Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462397
E. Artan
In this book Thomas Schmidinger not only investigates the mass murder of the Êzidi population (often referred to as Yezidis in English) in the region of Sinjar (Şingal in Kurdish), started on August 3, 2014, by the Islamic State (IS), but also portrays the history of the Kurdish region along with religious and ethnic groups that have long lived together. Schmidinger mainly argues that the Êzidi culture has not been well known in Western countries, especially when the Êzidi people in diaspora were seeking political support to stop the IS attacks and then the war crimes, including years-long human trafficking and sexual abuse of Êzidi women and children. Therefore the principal aim of this study is to provide visibility to the long history of the Êzidi society in Sinjar and to the experiences of the Êzidi immigrants, mainly those who survived the most recent IS attacks and now live in Europe (mainly in Germany and Australia) and North America. Schmidinger divided the book into three main sections: (1) history of Sinjar and the genocide, (2) photographs, and (3) interviews. In the first section Schmidinger describes the geography and the political history of Sinjar from ancient times to the present in the Kurdish region, including Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey. He also explains the Êzidi culture and their social structure, daily life, and religious practices, as well as the threats and attacks they endured under the ideology of monotheist religions, and the perception of genocide in Êzidi history. This chapter also clearly illustrates the Islamist jihadis’ attacks in the summer of 2014 with a chronological reading of the skirmish, from the early days of military conflicts in the region of Sinjar to the political debates in 2021, by exposing the war crimes (abduction, killing, and rape of civilians) accompanying the abysmal living conditions of the Êzidi seeking protection in the refugee camps located in Turkey and Iraq. The narratives of the survivors who had to flee from the IS, especially the women who had been subject to slave trade, and the
{"title":"The World Has Forgotten Us: Sinjar and the Islamic State’s Genocide of the Yezidis by Thomas Schmidinger (review)","authors":"E. Artan","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462397","url":null,"abstract":"In this book Thomas Schmidinger not only investigates the mass murder of the Êzidi population (often referred to as Yezidis in English) in the region of Sinjar (Şingal in Kurdish), started on August 3, 2014, by the Islamic State (IS), but also portrays the history of the Kurdish region along with religious and ethnic groups that have long lived together. Schmidinger mainly argues that the Êzidi culture has not been well known in Western countries, especially when the Êzidi people in diaspora were seeking political support to stop the IS attacks and then the war crimes, including years-long human trafficking and sexual abuse of Êzidi women and children. Therefore the principal aim of this study is to provide visibility to the long history of the Êzidi society in Sinjar and to the experiences of the Êzidi immigrants, mainly those who survived the most recent IS attacks and now live in Europe (mainly in Germany and Australia) and North America. Schmidinger divided the book into three main sections: (1) history of Sinjar and the genocide, (2) photographs, and (3) interviews. In the first section Schmidinger describes the geography and the political history of Sinjar from ancient times to the present in the Kurdish region, including Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey. He also explains the Êzidi culture and their social structure, daily life, and religious practices, as well as the threats and attacks they endured under the ideology of monotheist religions, and the perception of genocide in Êzidi history. This chapter also clearly illustrates the Islamist jihadis’ attacks in the summer of 2014 with a chronological reading of the skirmish, from the early days of military conflicts in the region of Sinjar to the political debates in 2021, by exposing the war crimes (abduction, killing, and rape of civilians) accompanying the abysmal living conditions of the Êzidi seeking protection in the refugee camps located in Turkey and Iraq. The narratives of the survivors who had to flee from the IS, especially the women who had been subject to slave trade, and the","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"238 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42902957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462467
M. Malmström
For over a millennium, the most defining sound in the soundscape of a Muslim community is the call to prayer.More than any other sound, the adhan embodies and defines the religious community by virtually setting an acoustic border for the worshipers living within its sonic range. Aside from its obvious religious purpose, summoning piousMuslims to prayer, the adhan also functioned as an acoustic clock, synchronizing and dividing up time for the entire community, Muslim and non-Muslim alike. —Ziad Fahmy, “Coming to Our Senses”
{"title":"Sacral Sound, Unbearable Noise, and Cairene Masculinities","authors":"M. Malmström","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462467","url":null,"abstract":"For over a millennium, the most defining sound in the soundscape of a Muslim community is the call to prayer.More than any other sound, the adhan embodies and defines the religious community by virtually setting an acoustic border for the worshipers living within its sonic range. Aside from its obvious religious purpose, summoning piousMuslims to prayer, the adhan also functioned as an acoustic clock, synchronizing and dividing up time for the entire community, Muslim and non-Muslim alike. —Ziad Fahmy, “Coming to Our Senses”","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"258 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42492754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462411
