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Rebuilding milk safety trust in China: what do we learn and the way forward 重建中国的牛奶安全信任:我们学到了什么
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-02-02 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1873609
Li Liu, Yuxin Wang, A. Ariyawardana
Abstract The melamine scandal of 2008 has caused significant consumer distrust on milk safety in China. Thus, the rebuilding of consumers’ trust towards Chinese milk safety has emerged as a key issue for governance in the dairy industry. Based on the trustee- and trustor-centric perspectives, it shows that existing studies ignore that trustees and trustors are interdependent in the dairy system. The examination of milk safety issues in isolation hinders effective rebuilding of trust and milk safety governance in China. In this review, we investigate both the current government and corporate actions (trustees) to assure milk safety and multiple factors that influence consumers’ trust (trustors) on milk safety in China. Our analysis revealed that the Chinese government and dairy corporates have adopted various measures to improve milk safety, and gradually introduced broader interventions to recover consumers’ trust in Chinese milk. However, to fully recover consumers’ trust and meet their expectations, consumers need to be engaged in the processes of milk safety governance.
摘要2008年的三聚氰胺丑闻在中国引起了消费者对牛奶安全的极大不信任。因此,重建消费者对中国牛奶安全的信任已成为乳制品行业治理的关键问题。基于以受托人和委托人为中心的观点,现有的研究忽略了受托人和信托人在奶制品系统中的相互依赖性。对牛奶安全问题的孤立审查阻碍了中国信任和牛奶安全治理的有效重建。在这篇综述中,我们调查了当前政府和企业为确保牛奶安全而采取的行动(受托人),以及影响消费者(委托人)对中国牛奶安全信任的多种因素。我们的分析显示,中国政府和乳制品企业已经采取了各种措施来提高牛奶安全,并逐步引入了更广泛的干预措施,以恢复消费者对中国牛奶的信任。然而,为了充分恢复消费者的信任并满足他们的期望,消费者需要参与牛奶安全治理的过程。
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引用次数: 3
The Chinese platform business group: an alternative to the Silicon Valley model? 中国平台商业集团:硅谷模式的替代品?
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1877446
Kai Jia, M. Kenney
Abstract The current understanding of platform expansion is based upon the experience of US West Coast firms. China, with its largely protected but enormous internal market, provides an ideal ‘experiment’ for examining how platform business models might develop different evolutionary trajectories in different environments. Based upon a study of the two largest platform firms, Tencent and Alibaba, and the far smaller but dominant Chinese online travel agency platform, Trip.com, we demonstrate that a different business model has emerged in China. In contrast to the West Coast model—in which the expansion occurs through internal development and introduction, acquisition, and venture capital investment—Chinese firms have employed two other strategies. The first is listing some of their existing operations separately on the stock market (what we term a ‘sell off’) but not giving up control. The second strategy is interfirm cross investments. The use of these two strategies has led to the formation of an organizational form, that we term the ‘platform business group (PBG)’, which extends and transforms the existing Chinese business group model. We discuss the environmental conditions that enable PBGs to pursue business strategies in a different manner than their Western counterparts and to identify the key conditions that allowed the PBG model to develop. Our extension of platform studies to China enriches and extends theoretical and practical understanding of Chinese platforms. Finally, we discuss the difficulties that PBG firms face in employing their business model internationally.
