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Determinants of corruption in China: a policy perspective 中国腐败的决定因素:一个政策视角
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2018.1516388
Hummera Saleem, Wen Jiandong, Muhammad Bilal Khan
Abstract The main objective of this study is to investigate the major determinants for corruptions in the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China) using provincial panel data from 1998 to 2012 through the fixed effects and Instrumental Variables (IV) method. This paper uniquely considers the impacts of economic policy uncertainty on corruption in China. The study identified that the level of corruption has a positive relationship with the factors such as Foreign Direct Investments (FDI), uncertainty, economic development, public sector employees, size of provincial population and income inequality. And it was found that corruption has no correlation with salaries of public employees, women’s enrollment, anticorruption efforts, technological development, media and education. The study suggests that women’s enrollment is pretty unique, which depresses corruption in China. Further, it reveals the impact of technological development to reduce the rent-seeking activities. This study shows that there is a positive relationship between uncertainty and the level of corruption. The increase of uncertainty would lead to distract economic agents and economic drivers. The study suggests initiating serious economic and political reforms, since the level of corruption marginally decreases the economic growth of the country. Further, it emphasizes that the necessity of a regular framework to know how and why corruption saturates on the pillars of the state to succeed in anti-corruption policies.
摘要本研究的主要目的是通过固定效应和工具变量(IV)方法,利用1998年至2012年的省级面板数据,调查中华人民共和国(以下简称中国)腐败的主要决定因素。本文独特地考虑了经济政策的不确定性对中国腐败的影响。研究发现,腐败程度与外国直接投资、不确定性、经济发展、公共部门雇员、省级人口规模和收入不平等等因素呈正相关。研究发现,腐败与公职人员的工资、女性入学率、反腐力度、技术发展、媒体和教育无关。这项研究表明,女性入学人数是非常独特的,这抑制了中国的腐败。进一步揭示了技术发展对减少寻租活动的影响。这项研究表明,不确定性与腐败程度之间存在正相关关系。不确定性的增加会分散经济主体和经济驱动因素的注意力。该研究建议启动认真的经济和政治改革,因为腐败程度略微降低了该国的经济增长。此外,它强调,有必要建立一个常规框架,以了解腐败如何以及为什么充斥在国家支柱上,从而在反腐败政策中取得成功。
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引用次数: 6
Corporate reputation, shareholders’ gains, and market discounts: evidence from the private equity placement in China 企业声誉、股东收益和市场折扣:来自中国私募股权投资的证据
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2018.1554737
B. Adhikary, K. Kutsuna, Jiakang Xu
Abstract This paper extended the works of Wruck in 1989, and Hertzel and Smith in 1993 by incorporating the effects of corporate reputation on shareholders’ gains and market discounts in private equity placements (PEPs) taking data from the Chinese markets. Results demonstrate that corporate reputation significantly influences the shareholder’s gains in PEPs. Besides, factors such as market discounts, offering percentage, and connected transactions are positively related to the announcement effects whereas changes in ownership concentration negate the shareholders’ returns. By contrast, market discounts show a negative association with reputation status, indicating that reputation serves as a mitigating factor for resolving a firm’s undervaluation problem. These findings expect to help greatly to the managerial decision of PEP issuers in an emerging market.
