted to county governments and other prefectural departments. Last, the number of EPBHs removed because of dereliction has increased notably, but only a small fraction was sanctioned for poor and fraud environmental supervision. Finally, corresponding suggestions are proposed to optimize the selection, appointment, and management of EPBH.
{"title":"The career characteristics of China’s prefectural environmental protection bureau heads with implication for the environmental governance","authors":"Lei Liu, Lixu Tang, Ruimin Liu, Mingyue Li","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1943948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1943948","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As the direct responsible cadre in China’s local environmental management, the role of environmental protection bureau head (EPBH) is both critical and embarrassing. However, the profile of this group of cadres is largely unknown. This paper makes the first attempt to delineate China’s prefectural EPBHs and find several distinct features. First, although advocated by the central authority, “be younger” has not been realized in the appointment of EPBH. On the contrary, older candidates have been more favored in recent years. Second, EPBH is primarily a political actor rather than professional actor. However, they have been bearing increasing political pressure due to professional task. Third, county governments and other prefectural departments are the most important sources of EPBH, while for general environmental officials, it is very hard to be promoted as EPBH. Fourth, the promotion chance of EPBH is relatively high and most of them have been promoted to county governments and other prefectural departments. Last, the number of EPBHs removed because of dereliction has increased notably, but only a small fraction was sanctioned for poor and fraud environmental supervision. Finally, corresponding suggestions are proposed to optimize the selection, appointment, and management of EPBH.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"212 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41434545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1934328
Wenguang Zhang, Ji Lu, Binbin Song, Hongping Lian
Abstract Various policy initiatives have been launched to spur innovation in China. They include pilot cities, self-dependent demonstration areas, and comprehensive reform zones. By reviewing the policy formulation processes of these initiatives, we describe the distinct features of experimentalist governance in China. And, we add to policy process theory by analyzing their authority distribution, strategic objectives, and policy goals and instruments. China’s pursuit of its innovation strategy has caused three experimentalist governance patterns to emerge. The cities explore policy alternatives through adaptive reconciliation. The regions test policy instruments through selective recognition. And, the central government uses hierarchical experimentation to deploy its policy frameworks. Through the temporal and spatial interactions of China’s multilevel governments, these patterns have shaped a progressive approach to the formation (or reformation) of the nation’s innovation policy.
{"title":"Experimentalist governance in China: The National Innovation System, 2003–2018","authors":"Wenguang Zhang, Ji Lu, Binbin Song, Hongping Lian","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1934328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1934328","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Various policy initiatives have been launched to spur innovation in China. They include pilot cities, self-dependent demonstration areas, and comprehensive reform zones. By reviewing the policy formulation processes of these initiatives, we describe the distinct features of experimentalist governance in China. And, we add to policy process theory by analyzing their authority distribution, strategic objectives, and policy goals and instruments. China’s pursuit of its innovation strategy has caused three experimentalist governance patterns to emerge. The cities explore policy alternatives through adaptive reconciliation. The regions test policy instruments through selective recognition. And, the central government uses hierarchical experimentation to deploy its policy frameworks. Through the temporal and spatial interactions of China’s multilevel governments, these patterns have shaped a progressive approach to the formation (or reformation) of the nation’s innovation policy.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1934328","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43381604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-03DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1933809
Youlang Zhang, Xufeng Zhu
Abstract Citizen-initiated contacts with the government considerably influence the outcomes of public management. Nevertheless, the following question remains inadequately explored and explained: Why are some citizens more likely to initiate contact with the government than others? This study examines how two distinct types of social ties, namely, daily and political ties, influence citizen contacting. We point out that daily and political ties can generally help reduce the information constraints involved in citizen contacting. Particularly, political ties may also increase citizens’ civic skills and capability to punish unresponsive government officials. We use original data from a nationally representative survey conducted in China in 2015 to verify our expectations. We find that citizens with strong political ties are significantly likely to initiate contact with local one-stop governments. Although consistently positive, the effects of daily ties are not statistically significant and tend to be smaller than the effects of political ties.