Furkan Elmas
{"title":"The Failure of Popular Constitution Making in Turkey: Regressing towards Constitutional Autocracy","authors":"Furkan Elmas","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462411","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46000950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462453
Névine El Nossery
A few years ago, as I was conducting research for my book on Arab women’s revolutionary art, I learned about Zainab Fasiki, a talented young Moroccan artist who combines art and activism to cultivate awareness on topics related to women’s sexuality, agency, and empowerment among the general public (both in her home country, Morocco, and abroad) and to bring about social change. Back then aparticular artworkofFasiki’s grabbedmyattention: anudesuperheroine taller than the Twin Center towers of Casablanca in Morocco, as she describes her (fig. 1). I realized that this giant Venus figure, with her bright red lipstick and her short black hair, was Fasiki’s avatar, but what was more appealing to me was that this superwoman had a specific mission: to bring safety to the city while ending assaults against women and arresting the attackers. Depicting Fasiki as an iconic woman, resting her hand on the Casablanca skyscraper as a sign of empowerment, the image also brings to mind Kahina, or Dihya Tadmut, the Amazigh warrior queen who united the Maghreb and did her best to protect her country until her death in 703 CE. Instead of censuring her body or covering it tomake it “acceptable” (by dressing the figure or changing her body language), Fasiki was using nudity and social media to normalize and desexualize women’s bodies in art and public spaces. Although Arab comics and graphic novels for adults have only started circulating more widely in the Arab region, political caricatures have been popular there for a long time. The latter have been all the more prevalent due to an inclination toward satire and caricature, even in a region where mocking authority can be dangerous (see Douglas and Malti-Douglas 1994; Al-Mousawi 2015). A new generation of Arab artists emerged at the end of the first decade of the 2000s who were
{"title":"The Art of Dismantling Taboos in Zainab Fasiki’s Artistic Activism","authors":"Névine El Nossery","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462453","url":null,"abstract":"A few years ago, as I was conducting research for my book on Arab women’s revolutionary art, I learned about Zainab Fasiki, a talented young Moroccan artist who combines art and activism to cultivate awareness on topics related to women’s sexuality, agency, and empowerment among the general public (both in her home country, Morocco, and abroad) and to bring about social change. Back then aparticular artworkofFasiki’s grabbedmyattention: anudesuperheroine taller than the Twin Center towers of Casablanca in Morocco, as she describes her (fig. 1). I realized that this giant Venus figure, with her bright red lipstick and her short black hair, was Fasiki’s avatar, but what was more appealing to me was that this superwoman had a specific mission: to bring safety to the city while ending assaults against women and arresting the attackers. Depicting Fasiki as an iconic woman, resting her hand on the Casablanca skyscraper as a sign of empowerment, the image also brings to mind Kahina, or Dihya Tadmut, the Amazigh warrior queen who united the Maghreb and did her best to protect her country until her death in 703 CE. Instead of censuring her body or covering it tomake it “acceptable” (by dressing the figure or changing her body language), Fasiki was using nudity and social media to normalize and desexualize women’s bodies in art and public spaces. Although Arab comics and graphic novels for adults have only started circulating more widely in the Arab region, political caricatures have been popular there for a long time. The latter have been all the more prevalent due to an inclination toward satire and caricature, even in a region where mocking authority can be dangerous (see Douglas and Malti-Douglas 1994; Al-Mousawi 2015). A new generation of Arab artists emerged at the end of the first decade of the 2000s who were","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"249 - 257"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44616548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462312
M. Tajali
abstract:Much of the literature on women’s-rights activism in the Muslim world presents such activism as employing discourses either of egalitarianism (secular) or of complementarianism (religious). This article analyzes the recent framing of demands for women’s right to political office by elite Islamic women in Iran and Turkey in terms outside this dichotomy. Drawing on data gathered from personal interviews as well as on careful study of public statements and publications by elite women, or those backed by state institutions, this article demonstrates the inadequacy of understanding women’s activism in Muslim contexts as employing either an egalitarian or a complementarian approach by highlighting a more nuanced conceptualization of women’s-rights framing and organizing in accordance with shifting contexts and political ideologies. Specifically, it shows how Islamic women’s-rights activists who are closely affiliated with their governments at times strategically adopt a “gender justice” framing, as opposed to “gender equality,” to appeal to more conservative sectors of their society. This strategy can have important policy implications and lead to shifts in political discourse about women and politics. However, elite women’s backing from and affiliation with conservative ruling elites can lead some groups, particularly secular feminists, to perceive their use of gender justice discourse differently and to be dismissive of their efforts.