摘要本文扩展了Wruck于1989年和Hertzel和Smith于1993年的研究成果,结合了私募股权投资中公司声誉对股东收益和市场折扣的影响,并从中国市场获取了数据。结果表明,公司声誉对股东在政治公众人物中的收益有显著影响。此外,市场折扣、发行比例和关联交易等因素与公告效应呈正相关,而所有权集中度的变化否定了股东的回报。相比之下,市场折扣与声誉状况呈负相关,表明声誉是解决公司低估值问题的缓解因素。这些发现有望大大有助于新兴市场政治公众人物发行人的管理决策。
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引用次数: 2
Middle leaders’ triple logics for leading school-organized extra-curriculum activities: evidence from Shanghai’s junior secondary schools 中层领导领导学校课外活动的三重逻辑:来自上海初中的证据
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-26 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1783824
Shuqin Xu, Zhonghua Guo
Abstract With reference to the heads of departments of moral education (HDMEs) in Shanghai’s junior secondary schools, this paper explores middle leaders’ logics for leading school-organized extra-curricular activities (SEAs). This qualitative study, guided by Woulfin’s lived logic framework, found that the interviewed HDMEs actively reinterpreted the institutional logics with three logics—expressive, instrumental, and hierarchical—by manipulating policy circulation, responding to the performative accountability and micropolitics in the hierarchy, and using correlative thinking. The lived logics of leading SEAs reveal that, as heads of a marginalized department in schools, the HDMEs struggled to seek visibility by using correlative thinking, promoting the importance of their work, and aligning with more helpful senior leaders. The study responds to theories on school middle leadership and implementation logic. It could deepen our understanding of the paradoxes in China’s development and governance, especially in areas concerning both measurable performance and unmeasurable issues (e.g. ideology and sustainable development).
摘要本文以上海市初中德育部门负责人为研究对象,探讨中学德育部门领导领导学校课外活动的逻辑。本定性研究在wilfin的生活逻辑框架的指导下,发现被访谈的hdme通过操纵政策循环、回应层级中的绩效问责和微观政治以及使用关联思维,积极地用表达逻辑、工具逻辑和层次逻辑三种逻辑重新解释制度逻辑。领先的海洋环境评估官的生活逻辑表明,作为学校中一个边缘化部门的负责人,海洋环境评估官努力通过使用相关思维、宣传其工作的重要性以及与更有帮助的高层领导保持一致来寻求知名度。本研究回应学校中层领导理论与执行逻辑。它可以加深我们对中国发展和治理中的悖论的理解,特别是在可衡量的绩效和不可衡量的问题(例如意识形态和可持续发展)方面。
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引用次数: 0
The credibility and bargaining during the process of policy implementation—a case study of China’s prohibition of open burning of crop straw policy 政策执行过程中的可信度与议价能力——以中国禁止秸秆露天焚烧政策为例
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1765453
Shengyu Fan, Tianyu Zhang, Mengyao Li
Abstract The truncated decision-making of China’s public policy process will inevitably lead to palpable bargaining during implementation. However, there are few concerns and researches at present focus on bargaining intensity between government and social actors. Therefore, the Credibility Thesis is introduced to the policy process in this paper, and the differences of credibility perceived by the public, grassroots government and intermediate government are supposed to reflect the bargaining intensity among them. Based on the adjustability of policy targets and credibility differences, policy implementation is divided into eight types to explain diverse situations more systemically and effectively during policy implementation. Besides, taking prohibition of open burning of crop straw policy (POBSP) as an example, this paper measures the changes of credibility at three points of time during policy implementation and analyzes the bargaining situation among farmers and multi-level governments. The case study proves the applicability of the theoretical framework of the policy implementation based on credibility thesis. It can show the feedback procedure and mechanism of policy implementation, and provide a new perspective for the policy analysis and improving policy performance.
摘要中国公共政策过程中决策的截断将不可避免地导致执行过程中明显的讨价还价。然而,目前很少有人关注和研究政府与社会行动者之间的讨价还价强度。因此,本文将可信度理论引入到政策过程中,公众、基层政府和中级政府对可信度的感知差异应该反映出它们之间的讨价还价强度。基于政策目标的可调整性和可信度差异,将政策执行分为八种类型,以更系统、更有效地解释政策执行过程中的各种情况。此外,以禁止秸秆露天焚烧政策(POBSP)为例,测量了政策实施过程中三个时间点的可信度变化,并分析了农民和多层次政府之间的议价情况。案例研究证明了基于可信度理论的政策实施理论框架的适用性。它可以展示政策执行的反馈过程和机制,为政策分析和提高政策绩效提供新的视角。
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引用次数: 12
Chinese state-owned commercial banks in reform: inefficient and yet credible and functional? 改革中的中国国有商业银行:效率低下,但仍然可信和有效?
