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Journal of Middle East Womens Studies最新文献

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Women in Conflict and Post-conflict Situations: An Anthology of Cases from Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Other Countries ed. by S. Behnaz Hosseini (review) 冲突和冲突后局势中的妇女:伊拉克、伊朗、叙利亚和其他国家的案例选集,S.Behnaz Hosseini主编(综述)
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10022160
M. Hegland
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引用次数: 0
From Australia to Italy and Palestine 从澳大利亚到意大利和巴勒斯坦
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-10022244
Louise Cox
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引用次数: 0
On Social Networks, Anonymous Testimonies, and Other Tools of Feminist Activism against Sexual Violence in Egypt 论埃及反对性暴力的女权主义活动家的社交网络、匿名证词和其他工具
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767968
R. Abuzaid, Yosra Sultan
I n June 2020 a new wave of feminist activism emerged in the Egyptian public sphere. Building on almost two decades of mobilization and organization against sexual harassment and assault, the new organizers are upper-middleand upperclass Egyptians in their early twenties who politicize social networks to push the problem of sexual violence and women’s bodily integrity back into public discourse (Fayed 2021). Inspired by the global #MeToo movement, they built on its feminist discourse against sexual violence and its model of organization, relying heavily on socialmedia as a tool for action to revitalize feminist activism in authoritarianEgypt (Khorshid 2021). Nadeen Ashraf, a student at the American University in Cairo, started it all when she founded the Instagram account @assaultpolice. Her intention was to provide a space for people to share anonymous testimonies about Ahmed Bassam Zaky, an elite college student who had left a trail of victims of sexual harassment and rape in every private school, college, and institution he attended (MadaMasr 2020). Instagram was her platform of choice because of its popularity among the young generation and the fact that this social network is less subject to state security than Facebook. Once@assaultpolice launched, other individuals joined Ashraf in flooding social media with anonymous testimonies that did not necessarily relate to Zaky but spoke of the pain, agony, and trauma that accompany the experiences of
2020年6月,埃及公共领域出现了新一轮女权主义激进主义浪潮。在近20年来反对性骚扰和性侵犯的动员和组织基础上,新的组织者是20出头的埃及中上层社会,他们将社交网络政治化,将性暴力和妇女身体完整问题重新纳入公共话语(Fayed 2021)。受全球#MeToo运动的启发,他们建立在反对性暴力的女权主义话语及其组织模式的基础上,在很大程度上依赖社交媒体作为行动工具,以振兴威权主义埃及的女权主义激进主义(Khorshid 2021)。开罗美国大学的学生Nadeen Ashraf在创建Instagram账号@assaultpolice时就开始了这一切。她的意图是为人们提供一个分享关于艾哈迈德·巴萨姆·扎基的匿名证词的空间,这位精英大学生在他就读的每一所私立学校、学院和机构都留下了性骚扰和强奸受害者的踪迹(MadaMasr 2020)。Instagram是她选择的平台,因为它在年轻一代中很受欢迎,而且这个社交网络比Facebook更不受国家安全的约束。Once@assaultpolice其他人加入了阿什拉夫的行列,在社交媒体上充斥着匿名证词,这些证词不一定与扎基有关,但讲述了伴随着
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引用次数: 1
Working Out Desire: Women, Sport, and Self-Making in Istanbul by Sertaç Sehlikoğlu (review) 解决欲望:伊斯坦布尔的女性、运动和自我创造(Sertaç Sehlikoğlu)
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767898
Hikmet Kocamaner