摘要目前对平台扩展的理解是基于美国西海岸公司的经验。中国拥有很大程度上受到保护但巨大的内部市场,为研究平台商业模式如何在不同环境中发展不同的进化轨迹提供了一个理想的“实验”。基于对腾讯和阿里巴巴这两家最大的平台公司以及规模小得多但占主导地位的中国在线旅行社平台Trip.com的研究,我们证明了中国已经出现了一种不同的商业模式。与西海岸模式不同的是,中国企业采用了另外两种策略。在西海岸模式中,扩张是通过内部开发和引进、收购和风险投资来实现的。第一种是在股票市场上单独列出他们现有的一些业务(我们称之为“出售”),但不放弃控制权。第二种策略是企业间交叉投资。这两种策略的使用导致了一种组织形式的形成,我们称之为“平台企业集团”,它扩展和改变了现有的中国企业集团模式。我们讨论了使PBG能够以不同于西方同行的方式追求商业战略的环境条件,并确定了允许PBG模式发展的关键条件。我们将平台研究扩展到中国,丰富和扩展了对中国平台的理论和实践理解。最后,我们讨论了PBG公司在国际上采用其商业模式时面临的困难。
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引用次数: 15
Deliberative representation: how Chinese authorities enhance political representation by public deliberation 审议代表性:中国当局如何通过公开审议提高政治代表性
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1870311
Zhongyuan Wang, S. Woo
Abstract Political representation centers on who claims to represent what and the extent to which the audience feels being represented. The mainstream body of scholarship on political representation has focused on electoral-based representation in the context of liberal-democratic settings. China provides an excellent case to study the phenomenon of non-electoral forms of political representation. This article seeks to address the question of how do the Chinese authorities enhance political representation by public deliberation in social welfare policy? Drawing on first-hand official documents and interview accounts from fieldwork conducted in Guangxi and Hubei, as well as secondary data sources, this article undertakes a mechanism-based comparative case study of these two localities, examining the different forms of citizen deliberation in poverty alleviation programs. It reveals that the party regime has developed an increasingly sophisticated set of strategies in establishing representation by deliberative consultation. Furthermore, two distinctive forms of deliberative representation, the state-authoritative model and the light-empowered model can be discerned from the different deliberative participatory experiences of Guangxi and Hubei. The deliberative elements introduced into the poverty alleviation program demonstrate that with a deeper and more consequential engagement of the citizens in welfare policy decision making, there can be an empowered form of political representation generated even in a non-electoral setting.
抽象政治代表的核心是谁声称代表什么以及观众感觉被代表的程度。关于政治代表性的主流学术机构专注于自由民主环境中基于选举的代表性。中国为研究非选举形式的政治代表现象提供了一个极好的案例。这篇文章试图解决这样一个问题:中国当局如何在社会福利政策中通过公众审议来提高政治代表性?本文利用广西和湖北实地调查的第一手官方文件和访谈记录,以及二次数据来源,对这两个地方进行了基于机制的比较案例研究,考察了扶贫项目中不同形式的公民审议。它表明,政党政权在通过协商建立代表权方面制定了一套越来越复杂的战略。此外,从广西和湖北不同的协商参与经验中,可以看出两种不同的协商代表形式,即国家权威模式和轻授权模式。扶贫计划中引入的审议要素表明,随着公民更深入、更重要地参与福利政策决策,即使在非选举环境中,也可以产生一种授权的政治代表形式。
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引用次数: 5
Redefining a Philosophy for World Governance 重新定义世界治理哲学
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2021.1875677
Xiao Alvin Yang
The current world seems to be on fire. Is there a way to save it? In this provocative book, Zhao Tingyang argues that the concept of a new Tianxia or all-under-heaven can offer an alternative bluep...
当前的世界似乎正在燃烧。有办法挽救它吗?在这本具有煽动性的书中,赵庭阳认为,新天下或全屋檐下的概念可以提供另一种蓝调。。。
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引用次数: 3
Policy entrepreneurship under hierarchy: how state actors change policies in China 等级制度下的政策企业家精神:中国的国家行为体如何改变政策
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-17 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1871207
Chun-sheng Shi, É. Frenkiel
Abstract How do actors develop entrepreneurial activities to bring about policy change? To what extent do the contexts in which they are embedded shape their behaviors? Relying on three comparative case studies, we use the structure-, institution- and agent-based analytical framework to investigate the complex and dynamic interactions between contexts and actors in the process of policy change initiated by state actors in authoritarian China. We propose a conceptual framework, ‘policy entrepreneurship under hierarchy’, which highlights the influence of power domination during the policy change process. It allows us to offer a renewed definition of policy entrepreneur and to identify a pattern of successful policy entrepreneurship in contrast to the ‘four central elements’ suggested by Mintrom and Nomann. We conclude that hierarchical policy entrepreneurship in China is displayed through two kinds of relationship: the proposal-approval between policy entrepreneurs and their superiors; and the instruction-execution between policy entrepreneurs and their subordinates.