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-03 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1772537
Godfrey Yeung
Abstract After the initial public offerings of state-owned commercial banks (SOCBs) in 2005–2010, the transformation of the property structure blurred the conventional boundaries between public and private property in China while the state continued to play an important role in the regulation and operation of this ‘hybrid property’: the mixed public-private ownership structure adopted for previously wholly SOCBs. It is could be that the perceived lending bias against private enterprises was a rational decision made by SOCBs in China, partly due to the high transaction costs of risk evaluation and the lack of any formal channels to mitigate the credit risks of such loans. The hybrid nature of SOCBs property rights makes them a credible and convenient channel for the state to provide counter-cyclical lending to contain any exogenous (economic) shocks that might occur as well as long-term financial support for development purposes in the transitional economy and thus contribute to socio-economic and political stability in China. Instead of a stumbling block for economic reforms in China, as posited by the conventional institutional analysts, the ambiguous property rights of SOCBs and their practice of offering favourable loan conditions to state-owned enterprises could actually contribute to their profitability and thus the continuity of hybrid property banking systems and their credibility in China.
摘要2005–2010年国有商业银行首次公开募股后,财产结构的转变模糊了中国公共财产和私人财产之间的传统界限,而国家继续在这种“混合财产”的监管和运营中发挥重要作用:以前完全由国有独资企业采用的公私混合所有制结构。对私营企业的贷款偏见可能是中国国有商业银行做出的理性决定,部分原因是风险评估的交易成本很高,而且缺乏任何正式渠道来降低此类贷款的信用风险。国有商业银行产权的混合性质使其成为国家提供反周期贷款以遏制可能发生的任何外部(经济)冲击的可靠和方便的渠道,并为转型经济中的发展提供长期金融支持,从而有助于中国的社会经济和政治稳定。传统机构分析师认为,国有商业银行模糊的产权及其向国有企业提供优惠贷款条件的做法,并不是中国经济改革的绊脚石,反而有助于它们的盈利能力,从而有助于混合型房地产银行体系的连续性及其在中国的信誉。
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引用次数: 5
Consultation as policymaking innovation: comparing government transparency and public participation in China and the United States 作为决策创新的咨询:中美政府透明度与公众参与比较
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-03 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1769539
S. J. Balla, Zhoudan Xie
Abstract This article compares government transparency and public participation in policymaking across China and the United States. The analysis specifically focuses on the notice and comment process—government announcement of proposed policies and solicitation of public feedback—at the Chinese Ministry of Commerce (MOC) and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The MOC and EPA are leading organizations in the implementation of such consultation in their respective countries. Information is collected and coded for hundreds of draft regulations and thousands of public comments that occurred during the 2002–2016 period. Statistical analysis of levels of, and variation in, transparency and participation demonstrates both similarities and differences in the operation of the notice and comment process at the MOC and EPA. Transparency and participation are generally lower at the MOC than in EPA consultations. Within such constraints, however, there is evidence of standardization in the administration of consultation by the MOC. These findings suggest that differences in the Chinese and U.S. political systems, rather than issues of administrative capacity, are the primary limitations of consultation as a policymaking innovation in contemporary China.