Working Out Desire is an engaging and theoretically informed ethnographic account of Istanbulite women’s interest in sport and exercise (spor merakı), which has transformed these women’s lives in myriad ways. In this fascinating ethnography, Sertaç Sehlikoğlu illustrates how Istanbulite women’s ever-growing passion for physical exercise is not a “banal” fad but an “object of desire” that reveals women’s agentive aspirations to reconfigure their subjectivity beyond the confines of the domestic sphere. By participating in physical exercise, these women do not simply work out their bodies but also recalibrate their relationship to their body image, gender roles, sexuality, faith, and familial duties— “physically, emotionally, and imaginatively” (6). WorkingOutDesire is based on the ethnographic fieldwork Sehlikoğlu undertook in 2008 and 2011–12. Thanks to the interviews she conducted with nearly a hundred female gymgoers, Sehlikoğlu introduces the reader to the recreational world of women from all class positions and different walks of life: university students, career women, housewives, middle-aged “aunties,” pious women, and those who identify as “secular” or “secularist.” Sehlikoğlu also conducted participant observation in venues includingmunicipally owned public gyms catering to aworking-class clientele,women-only private gymsmostly attended by the Islamic bourgeoise, a women-only private gym modeled after the American franchise Curves and owned by a US-educated “secular” feminist, and public parks where themunicipality has installed clunky exercise equipment to encourage Istanbulites to adopt a more active life style. In chapter 1 Sehlikoğlu traces the history of Turkish women’s involvement in sports. The Kemalist early Republican (1923–50) elite presented sports as a tool to civilize the masses and cultivate a healthy nation. Women’s involvement in sports was significant for the early Republican elite’s efforts to brand Turkey as a Western nation vis-à-vis the
《锻炼欲望》(Working Out Desire)是一部引人入胜的、理论丰富的民族志作品,讲述了伊斯坦布尔女性对运动和锻炼的兴趣,这种兴趣以无数种方式改变了这些女性的生活。在这本引人注目的民族志中,Sertaç Sehlikoğlu说明了伊斯坦布尔女性对体育锻炼日益增长的热情如何不是一种“平庸的”时尚,而是一种“欲望的对象”,揭示了女性在家庭领域之外重新配置主体性的代理愿望。通过参加体育锻炼,这些女性不仅锻炼了她们的身体,而且还重新调整了她们与身体形象、性别角色、性取向、信仰和家庭责任的关系——“身体上、情感上和想象上”(6)。WorkingOutDesire是基于2008年和2011-12年进行的人种学田野调查Sehlikoğlu。通过对近百名女性健身爱好者的采访,Sehlikoğlu向读者介绍了来自各个阶层和不同生活阶层的女性的娱乐世界:大学生、职业女性、家庭主妇、中年“阿姨”、虔诚的女性,以及那些认为自己是“世俗”或“世俗主义者”的女性。Sehlikoğlu还在一些场所进行了参与者观察,包括市政拥有的面向工薪阶层客户的公共健身房,主要由伊斯兰资产阶级参加的女性专用私人健身房,模仿美国曲线特许经营的女性专用私人健身房,由一位受过美国教育的“世俗”女权主义者拥有,以及市政当局安装了粗大的运动设备的公共公园,以鼓励伊斯坦布尔人采取更积极的生活方式。在第一章中,Sehlikoğlu追溯了土耳其妇女参与体育运动的历史。凯末尔主义早期共和党(1923 - 1950)的精英们将体育作为教化大众和培养健康国家的工具。女性参与体育运动对早期共和党精英将土耳其打造成西方国家(-à-vis the)的努力意义重大
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引用次数: 1
The Ritual Fusion 仪式融合
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767856
A. Rezaei
This article explores domestic religious practices of Iranian Muslim women in Los Angeles. In the diasporic context, Iranian women’s voluntary engagement in vernacular Islamic practices is often associated with an unreflexive pursuit of religion and lack of agency or with complicity with the Islamic Republic’s conservative brand of Shiism. To examine the complexities of such practices in the United States, this research relies on the ethnography of a monthly domestic gathering in LA that offers a hybrid blend of multiple devotional and social genres. The article demonstrates that the event’s performative and affective characteristics cater to a range of individual framings of the shared ritual and allow for complex and multilayered modes of engaging with the practice of faith. Further, it argues that vernacular Islamic practices in the diaspora are not always tied to individuals’ expression of religious conviction and pursuit of piety. By depicting the material and sensory aspects of the space, the article suggests that such rituals can serve as sites for engaging in a mode of diasporic nostalgia that does not commonly have a place in Iranian communities’ nostalgic narratives of the homeland.