{"title":"“Gender Justice” versus “Gender Equality”: Elite Women’s Framing for Political Representation in Iran and Turkey","authors":"M. Tajali","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462312","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Much of the literature on women’s-rights activism in the Muslim world presents such activism as employing discourses either of egalitarianism (secular) or of complementarianism (religious). This article analyzes the recent framing of demands for women’s right to political office by elite Islamic women in Iran and Turkey in terms outside this dichotomy. Drawing on data gathered from personal interviews as well as on careful study of public statements and publications by elite women, or those backed by state institutions, this article demonstrates the inadequacy of understanding women’s activism in Muslim contexts as employing either an egalitarian or a complementarian approach by highlighting a more nuanced conceptualization of women’s-rights framing and organizing in accordance with shifting contexts and political ideologies. Specifically, it shows how Islamic women’s-rights activists who are closely affiliated with their governments at times strategically adopt a “gender justice” framing, as opposed to “gender equality,” to appeal to more conservative sectors of their society. This strategy can have important policy implications and lead to shifts in political discourse about women and politics. However, elite women’s backing from and affiliation with conservative ruling elites can lead some groups, particularly secular feminists, to perceive their use of gender justice discourse differently and to be dismissive of their efforts.","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"141 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48228476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462355
M. Menshawy
abstract:Research on the powers or roles of first ladies in authoritarian Arab states suffers from two gaps. First, there are always attempts to homogenize women under which the president’s spouse is simply subsumed within categories such as “Arab women,” “Muslim women,” or “Egyptian women.” Second, literature explaining the dynamics of authoritarian durability has mainly focused on what is institutional, for instance, the army, legislature, and political parties. This article focuses on a single woman as part of the toolbox authoritarian leaders use to maintain power and as part of their political expediency. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods to track the progression of the roles of former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak’s wife, Suzanne Mubarak, and the manifestations of these roles in the state media throughout Mubarak’s rule (1981–2011). The frame analysis of 1,339 articles found this progression to be linear; that is, Suzanne Mubarak moved from traditional ceremonial roles in the 1980s to policy-oriented ones in the 1990s to political roles, even acting as “copresident” in the 2000s. Through interviews, the data-based findings are contextualized within historically conditioned challenges facing the regime, such as relations with Islamists, the adoption of neoliberal economic policies, and Hosni Mubarak’s frail health in the final years of his rule.
{"title":"Ruling by Wife: First Ladyship in Mubarak’s Authoritarian Playbook","authors":"M. Menshawy","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462355","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Research on the powers or roles of first ladies in authoritarian Arab states suffers from two gaps. First, there are always attempts to homogenize women under which the president’s spouse is simply subsumed within categories such as “Arab women,” “Muslim women,” or “Egyptian women.” Second, literature explaining the dynamics of authoritarian durability has mainly focused on what is institutional, for instance, the army, legislature, and political parties. This article focuses on a single woman as part of the toolbox authoritarian leaders use to maintain power and as part of their political expediency. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods to track the progression of the roles of former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak’s wife, Suzanne Mubarak, and the manifestations of these roles in the state media throughout Mubarak’s rule (1981–2011). The frame analysis of 1,339 articles found this progression to be linear; that is, Suzanne Mubarak moved from traditional ceremonial roles in the 1980s to policy-oriented ones in the 1990s to political roles, even acting as “copresident” in the 2000s. Through interviews, the data-based findings are contextualized within historically conditioned challenges facing the regime, such as relations with Islamists, the adoption of neoliberal economic policies, and Hosni Mubarak’s frail health in the final years of his rule.","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"209 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43446383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462369
V. Moghadam