参与者如何开展创业活动以带来政策变化?他们所处的环境在多大程度上塑造了他们的行为?通过三个比较案例研究,我们使用基于结构、制度和主体的分析框架来研究专制中国国家行为者发起的政策变化过程中,背景和行为者之间复杂而动态的相互作用。我们提出了一个概念框架,即“等级制度下的政策企业家精神”,该框架强调了权力支配在政策变化过程中的影响。它使我们能够重新定义政策企业家,并识别出一种成功的政策企业家模式,与Mintrom和Nomann提出的“四个核心要素”形成对比。研究发现,中国的层级型政策企业家精神表现为两种关系:政策企业家与上级之间的提案批准关系;以及政策企业家与其下属之间的指令执行。
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引用次数: 5
A Bright Shared Future (1), compiled by Chinese Academy of International Trade And Economic Cooperation (CAITEC) of the Ministry of Commerce 光明的未来(一),商务部中国国际贸易经济合作研究院编
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-07 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1868699
Jie Tan
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引用次数: 0
Civil society representation and digital accountability in Brazilian participatory institutions 巴西参与性机构中的民间社会代表性和数字问责制
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1721956
Debora Rezende de Almeida
Abstract This article discusses the potential of social media platforms to promote the accountability of civil society representatives with seats in participatory institutions in Brazil. Various scholars have cited digital platforms as mechanisms for improving the contact between representatives and their constituencies in situations where formal authorization has not occurred. Yet, little research empirically tests the assumptions that civil society representation is democratized by the adoption of these tools. This article contributes to this debate by presenting the concept of digital accountability and the results of qualitative research on National Policy Councils in Brazil responsible for Health and Social Assistance Policies. The study is based on content analysis of Facebook posts published by those councils between 2016 and 2018, and on semi-structured interviews with the managers of council Facebook pages. It argues that three factors explain the different uses of social media by the Councils: the history of participation in each public policy, the platform operators’ perception of the role of social media in the representative process, and the technical support available. These factors may also help to understand the different ways other institutions use digital media and, more broadly, the challenges in connecting non-electoral representatives to their potential constituencies.
摘要本文讨论了社交媒体平台在促进巴西参与性机构中拥有席位的民间社会代表问责制方面的潜力。许多学者认为,在没有正式授权的情况下,数字平台是改善代表与其选民之间联系的机制。然而,很少有研究实证检验公民社会代表权通过采用这些工具而民主化的假设。本文介绍了数字问责制的概念以及对巴西负责卫生和社会援助政策的国家政策委员会的定性研究结果,为这场辩论做出了贡献。这项研究基于对这些委员会在2016年至2018年间发布的脸书帖子的内容分析,以及对委员会脸书页面经理的半结构化采访。它认为,有三个因素可以解释理事会对社交媒体的不同使用:参与每项公共政策的历史、平台运营商对社交媒体在代表过程中的作用的看法,以及可用的技术支持。这些因素也可能有助于了解其他机构使用数字媒体的不同方式,以及更广泛地说,将非选举代表与其潜在选民联系起来的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
The influence of board interlocking network centrality on foundation performance: evidence from China 板互锁网络中心性对地基性能的影响:来自中国的证据
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1841483
Y. Wu, Yuting Zhang, Yutao Chen
Abstract Using the data of Chinese foundations, this research analyses the relationship between board interlocking network centrality and the performance of Chinese foundations. The result shows that the closeness centrality has a positive impact on their income and public welfare expenditure. In addition, the effect of closeness centrality is strengthened in non-public fund-raising foundations. However, degree and betweenness centrality have no effect on their performance. These findings demonstrate that board interlocking networks play an undoubtedly important role, and that foundations should actively establish and expand board interlocking networks to access all kinds of resources, achieve complementary advantages, and thus enhance their organizational capacity and performance.
