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A Civic Alternative to Stoicism: The Ethics of Hellenistic Honorary Decrees 斯多葛主义的公民选择:希腊荣誉法令的伦理
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.2.187
B. Gray
This article shows how the public inscriptions of Hellenistic poleis, especially decrees in honor of leading citizens, illuminate Greek ethical thinking, including wider debates about questions of central importance for Greek ethical philosophers. It does so by comparing decrees' rhetoric with the ethical language and doctrines of different ancient philosophical schools. Whereas some scholars identify ethical views comparable to Stoic ideas in Hellenistic decrees, this article argues that there are more significant overlaps, especially in decrees from Asia Minor dating to after 150 BC, with fourth-century BC ethical philosophy, especially Aristotle's, and its Hellenistic continuators. The overlaps between decrees and philosophers' approaches had complex, diverse causes (section 4), probably sometimes including philosophical education and influence. Comparison of philosophy and epigraphy shows that, in the same way as the polis continued to flourish after Chaironeia, critical reflection about the ethical foundations of civic life also remained vibrant, among both philosophers and citizens.
这篇文章展示了希腊化poleis的公开铭文,特别是纪念杰出公民的法令,如何阐明希腊的伦理思想,包括关于希腊伦理哲学家核心问题的更广泛的辩论。它通过将法令的修辞与古代不同哲学流派的伦理语言和学说进行比较来做到这一点。尽管一些学者在希腊化法令中确定了可与斯多葛思想相媲美的伦理观点,但本文认为,与公元前4世纪的伦理哲学,特别是亚里士多德的伦理哲学及其希腊化延续者,存在更显著的重叠,尤其是在公元前150年之后的小亚细亚法令中。法令和哲学家方法之间的重叠有着复杂多样的原因(第4节),有时可能包括哲学教育和影响。哲学和金石学的比较表明,正如城邦在Chaironeia之后继续繁荣一样,对公民生活伦理基础的批判性反思也在哲学家和公民中保持着活力。
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引用次数: 0
“Charaxus Arrived with a Full Ship!” The Poetics of Welcome in Sappho's Brothers Song and the Charaxus Song Cycle “夏拉休斯满载抵达!”萨福兄弟歌与夏拉休斯歌循环中的欢迎诗学
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.2.236
Peter A. O’Connell
By analyzing the parallels between Sappho's Brothers Song and archaic Greek songs of welcome, especially Archilochus fr. 24 West, this essay offers a new interpretation of the Brothers Song. It clarifies that ἔλθην in the first preserved stanza represents an original aorist indicative. The chatterer repeats over and over a welcome song that begins, “Charaxus arrived with a full ship.” The rest of the song continues to engage with the welcome song tradition, anticipating the welcome song that will celebrate Charaxus' return to Mytilene, when and if that occurs. By pointing beyond itself to other, real or notional, songs about Charaxus, the Brothers Song also demonstrates Sappho's nonlinear method of storytelling that relies on her audiences' imaginations.
通过分析萨福的《兄弟之歌》与古希腊欢迎歌曲,特别是《西游记》的相似之处,本文对《兄弟之曲》进行了新的解读。它澄清了ἔ在第一个保存下来的诗节中,λθηΓ表示原始的aorist指示。喋喋不休的人一遍又一遍地重复着一首欢迎歌,开头是“Charaxus满载着船来了”。这首歌的其余部分继续沿用欢迎歌的传统,期待着庆祝Charaxus何时以及是否返回Mytilene的欢迎歌。《兄弟之歌》通过超越自身,指向其他关于查拉索斯的真实或概念歌曲,也展示了萨福依赖观众想象力的非线性讲故事方法。
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引用次数: 2
Hypothêkai: On Wisdom Sayings and Wisdom Poems Hypothêkai:关于智慧语录和智慧诗歌
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.1.31
A. Horne
Scholars have long recognized that hypothekai , or instructional wisdom sayings, served as building blocks for larger structures of Greek wisdom poetry. Yet the mechanism that gets from saying to poem has never been traced in detail. If the transition involves more than piling sayings on top of each other, what intervenes? Focusing on the archaic hexametrical tradition of Homer and Hesiod, the paper develops a repertory of variations and expansions by which the primary genre, the hypotheke speech-act, is transformed into a secondary genre—the larger-scale wisdom constructions we find in various Homeric speeches and much if not all of the Works and Days . The paper first argues for a precise formal description of the hypotheke saying in the archaic hexameter; it then develops a toolbox of variations on the saying9s basic form. Finally, the toolbox is put to work in order to read a forty-verse excerpt of Hesiod9s Almanac.