Despite the growth of feminist movements and organizations across the globe and the adoption by many states of gender-equality policies, feminist scholars note the patriarchal institutions and norms that privilege men in politics and labor markets. Modern expressions of patriarchy—the public patriarchy of the state, nonstate actors, and labor markets—are distinguished from premodern forms (the private patriarchy of household production and control of women by kin relations). They are defined andmeasured by gender gaps and forms of gender inequality in the economy, polity, and family, along with vulnerability to violence. A growing list of indices, developed by scholars and international organizations, has evolved to measure such gender-based gaps and inequalities and to rank countries on scales of women’s empowerment or lack thereof. Most JMEWS readers will be aware that countries of the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) typically do not score well. Acknowledging patriarchy’s persistence but theorizing its historical evolution and more recent changing forms, the British sociologist Sylvia Walby (2004) defines a gender regime as a configuration of varying institutional domains into a nationally recognizable approach to managing gender relations and women’s participation and rights. She identifies two distinct forms of gender regime—the domestic and the public. She further identifies two ideal-typical contemporary public gender regimes—the social democratic and the neoliberal—with their distinct implications for women’s socioeconomic security and empowerment. These ideal types pertain to the advanced capitalist countries. But to what extent are they applicable to other regions in the capitalist worldsystem, notably MENA countries? In The Political Economy of Patriarchy in the Global South, the sociologist Ece Kocabicak builds on and contributes to the “varieties of gender regime” literature through
{"title":"The Political Economy of Patriarchy in the Global South by Ece Kocabicak (review)","authors":"V. Moghadam","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462369","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the growth of feminist movements and organizations across the globe and the adoption by many states of gender-equality policies, feminist scholars note the patriarchal institutions and norms that privilege men in politics and labor markets. Modern expressions of patriarchy—the public patriarchy of the state, nonstate actors, and labor markets—are distinguished from premodern forms (the private patriarchy of household production and control of women by kin relations). They are defined andmeasured by gender gaps and forms of gender inequality in the economy, polity, and family, along with vulnerability to violence. A growing list of indices, developed by scholars and international organizations, has evolved to measure such gender-based gaps and inequalities and to rank countries on scales of women’s empowerment or lack thereof. Most JMEWS readers will be aware that countries of the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) typically do not score well. Acknowledging patriarchy’s persistence but theorizing its historical evolution and more recent changing forms, the British sociologist Sylvia Walby (2004) defines a gender regime as a configuration of varying institutional domains into a nationally recognizable approach to managing gender relations and women’s participation and rights. She identifies two distinct forms of gender regime—the domestic and the public. She further identifies two ideal-typical contemporary public gender regimes—the social democratic and the neoliberal—with their distinct implications for women’s socioeconomic security and empowerment. These ideal types pertain to the advanced capitalist countries. But to what extent are they applicable to other regions in the capitalist worldsystem, notably MENA countries? In The Political Economy of Patriarchy in the Global South, the sociologist Ece Kocabicak builds on and contributes to the “varieties of gender regime” literature through","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"232 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46261417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10462439
Mona Elkateb
I am a visual artist based in Cairo, Egypt. I like to experiment with a range of mediums, including digital illustration and design. The work on this issue’s cover, The Opening (2022), was originally part of an exhibition titled tih mish marbuta, loosely translating to “untied” and referring to the Arabic letter taa marbuta, used to identify the feminine form of a word. The name alludes to a visual and symbolic change to this letter, an implied liberation of it. The exhibition, which opened in June 2022 at Motion Gallery in Cairo, was curated by Enjy El Hakim and explored a range of visual expressions of female cultural symbols, namely, the womb, the Arabic word for which rahim has etymological links to thewords for “mercy”and “compassion.” It showcased a range of paintings in various sizes exploring themes of birth, rebirth, and the restricting confinement of labels. The collection also included an installation: a painted gynecological examination chair from the 1970s. This piece is an attempt to dismantle the various systems of gender inequality and the cultural narratives associated with being a woman in Egypt today. Along with the rest of the exhibition collection, it is the result of a two-year struggle to express anger, frustration, and, at times, hopelessness at the current situation of women in Egypt,which peaked in July 2020 when a women’s revolution took place online (dubbed by some as “Egypt’s #metoo movement”). The movement highlighted the atrocities committed in Egypt in the name of “honor,” as well as the discomfort and insecurity thatmostwomenfeel inbothpublic andprivate spacesdue to sexualharassment, assault, and violence.Themovement created anatmosphere of collective trauma and healing, as women would pass on the strength to tell their stories, identify and hold accountable their abusers, and add their voices to a loud