摘要利用中国基金会的数据,分析了董事会连锁网络中心性与中国基金会业绩的关系。结果表明,封闭中心性对其收入和公共福利支出具有正向影响。此外,非公开募集基金会的封闭中心效应也得到了加强。然而,度和介数中心性对他们的表现没有影响。这些发现表明,董事会连锁网络无疑发挥着重要作用,基金会应积极建立和扩大董事会连锁网,以获取各种资源,实现优势互补,从而提高其组织能力和绩效。
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引用次数: 6
Singular or plural? Administrative burden and doing business in China 单数还是复数?行政负担和在中国做生意
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1859793
Liao Fuchong
Abstract Under what configuration of factors does administrative reform improve a business environment? What role does administrative burden play in government-business interactions? This article approaches these questions by examining the configuration of administrative reforms in the Chinese context and exploring administrative burden reduction through a new analytic framework. By analyzing provincial empirical data with the fsQCA method, we found that administrative reform could help improve a business environment by way of three pathways: the balance-developed path, the reform-oriented path, and the resource-driven path. Promoting a business environment is plural rather than singular. And, administrative burden reduction is the mechanism underlying this process. This configuration study of administrative reform and business environment construction in China not only adds to our understanding of administrative burden theory but also offers practitioners several pathways towards a higher quality business environment.
摘要行政改革是在什么样的因素配置下改善营商环境的?行政负担在政府与企业的互动中扮演什么角色?本文通过考察中国背景下的行政改革配置,并通过一个新的分析框架探索减轻行政负担,来解决这些问题。通过运用fsQCA方法分析省级实证数据,我们发现行政改革可以通过三条路径来改善营商环境:平衡发展路径、改革导向路径和资源驱动路径。促进商业环境是复数而非单数。而且,减轻行政负担是这一进程的基础机制。这项关于中国行政改革和营商环境建设的配置研究不仅增加了我们对行政负担理论的理解,而且为从业者提供了通往更高质量营商环境的几条途径。
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引用次数: 6
The discipline of form: why the premise of institutional form does not apply to Chinese capital, technology, land and labor 形式的纪律:为什么制度形式的前提不适用于中国的资本、技术、土地和劳动力
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1841975
P. Ho
Abstract China is an intellectually overwhelming paradox within development thinking. On the one hand, it is regarded as an economic powerhouse pushing forward decades of sustained growth, which even during major global crises, such as the Corona-epidemic and the 2008 Financial Crisis, bounced back with significant resilience. On the other hand, it appears burdened with all of the ‘wrong’ institutions: informal, insecure, and autocratic. This collection of papers posits that the paradox is no contradiction when understood through an alternative, theoretical lens: the function of institutions precedes form when trying to understand institutional performance. Thus, whether institutions are formal or informal, public or private, democratic or autocratic, is of secondary importance to the manner in which they function over time and space. To examine this hypothesis, known as the ‘credibility thesis’, the collection examines China’s institutions that govern: 1) capital; 2) technology; 3) land, and; 4) labor; in effect, state-owned banks, collective firms, corporate law and securities, patents and intellectual property rights, environmental bans, and the civil registration or hukou system. In so doing, it not only falsifies the widely prevalent assumption that institutional form determines performance, but concurrently, validates the applicability of the credibility thesis over widely varying sectors and assets.
摘要中国是发展思维中一个智力上压倒一切的悖论。一方面,它被视为推动数十年持续增长的经济强国,即使在科罗纳疫情和2008年金融危机等重大全球危机期间,这种增长也以显著的韧性反弹。另一方面,它似乎背负着所有“错误”的制度:非正式、不安全和专制。这组论文认为,当通过另一种理论视角来理解时,悖论并不矛盾:当试图理解制度绩效时,制度的功能先于形式。因此,无论机构是正式的还是非正式的,公共的还是私人的,民主的还是专制的,都比它们在时间和空间上的运作方式次要。为了检验这一被称为“可信度理论”的假设,该集考察了中国的治理机构:1)资本;2) 技术;3) 土地,以及;4) 劳动;实际上,国有银行、集体企业、公司法和证券、专利和知识产权、环境禁令以及民事登记或户口制度。在这样做的过程中,它不仅证伪了普遍存在的制度形式决定绩效的假设,而且验证了可信度理论在广泛不同的部门和资产中的适用性。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Chinese Governance
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