学者们早就认识到假说,或指导性的智慧语录,是希腊智慧诗歌更大结构的基石。然而,从说到诗的机制从未被详细追踪过。如果这种转变不仅仅是一堆一堆的说法,那么是什么在干预呢?本文着眼于荷马和赫西奥德古老的六韵体传统,发展了一系列变化和扩展,通过这些变化和扩展,主要类型,假设言语-行为,转变为次要类型-我们在各种荷马演讲中发现的更大规模的智慧结构,如果不是全部的话。本文首先论证了对古代六韵诗中假设语的精确形式描述;然后,它在这句话的基本形式上发展出一系列变体。最后,这个工具箱被用来阅读《赫西碘历书》的一段四十节节选。
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引用次数: 3
Exemplarity and Encyclopedism at the Tomb of Eurysaces 欧里塞斯墓的典范与百科全书
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.1.63
Nathaniel B. Jones
Roman writing of the late Republic and early Empire, especially historiography, is filled with exempla , stories of the past meant to serve as models for contemporary and future behavior. This period also witnessed the rise of an encyclopedic mode of composition among Latin authors, which purported to collect and organize the totality of knowledge in a given field. The following essay proposes that exemplarity and encyclopedism were not just literary devices, but deep organizational principles throughout Roman culture. It seeks to show how they were operative in the visual arts in the first century BCE, focusing especially on a frieze depicting the baking process on the tomb of Marcus Vergilius Eurysaces in Rome. By approaching a monument like the frieze of Eurysaces through such principles we may better articulate both visual and thematic relationships across a variety of genres within the broader Roman image world.
罗马共和国晚期和帝国早期的著作,尤其是史学,充满了范例,过去的故事,旨在作为当代和未来行为的典范。这一时期也见证了拉丁作家的百科全书式写作模式的兴起,这种模式旨在收集和组织特定领域的全部知识。下面的文章提出,典范和百科全书不仅仅是文学手段,而是贯穿罗马文化的深层组织原则。它试图展示它们在公元前一世纪的视觉艺术中是如何运作的,特别关注罗马马库斯·维吉里乌斯·欧律萨塞斯墓上描绘烘焙过程的楣板。通过这样的原则来处理像欧律萨斯楣这样的纪念碑,我们可以更好地阐明在更广泛的罗马图像世界中各种类型之间的视觉和主题关系。
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引用次数: 1
Sightseeing at Colonus: Oedipus, Ismene, and Antigone as Theôroi in Sophocles' Oedipus at Colonus 在科洛诺斯观光:俄狄浦斯、伊斯美涅和安提戈涅在索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯》中Theôroi
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.1.108
L. Reitzammer
This paper examines the appearance of theoria (sacred sightseeing) as metaphor in Sophocles9 Oedipus at Colonus. Once Oedipus arrives in Colonus, the local site on the outskirts of Athens becomes, in effect, theoric space, as travelers converge upon the site, drawn there to visit the old man, whose narrative is known to all Greeks. Oedipus, as panhellenic figure, serves simultaneously as spectacle and theoros (sightseer), attaining inner vision as he goes to his death at the end of the play. Oedipus offers salvation ( soteria ) to Athens within the logic of the play, but in order to confer benefits upon Athens, he requires the travel and vision of his daughters, Antigone and Ismene, who serve as supplementary theoroi . The essay concludes with a glance at outsiders-as-saviors in Oedipus at Colonus and beyond, with an emphasis on the contribution of female travelers to soteria in classical Athenian drama.
本文考察了《索福克勒斯9俄狄浦斯在科隆诺斯》中作为隐喻的理论(神圣观光)的出现。一旦俄狄浦斯抵达科洛诺斯,雅典郊区的当地遗址实际上就变成了一个理论空间,因为旅行者们聚集在这里,被吸引到那里去拜访这位老人,他的故事为所有希腊人所熟知。俄狄浦斯作为一个泛希腊的人物,同时扮演着奇观和理论家(先知),在剧中结束时走向死亡,获得了内心的视觉。俄狄浦斯在剧中的逻辑中为雅典提供了救赎(soteria),但为了给雅典带来利益,他需要他的女儿Antigone和Ismene的旅行和视野,她们是补充理论。文章的结尾是,在《俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯》和《更远的地方》中,局外人是救世主,并强调了雅典古典戏剧中女性旅行者对索特里亚的贡献。
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引用次数: 3
Building Order: Unified Cityscapes and Elite Collaboration in Roman Asia Minor 建筑秩序:罗马小亚细亚的统一城市景观与精英合作
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2018.37.1.151
G. Ryan
In mid-imperial (late first to mid-third century) Asia Minor, visually unified cityscapes played a critical role in the strategies local elites used to bolster their corporate authority. The construction of formalized public spaces facilitated the display of wealth and status in the traditionally isonomic world of civic politics. The rhetorical practice of describing cities as physical and socio-cultural unities demonstrated a community9s – and especially its leading citizens9 – possession of qualities instrumental in competition with local rivals. As presented in the context of public ritual, finally, harmonious urban landscapes were used to convince travelling imperial officials that cities and their elites conformed to Roman expectations.