我是一名居住在埃及开罗的视觉艺术家。我喜欢尝试各种媒介，包括数字插图和设计。这期杂志封面上的作品《开幕》(The Opening, 2022)原本是一个名为“tih mish marbuta”的展览的一部分，这个词大致翻译为“解开的”，指的是阿拉伯字母“taa marbuta”，用来表示一个词的女性形式。这个名字暗示了这封信的视觉和象征性的变化，暗示了它的解放。该展览于2022年6月在开罗的Motion Gallery开幕，由Enjy El Hakim策划，探索了一系列女性文化符号的视觉表达，即子宫，rahim在阿拉伯语中的单词与“怜悯”和“同情”有词源联系。它展示了一系列不同大小的绘画，探索了出生，重生和标签的限制限制的主题。该系列还包括一件装置作品:一张上世纪70年代的彩绘妇科检查椅。这件作品试图拆除各种性别不平等的制度，以及与当今埃及女性相关的文化叙事。与展览的其他藏品一样，这是两年斗争的结果，表达了对埃及妇女现状的愤怒、沮丧，有时甚至是绝望，这种斗争在2020年7月达到顶峰，当时一场妇女革命在网上发生(有些人称之为“埃及的#metoo运动”)。该运动强调了在埃及以“荣誉”的名义犯下的暴行，以及由于性骚扰、性侵犯和暴力，环境女性在公共和私人空间感到的不适和不安全感。这场运动创造了一种集体创伤和治愈的氛围，因为女性将传递讲述自己故事的力量，识别并追究虐待她们的人的责任，并将她们的声音加入到一个响亮的声音中
{"title":"Cover Art Concept","authors":"Mona Elkateb","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10462439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10462439","url":null,"abstract":"I am a visual artist based in Cairo, Egypt. I like to experiment with a range of mediums, including digital illustration and design. The work on this issue’s cover, The Opening (2022), was originally part of an exhibition titled tih mish marbuta, loosely translating to “untied” and referring to the Arabic letter taa marbuta, used to identify the feminine form of a word. The name alludes to a visual and symbolic change to this letter, an implied liberation of it. The exhibition, which opened in June 2022 at Motion Gallery in Cairo, was curated by Enjy El Hakim and explored a range of visual expressions of female cultural symbols, namely, the womb, the Arabic word for which rahim has etymological links to thewords for “mercy”and “compassion.” It showcased a range of paintings in various sizes exploring themes of birth, rebirth, and the restricting confinement of labels. The collection also included an installation: a painted gynecological examination chair from the 1970s. This piece is an attempt to dismantle the various systems of gender inequality and the cultural narratives associated with being a woman in Egypt today. Along with the rest of the exhibition collection, it is the result of a two-year struggle to express anger, frustration, and, at times, hopelessness at the current situation of women in Egypt,which peaked in July 2020 when a women’s revolution took place online (dubbed by some as “Egypt’s #metoo movement”). The movement highlighted the atrocities committed in Egypt in the name of “honor,” as well as the discomfort and insecurity thatmostwomenfeel inbothpublic andprivate spacesdue to sexualharassment, assault, and violence.Themovement created anatmosphere of collective trauma and healing, as women would pass on the strength to tell their stories, identify and hold accountable their abusers, and add their voices to a loud","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"247 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47650424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10256211
Fatemeh Sadeghi
The Arab revolutions were filled with aspirations for social justice, freedom, and human dignity. But most of the uprisings led to brutal repression, violent civil wars, and state collapse. Are they failed revolutions? Passive revolutions? Or, as has been argued, revolution-restorations?Betrayal, loss, defeat, and tragedy are words that repeatedly appear in the literature on revolutions. Despite their commonness, the book tells us that these words are insufficient to explain the processes of these revolutions and their failure. A revolution cannot fail until the counterrevolution succeeds. Therefore, to understand a revolution’s failure, we need to understand the success of the counterrevolution. Unfortunately, little attention has been given to counterrevolution in the existing literature.How did the counterrevolutions in the Arab Spring succeed, and how did they crush revolutionary movements? What type of counterrevolution characterized the Arab Spring? How did counterrevolutions succeed? The Age of Counter-revolution answers these questions in eight chapters and 367 pages. Allinson argues that there were revolutions in Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Libya, Tunisia, and Bahrain. Except in Tunisia, counterrevolutions succeeded and took the upper hand, albeit through different mechanisms. In Egypt the army led the counterrevolution, while in Syria the regime led the counterrevolution with the help of Russia and Iran. In Bahrain Saudi military intervention suppressed the revolutionary movement. In Libya, Yemen, and Syria the state or part of it collapsed or was dismantled, and as a result the revolutionary movement burst into chaos