摘要本文比较了中美两国政府透明度和公众参与决策的情况。该分析特别关注中国商务部(MOC)和美国环境保护局(EPA)的通知和评论过程,即政府宣布拟议政策和征求公众反馈。MOC和EPA是在各自国家实施此类协商的领先组织。收集并编码了2002-2003年期间发生的数百项法规草案和数千条公众评论的信息。对透明度和参与度的水平和变化进行的统计分析表明,主运行中心和环境保护局在通知和评论过程中的操作既有相似之处,也有不同之处。MOC的透明度和参与度通常低于EPA协商。然而,在这些限制条件下,有证据表明主运行中心在咨询管理方面是标准化的。这些发现表明,中美政治制度的差异,而不是行政能力的问题,是协商作为当代中国决策创新的主要局限性。
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引用次数: 7
City brains and smart urbanization: regulating ‘sharing economy’ innovation in China 城市大脑与智慧城市化:规范中国“共享经济”创新
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-18 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1762466
Nele Noesselt
Abstract Starting from the officially proclaimed readjustment of the People’s Republic of China’s national development road map, this article engages in a theory-guided evaluation of the country’s artificial intelligence (AI) strategy in connection with its smart city initiatives. The government’s official quest to steer China toward a ‘new mode of urbanization’ has, as this article argues, facilitated the rise of the country’s ‘sharing economy’/’platform economy’, with the mushrooming of a private AI economy offering ‘smart’ algorithm-optimized solutions to complex urban governance dilemmas. To (re)strengthen control and to cement central authority, the Chinese government has set out to regulate and standardize this emerging private platform economy sector—while also attempting not to interrupt the innovation drive of the Chinese AI landscape as such. This article argues that these regulation efforts, contrary to conventional top-down steering approaches, rely on central-local collaboration and network coordination that involves a number of multiple actors operating under the ‘shadow of hierarchy’ of the central party-state.
摘要从中华人民共和国正式宣布的国家发展路线图调整开始,本文对中国的人工智能战略及其智慧城市举措进行了理论指导的评估。正如本文所说,政府引导中国走向“新型城市化模式”的官方努力促进了中国“共享经济”/“平台经济”的兴起,私营人工智能经济的兴起为复杂的城市治理困境提供了“智能”算法优化解决方案。为了(重新)加强控制和巩固中央权威,中国政府已着手监管和规范这一新兴的私营平台经济部门,同时也试图不中断中国人工智能领域的创新驱动。这篇文章认为,与传统的自上而下的指导方法相反,这些监管工作依赖于中央-地方合作和网络协调,其中涉及在中央政党国家的“等级制度阴影”下运作的多个参与者。
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引用次数: 11
The institutional challenge to co-deliver migrant integration and urban greening—evidence from Haizhu Wetland Park Project in Guangzhou, China 移民融合与城市绿化的制度挑战——来自中国广州海珠湿地公园项目的证据
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1760069
Jieling Liu, F. Gatzweiler
Abstract We aim to investigate the governance challenges of many Chinese urban governments to co-deliver migrant integration and urban green space provision. In specific, we examine the existing institutional arrangements applied in the Haizhu Wetland Park Project in Guangzhou and the consequential marginality. Why is it challenging for many urban governments to take social marginality into account in the conservation of urban green spaces? We approach this research question with the concepts of marginality, complex social-ecological systems, and institutional fit. We construct a conceptual framework to identify and explain the types of marginality emerged and to analyze the institutional fit in the case study. Our analysis reveals a segregative effect in the current institutional arrangements. On the one hand, they are cost-efficient in ecological restoration and urban green space conservation; on the other, not effective in addressing migrant integration and wellbeing. Current institutional arrangements segregate these two interconnected issues, leading to the marginalization of urban migrants. The current institutional segregativity reveals the degree of challenge to balance the pursuits between social equity and ecological benefits. For more collaborative and inclusive urban governance, future research is needed to understand whether the lacking integration of urban migrants is an institutional blind spot.