在帝国中期(一世纪末至三世纪中期)的小亚细亚,视觉上统一的城市景观在当地精英用来增强企业权威的战略中发挥了关键作用。形式化公共空间的构建促进了财富和地位在传统的非经济公民政治世界中的展示。将城市描述为物质和社会文化统一体的修辞实践表明,社区9——尤其是其主要公民9——拥有与当地竞争对手竞争的重要素质。最后,在公共仪式的背景下,和谐的城市景观被用来说服旅行的帝国官员,城市及其精英符合罗马人的期望。
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引用次数: 25
The “Rough Stones” of Aegina: Pindar, Pausanias, and the Topography of Aeginetan Justice 埃吉纳的“粗石”:平达、保萨尼亚与埃吉纳正义的地形
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2017.36.2.236
L. Kurke
This paper considers Pindar9s diverse appropriations of elements of the sacred topography of Aegina for different purposes in epinikia composed for Aeginetan victors. It focuses on poems likely performed in the vicinity of the Aiakeion for their different mobilizations of a monument that we know from Pausanias stood beside the Aiakeion—the tomb of Phokos, an earth mound topped with the “rough stone” that killed him (N.5, N.8, O.8). The more speculative final part of the paper suggests that it may also be possible to track a coherent ideology attached to the island9s sacred topography across several Aeginetan odes, thereby detecting a broader structural unity that accompanies and frames the different individual appropriations of different poems. This part starts from Pausanias’ mythic narrative of the exemplary justice of Aiakos banishing his own son Telamon as the aetiology for a distinctive Aeginetan justice system inscribed in a whole set of man-made monuments that ring the island with concentric circles of rough stones.
本文认为,在为埃吉纳胜利者创作的epinikia中,Pindar9对埃吉纳神圣地形的元素进行了不同的分配,以达到不同的目的。它关注的是可能在Aiakeion附近表演的诗歌,因为他们对一座纪念碑的不同调动,我们从Pausanias那里知道,这座纪念碑矗立在Aiakeon旁边——Phokos的坟墓,一个土堆,上面有杀死他的“粗石”(N.5,N.8,O.8),从而发现了一种更广泛的结构统一,这种结构统一伴随并框定了不同诗歌的不同个体挪用。这一部分从保萨尼亚斯的神话故事开始,讲述了艾科斯驱逐自己的儿子泰拉蒙的典型正义,这是一个独特的安吉内特司法系统的病因,该系统刻在一整套人造纪念碑上,这些纪念碑用粗糙的石头同心圆环绕着岛屿。
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引用次数: 0
Take-Away Art: Ekphrasis and Appropriation in Martial's Apophoreta 170–82 外卖艺术:马夏尔的《阿波雷塔》(170-82)中的措辞与挪用
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2017.36.2.288
Carolyn Macdonald
This paper examines the cultural antagonisms of Martial9s Apophoreta 170–82, a unique series of epigrammatic gift-tags for artworks to be given away during the Saturnalia. In these poems, I argue, Martial thematizes and enacts Rome9s transformative appropriation of cultural capital from Greece and elsewhere. First, he adopts the Hellenistic trope of the ekphrastic gallery tour in order to evoke the “museum spaces” of the Flavian city, where artworks became testaments to the power and culture of Rome (Section 1). While evoking these masterpiece collections, however, the epigrams in fact describe miniatures changing hands at a banquet. Martial thus tropes a second Roman practice of appropriation, namely the widespread consumption of transmedial miniature copies (Section 2). Third and finally, the epigrams dramatize the vulnerability of plundered objects by reevaluating their significance within the Roman frameworks of Latin literature and the Saturnalia (Section 3). In this miniature ekphrastic series, then, Martial9s apophoretic poetics converge with Roman forms of appropriation both imperial and domestic, concrete and conceptual.