本文探讨了洛杉矶伊朗穆斯林妇女的家庭宗教活动。在流散的背景下,伊朗妇女自愿参与当地的伊斯兰习俗,往往与对宗教的不自觉追求和缺乏代理或与伊斯兰共和国保守的什叶派的同谋联系在一起。为了研究美国这种做法的复杂性,本研究依赖于洛杉矶每月一次的国内聚会的人种志,该聚会提供了多种宗教和社会类型的混合。文章表明,该活动的表演和情感特征迎合了共享仪式的一系列个体框架,并允许参与信仰实践的复杂和多层次模式。此外,它还认为,散居海外的伊斯兰教习俗并不总是与个人表达宗教信仰和追求虔诚联系在一起。通过描绘空间的物质和感官方面,这篇文章表明,这样的仪式可以作为一种散居怀旧模式的场所,这种模式在伊朗社区对故土的怀旧叙述中通常没有一席之地。
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引用次数: 2
From Café Culture to Tweets 从咖啡馆文化到推特
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767996
A. Almutarie
I n Saudi Arabia the social segregation of men and women has arguably led to the development of a public sphere that operates, to some extent, separately across gender lines but that is rapidly changing. The important roles played by café culture, khutbameetings in mosques, the dissemination of cassette tapes, and forums such as Saudi Arabia’s King Abdul Aziz Centre for National Dialogue will be considered in this article. Social media (SM) platforms such as Twitter have added a new dimension to the public sphere, since they have the ability to both empower individuals to communicate on their own terms and to restrict and shape that communication.
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引用次数: 0
Palestinian American Women's Marriages within and beyond Borders 巴勒斯坦裔美国妇女的境内外婚姻
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767842
Enaya H. Othman
abstract:This article explores American Palestinian women's discursive strategies and identity politics by which they take control of their marital choices. Through the analysis of sixteen in-depth interviews with second-generation Palestinian women and personal observations within the community, the article shows that nationalist and religious discourses produced by the historical contexts respectively stimulated (semi)arranged in-group marriages in the 1990s and self-initiated exogamous marriages as of the early 2000s. Among the group, Islam has become the primary form of identification, and religious discourse has been circulating within Islamic institutions post-1980s. Based on this transformation, the study draws on the strategic use of religious sentiments and Islamic discourse and argues that women's prioritization of Islamic identity has increased their agency in spouse selection and marriage process. Women's negotiations within an Islamic framework also expose the ways Muslim women counter and redefine gender roles by fortifying their religious beliefs and reinterpreting Islamic doctrine.
本文探讨了美国巴勒斯坦妇女的话语策略和身份政治,她们借此控制自己的婚姻选择。通过对16位巴勒斯坦第二代妇女的深度访谈和社区内的个人观察,本文表明,由历史背景产生的民族主义和宗教话语分别刺激了20世纪90年代(半)包办的群体内婚姻和21世纪初的自发异族通婚。在这个群体中,伊斯兰教已经成为主要的身份认同形式,宗教话语已经在伊斯兰机构中流传。基于这一转变,本研究借鉴了对宗教情感和伊斯兰话语的战略性使用,并认为女性对伊斯兰身份的优先考虑增加了她们在配偶选择和婚姻过程中的能动性。妇女在伊斯兰框架内的谈判也暴露了穆斯林妇女通过强化她们的宗教信仰和重新解释伊斯兰教义来对抗和重新定义性别角色的方式。
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引用次数: 1
Politics of Location in Persepolis 波斯波利斯的区位政治
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767870
Y. Hamidi
This article offers a transnational feminist reading of Marjane Satrapi’s graphic novel Persepolis based on the genealogy of politics of location. Articulated by Adrienne Rich in 1984 and criticized and evolved by Karen Caplan, the concept of politics of location provides a framework for rereading the graphic novel that highlights intersectional aspects of identities that appeared in the text. Through this lens this article looks at how Satrapi ties her personal story to the story of other Iranian women and at the nuances of the identities she represents to her Western readers. Notably, the article examines the politics of writing trauma, gender, and race into the text and analyzes the picture of other Iranian women through the mirror of Satrapi’s graphic novel. It argues that in writing Persepolis, Satrapi has made an undeniable contribution to challenging the dominant narratives of nationhood and female citizenship by documenting the trauma of the Iranian Left in the history of the nation. However, because of her specific color-blind politics of race and antireligious politics of gender, her work overlooks some groups of Iranian women’s existence and experiences. Thus this article argues against reading and teaching Persepolis as representative of Iranian women or a universal version of Third World feminism.