{"title":"Social ties and citizen-initiated contacts: the case of china’s local one-stop governments","authors":"Youlang Zhang, Xufeng Zhu","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1933809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1933809","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Citizen-initiated contacts with the government considerably influence the outcomes of public management. Nevertheless, the following question remains inadequately explored and explained: Why are some citizens more likely to initiate contact with the government than others? This study examines how two distinct types of social ties, namely, daily and political ties, influence citizen contacting. We point out that daily and political ties can generally help reduce the information constraints involved in citizen contacting. Particularly, political ties may also increase citizens’ civic skills and capability to punish unresponsive government officials. We use original data from a nationally representative survey conducted in China in 2015 to verify our expectations. We find that citizens with strong political ties are significantly likely to initiate contact with local one-stop governments. Although consistently positive, the effects of daily ties are not statistically significant and tend to be smaller than the effects of political ties.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"418 - 437"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1933809","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46959866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1922199
Xinrong Ma
Abstract Contradicting the existing refugee studies literature criticizing China’s passive engagement in international refugee protection, China accepted as many as 300,000 Vietnamese refugees (难侨) of Chinese descent in the wake of the Vietnam War and resettled them on state-owned farms in southern China. By focusing on Vietnamese refugees on a state-owned farm on the Leizhou Peninsula, South China, this study examines the (im)mobility experience of resettled Vietnamese refugees in China, through which the fluctuation of citizenship is reflected. This paper brings the ignored dimension of the state into the analysis of (im)mobility. While showing how the resettlement regime shapes the mobility and immobility experience of Vietnamese refugees in China, this study demonstrates their agency in relation to the desire for four statuses of mobility and immobility. Meanwhile, this paper demonstrates the fluctuation of citizenship of the group of resettled Vietnamese refugees over the past four decades. In doing so, it expands the scope of existing literature on migration and refugee studies to an understudied country of destination, China, and helps us better understand the complexity of refugees’ experiences within broader socio-economic and politico-institutional changes.
{"title":"Mobility and immobility: the fluctuation of citizenship of resettled Vietnamese refugees in China","authors":"Xinrong Ma","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1922199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1922199","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Contradicting the existing refugee studies literature criticizing China’s passive engagement in international refugee protection, China accepted as many as 300,000 Vietnamese refugees (难侨) of Chinese descent in the wake of the Vietnam War and resettled them on state-owned farms in southern China. By focusing on Vietnamese refugees on a state-owned farm on the Leizhou Peninsula, South China, this study examines the (im)mobility experience of resettled Vietnamese refugees in China, through which the fluctuation of citizenship is reflected. This paper brings the ignored dimension of the state into the analysis of (im)mobility. While showing how the resettlement regime shapes the mobility and immobility experience of Vietnamese refugees in China, this study demonstrates their agency in relation to the desire for four statuses of mobility and immobility. Meanwhile, this paper demonstrates the fluctuation of citizenship of the group of resettled Vietnamese refugees over the past four decades. In doing so, it expands the scope of existing literature on migration and refugee studies to an understudied country of destination, China, and helps us better understand the complexity of refugees’ experiences within broader socio-economic and politico-institutional changes.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"489 - 509"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1922199","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44730610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-25DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1923230
Keman Huang, S. Madnick, Fang Zhang, Michael Siegel
Abstract Cybersecurity is becoming an increasing hurdle for digital trade. The governance of cybersecurity in the global digital trade system is a bottom-up approach, where governments are implementing fragmental and inconsistent trade policies and forming different models of public–private co-governance. Based on network-governance theory, information security behavior theory, and international risk theory, we develop a conceptual model to investigate how various factors drive cybersecurity governance practices. Using Huawei’s 5G as an example, this study explores how different governments—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, and India—act on the cybersecurity concerns from Huawei’s 5G. The comparative analysis demonstrates how balancing different factors drive governments' actions and discuss what international corporations like Huawei can do to align their digital trade system strategies. This research guides international firms to participate in cybersecurity governance constructions within the digital trade system.
{"title":"Varieties of public–private co-governance on cybersecurity within the digital trade: implications from Huawei’s 5G","authors":"Keman Huang, S. Madnick, Fang Zhang, Michael Siegel","doi":"10.1080/23812346.2021.1923230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23812346.2021.1923230","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Cybersecurity is becoming an increasing hurdle for digital trade. The governance of cybersecurity in the global digital trade system is a bottom-up approach, where governments are implementing fragmental and inconsistent trade policies and forming different models of public–private co-governance. Based on network-governance theory, information security behavior theory, and international risk theory, we develop a conceptual model to investigate how various factors drive cybersecurity governance practices. Using Huawei’s 5G as an example, this study explores how different governments—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, and India—act on the cybersecurity concerns from Huawei’s 5G. The comparative analysis demonstrates how balancing different factors drive governments' actions and discuss what international corporations like Huawei can do to align their digital trade system strategies. This research guides international firms to participate in cybersecurity governance constructions within the digital trade system.","PeriodicalId":45091,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Governance","volume":"7 1","pages":"81 - 110"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23812346.2021.1923230","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46654276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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