摘要:我们旨在调查许多中国城市政府在共同提供移民融合和城市绿地方面面临的治理挑战。具体而言,我们考察了广州海珠湿地公园项目中应用的现有制度安排以及由此产生的边缘性。为什么许多城市政府在保护城市绿地时要考虑到社会边缘性是一项挑战?我们用边缘性、复杂的社会生态系统和制度适应性的概念来处理这个研究问题。我们构建了一个概念框架来识别和解释出现的边缘性类型,并在案例研究中分析制度匹配。我们的分析揭示了当前制度安排中的隔离效应。一方面,它们在生态修复和城市绿地保护方面具有成本效益;另一方面,在解决移民融合和福祉问题上并不有效。目前的体制安排将这两个相互关联的问题隔离开来,导致城市移民被边缘化。当前的制度隔离揭示了平衡社会公平和生态效益之间追求的挑战程度。为了实现更具协作性和包容性的城市治理,需要进行未来的研究,以了解城市移民缺乏融合是否是一个制度盲点。
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引用次数: 3
Seeking performance or control? Tethered party innovation in China’s performance evaluation system 追求性能还是控制?中国绩效评价体系中的政党创新
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-06 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1751947
Zhen Wang
Abstract In the Xi Jinping era of rising central power and reduced local autonomy, is there still room for policy experimentation? If any, what is the nature of this innovative behavior? This article argues that the party state still allows much room for policy innovation, only that this space for innovation is conditioned by the Party’s concern for political control. Drawing on original field research, the article examines two cases of the Chinese Communist Party’s innovation in personnel management, with a particular focus on reforming the Performance Evaluation System (PES) to better incentivize cadres to fulfill work targets. The analyses of the systemic changes of the PES resulting from the Party’s innovation efforts as well as the nature of such changes show that despite the Party’s tireless efforts to reinvent the PES regime so as to better motivate cadres to fulfill work targets, these efforts are undermined at the same time by the Party’s pursuit of bureaucratic stability, personnel control, and grip on power. The research seeks to bring findings about the PES into more meaningful conversations with the scholarship on policy innovation and experimentation.
如果有,这种创新行为的本质是什么?本文认为,党国仍然有很大的政策创新空间,只是这种创新空间是以党对政治控制的关注为条件的。本文在实地调研的基础上,考察了中国共产党人事管理创新的两个案例,特别关注了绩效考核制度的改革,以更好地激励干部完成工作目标。通过对党的改革所带来的制度变革及其性质的分析表明,尽管党为更好地激励干部完成工作目标而不懈努力,但这些努力同时受到党对官僚稳定、人事控制和权力控制的追求的破坏。该研究旨在将PES的研究结果与政策创新和实验方面的学者进行更有意义的对话。
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引用次数: 7
Land commodification and hukou policy innovation in China: evidence from a survey experiment 土地商品化与中国户籍政策创新:来自调查实验的证据
IF 3 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/23812346.2020.1746511
Meina Cai, Pengfei Liu, Hui Wang
Abstract This article examines how land commodification has changed the dynamics of hukou policy innovations in China. The increasing demand of local governments for land to fuel industrialization and urbanization creates appreciating land values, which in turn lead villagers to update their belief about the value associated with their rural hukou. This is perhaps especially the case in economically more developed areas where rural benefits, many of which involve land, induce villagers to value their rural hukou and to be more resistant against land expropriation. This leads local governments, many of which are fiscally dependent on land, to provide more generous land-taking compensation, including an urban hukou. Drawing on an original survey experiment, we find that villagers are less willing to give up their land and change their hukou status from rural to urban when they are not provided with pension benefits and when their collective yearly dividends are discontinued. Our findings suggest the difficulties in implementing the ‘land for hukou’ policy innovations in China.
摘要本文考察了土地商品化如何改变中国户籍政策创新的动态。地方政府对土地的需求不断增加,以推动工业化和城市化,从而创造了土地价值的升值,这反过来又导致村民更新他们对与农村户口相关的价值的信念。在经济较发达的地区尤其如此,在这些地区,农村福利(其中许多涉及土地)促使村民珍惜自己的农村户口,并对土地征用更加抵触。这导致地方政府(其中许多地方政府在财政上依赖土地)提供更慷慨的土地征用补偿,包括城市户口。在原始调查实验的基础上,我们发现,在不提供养老福利和集体年度分红停止的情况下,村民放弃土地和从农村户口转到城市户口的意愿更低。我们的研究结果表明,在中国实施“土地换户口”政策创新存在困难。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Journal of Chinese Governance
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