and civil war. It cannot be said that the Arab revolutions simply failed; they failed because counterrevolutions succeeded (3).The difference between counterrevolution and passive revolution, which is used to explain the experiences of the Arab Spring, is that while passive revolution demobilizes or absorbs mass movements, counterrevolutions crush them (45). Therefore passive revolution, Allinson argues, cannot fully account for the process we witnessed in the Arab Spring,In the literature around this issue, counterrevolution is historically associated with the trinity of throne, sword, and altar. The book examines how the situation has changed. Counterrevolutions intervened between revolutionary situations produced by mass uprisings from below and the outcomes that resulted from them (3). Therefore the opponents of the revolution from above, below, and within pursued the eradication of the revolution and created counterrevolutionary forces.Counterrevolution typically has ties to old regimes. We call this Thermidor, which became common after the French revolution in 1789. Thermidor refers to the reversion, after the establishment of a new social order, to the practices of the old. If a revolution consists of a change to a new revolutionary economy and society, a counterrevolution consists of the undoing of this change.The case of
{"title":"The Age of Counter-revolution: States and Revolutions in the Middle East","authors":"Fatemeh Sadeghi","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10256211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10256211","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab revolutions were filled with aspirations for social justice, freedom, and human dignity. But most of the uprisings led to brutal repression, violent civil wars, and state collapse. Are they failed revolutions? Passive revolutions? Or, as has been argued, revolution-restorations?Betrayal, loss, defeat, and tragedy are words that repeatedly appear in the literature on revolutions. Despite their commonness, the book tells us that these words are insufficient to explain the processes of these revolutions and their failure. A revolution cannot fail until the counterrevolution succeeds. Therefore, to understand a revolution’s failure, we need to understand the success of the counterrevolution. Unfortunately, little attention has been given to counterrevolution in the existing literature.How did the counterrevolutions in the Arab Spring succeed, and how did they crush revolutionary movements? What type of counterrevolution characterized the Arab Spring? How did counterrevolutions succeed? The Age of Counter-revolution answers these questions in eight chapters and 367 pages. Allinson argues that there were revolutions in Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Libya, Tunisia, and Bahrain. Except in Tunisia, counterrevolutions succeeded and took the upper hand, albeit through different mechanisms. In Egypt the army led the counterrevolution, while in Syria the regime led the counterrevolution with the help of Russia and Iran. In Bahrain Saudi military intervention suppressed the revolutionary movement. In Libya, Yemen, and Syria the state or part of it collapsed or was dismantled, and as a result the revolutionary movement burst into chaos and civil war. It cannot be said that the Arab revolutions simply failed; they failed because counterrevolutions succeeded (3).The difference between counterrevolution and passive revolution, which is used to explain the experiences of the Arab Spring, is that while passive revolution demobilizes or absorbs mass movements, counterrevolutions crush them (45). Therefore passive revolution, Allinson argues, cannot fully account for the process we witnessed in the Arab Spring,In the literature around this issue, counterrevolution is historically associated with the trinity of throne, sword, and altar. The book examines how the situation has changed. Counterrevolutions intervened between revolutionary situations produced by mass uprisings from below and the outcomes that resulted from them (3). Therefore the opponents of the revolution from above, below, and within pursued the eradication of the revolution and created counterrevolutionary forces.Counterrevolution typically has ties to old regimes. We call this Thermidor, which became common after the French revolution in 1789. Thermidor refers to the reversion, after the establishment of a new social order, to the practices of the old. If a revolution consists of a change to a new revolutionary economy and society, a counterrevolution consists of the undoing of this change.The case of","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":"201 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135289243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10256225
Orkide Izci
{"title":"Police, Provocation, Politics: Counterinsurgency in Istanbul","authors":"Orkide Izci","doi":"10.1215/15525864-10256225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10256225","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45155,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Middle East Womens Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48471138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：