本文以地域政治谱系为基础,对玛简·萨塔皮的图画小说《波斯波利斯》进行跨国女权主义解读。由Adrienne Rich在1984年提出,并由Karen Caplan批判和发展,地理位置的政治概念为重新阅读图形小说提供了一个框架,该小说强调了文本中出现的身份交叉方面。透过这个视角,本文将检视Satrapi如何将她的个人故事与其他伊朗女性的故事联系起来,以及她对西方读者所代表的身份的细微差别。值得注意的是,这篇文章检视了书写创伤、性别与种族的政治,并透过Satrapi漫画小说的镜子,分析其他伊朗女性的形象。文章认为,在撰写《波斯波利斯》时,萨塔皮通过记录伊朗左派在国家历史上的创伤,对挑战国家地位和女性公民身份的主流叙事做出了不可否认的贡献。然而,由于她特有的种族色盲政治和性别反宗教政治,她的作品忽视了一些伊朗女性群体的存在和经历。因此,本文反对将波斯波利斯作为伊朗女性的代表或第三世界女权主义的普遍版本来阅读和教学。
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引用次数: 0
A Gendered Return 按类别返回
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9768011
Rasmieyh R. Abdelnabi
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引用次数: 0
Lebanese Women at the Crossroads: Caught between Sect and Nation by Nelia Hyndman-Rizk (review) 站在十字路口的黎巴嫩妇女:夹在教派与国家之间,作者:妮莉亚·海德曼-瑞兹克
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1215/15525864-9767912
Kylie Broderick
LebaneseWomen at the Crossroads is an incisive intervention into a series of questions that Nelia Hyndman-Rizk calls the “women’s rights puzzle” in Lebanon (114):Why is women’s political representation so low inLebanon?Why iswomen’s participation in the labor force relatively thin, even though they are highly educated in aggregate? Why can Lebanese women not pass Lebanese citizenship on to their children? In facing these questions, Hyndman-Rizk asks whether introducing a secular nationality and civic marriage law would solve themany legal, political, social, and economic contradictions that women face in Lebanon. Although it would not be a panacea, it would nevertheless guarantee that “citizenship status will be absolute, irrespective of sect or gender, rather than relational based upon sect and gender” (114). Thefirst part of the book, “Formations” (introd.–chap. 3), is a broad overview (based on original research and a wide range of secondary sources) of the ways that Lebanese people, specifically Lebanese women, have been constructed under differing legal regimes between the nineteenth and the twenty-first centuries. It examines “the formation of Lebanon as a congressional democracy and explores the plural system of personal status law in Lebanon, wherein women experience differential and relational rights under both religious and civil law” (113). The introduction situates the ongoing challengeswomen face in Lebanon within the arc of the Arab uprisings between late 2010 and 2013. Some accounts assert that thenewer uprisings that began again in the late 2010s, including those in Iraq, Sudan, Algeria, Palestine, and Lebanon (particularly its October 2019 uprising), are volutions of the still-ongoing uprisings, which contain similar discontents, motivations, and strategies. Likewise, Hyndman-Rizk asserts that the women’s movement in Lebanon is currently in a fourth phase that “is an extension of previous waves of activism in theMENA region” (4–5). She acknowledges that women’s issues in Lebanon are rooted
《处在十字路口的黎巴嫩妇女》一书深入探讨了一系列被Nelia Hyndman-Rizk称为黎巴嫩“妇女权利难题”的问题(114页):为什么黎巴嫩的妇女参政率如此之低?为什么女性的劳动力参与率相对较低,尽管她们总体上受过高等教育?为什么黎巴嫩妇女不能把黎巴嫩公民身份传给她们的孩子?面对这些问题,Hyndman-Rizk问,引入世俗国籍和公民婚姻法是否能解决黎巴嫩妇女面临的许多法律、政治、社会和经济矛盾。虽然它不是灵丹妙药,但它保证“公民地位将是绝对的,不论宗派或性别,而不是基于宗派和性别的关系”(114)。本书的第一部分,“阵型”(引言章)。3),是一个广泛的概述(基于原始研究和广泛的二手来源)黎巴嫩人民,特别是黎巴嫩妇女,在19世纪和21世纪不同的法律制度下被建构的方式。它考察了“黎巴嫩作为国会民主国家的形成,并探讨了黎巴嫩个人地位法的多元体系,其中妇女在宗教和民法下都享有差别和关系权利”(113)。引言将黎巴嫩妇女面临的持续挑战置于2010年底至2013年阿拉伯起义的弧线内。一些说法认为,2010年代末再次开始的新起义,包括伊拉克、苏丹、阿尔及利亚、巴勒斯坦和黎巴嫩的起义(特别是2019年10月的起义),是仍在进行的起义的革命,其中包含类似的不满、动机和策略。同样,Hyndman-Rizk断言,黎巴嫩的妇女运动目前正处于第四阶段,“这是中东地区先前激进主义浪潮的延伸”(4-5)。她承认黎巴嫩的妇女问题是根深蒂固的
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Middle East Womens Studies
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