本文考察了在农神节期间赠送艺术品的一系列独特的警句礼品标签——《神武》(Martial9s Apophoreta 170-82)的文化对抗。我认为,在这些诗歌中,马夏尔将罗马对希腊和其他地方的文化资本的变革性挪用主题化并付诸实施。首先,他采用了希腊风格的画廊之旅,以唤起弗拉维亚城市的“博物馆空间”,在那里,艺术品成为罗马权力和文化的证明(第1节)。然而,在唤起这些杰作收藏的同时,这些警句实际上描述了在宴会上转手的微缩模型。因此,Martial比喻了第二种罗马挪用的做法,即跨媒体微型复制品的广泛消费(第2节)。第三,也是最后,警句通过在拉丁文学和农神节的罗马框架内重新评估它们的意义,戏剧化了被掠夺物品的脆弱性(第3节)。在这个微型的ekphrastic系列中,然后,Martial的警句诗学与罗马帝国和家庭的挪用形式融合在一起。具体和概念性的。
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引用次数: 2
Slave Religiosity in the Roman Middle Republic 罗马中共和国的奴隶宗教
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2017.36.2.317
Dan-el Padilla Peralta
This article proposes a new interpretation of slave religious experience in mid-republican Rome. Select passages from Plautine comedy and Cato the Elder9s De agri cultura are paired with material culture as well as comparative evidence—mostly from studies of Black Atlantic slave religions—to reconstruct select aspects of a specific and distinctive slave “religiosity” in the era of large-scale enslavements. I work towards this reconstruction first by considering the subordination of slaves as religious agents (Part I) before turning to slaves’ practice of certain forms of religious expertise in the teeth of subordination and policing (II and III). After transitioning to an assessment of slave religiosity9s role in the pursuit of freedom (IV), I conclude with a set of methodological justifications for this paper9s line of inquiry (V).
本文对共和中期罗马的奴隶宗教经历提出了一种新的解释。从普劳丁的喜剧和卡托的老人中选择段落,将农业文化与物质文化以及比较证据(主要来自对黑大西洋奴隶宗教的研究)相结合,以重建大规模奴役时代特定而独特的奴隶“宗教虔诚”的某些方面。为了实现这一重建,我首先考虑了奴隶作为宗教代理人的从属地位(第一部分),然后转向奴隶在从属地位和治安(第二和第三部分)的某些形式的宗教专业知识的实践。在过渡到对奴隶宗教在追求自由中的作用的评估(第四部分)之后,我用一套方法来证明本文的研究方向(第五部分)。
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引用次数: 9
An Italo-Celtic Divinity and a Common Sabellic Sound Change 意大利凯尔特神与常见Sabellic变音
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.1525/CA.2017.36.2.370
Michael Weiss
The shadowy Roman god Sēmō and the plural group Sēmōnēs have long been associated with sēmen ‘seed.’ But the evidence that Sēmō or the Sēmōnēs have anything to do with seeds is lacking. The Sēmōnēs first appear in the Carmen Arvale : here they constitute Mars9s retinue. The Sabellic evidence also puts Semo firmly in the Martial sphere. The form Semo appears, in addition, as part of the Semo Sancus Dius Fidius complex. These divinities are connected with the sanctity ( sancīre ) of treaties ( foedus , fidēs ) and oaths. In “Dumezilian” terms Semo is a god of the first (priestly) and second (warrior) function, but not a god of the third (agricultural) function, precisely the opposite of what the standard etymology predicts. New evidence from Oscan allows us to reject conclusively the connection between sēmen and Sēmō . In an inscription from Pietrabbondante the god9s name is spelled seemunei (dat. sg.) and this spelling with ee is not the expected one. If the Oscan form were a derivative of the root seen in sēmen , the spelling would have to have been † siimunei . The spelling ee shows that the Oscan form, and its Latin cognate, must have a different origin. The only plausible source is *seγVmōn -. A form that matches reconstructed * seγVmōn - exactly is Gaulish Segomoni and Ogham Irish SEGAMANAS. The Gaulish god is identified with Mars. The Celtic and Italic forms continue a Proto-Italo-Celtic * seĝ h omōn - ‘strong one,’ ‘strongman,’ which is a derivative of a noun * seĝ h om ‘strength.’ The root * seĝ h - (Gk. ἔχω etc.) had the original meaning ‘hold firmly’ and this developed to ‘be strong,’ ‘conquer’ in Indo-Iranian and Western Indo-European. The god * seĝ h omōn- is the sole example of a divine name that perhaps can be considered a unique and innovative feature of the ancient Proto-Italo-Celtic speech community.
神秘的罗马神Sāmō和复数群SīmßnāS长期以来一直与Sāmen的“种子”联系在一起但缺乏证据表明Sāmō或SīmßnāS与种子有任何关系。SāmōnāS首次出现在Carmen Arvale:在这里,他们构成了Mars9的随从。Sabellic的证据也将Semo牢牢地置于军事领域。此外,Semo的形式也作为Semo-Sancus-Dius-Fidius复合体的一部分出现。这些神性与条约(foedus,fidıs)和誓言的神圣性(sancīre)有关。在“Dumezilian”术语中,Semo是第一(祭司)和第二(战士)功能的神,但不是第三(农业)功能的上帝,这与标准词源预测的恰恰相反。Oscan提供的新证据使我们能够最终否定sāmen和sāmō之间的联系。在Pietrabbondante的铭文中,god9的名字拼写为seemunei(dat.sg.),而这种与ee的拼写不是预期的。如果Oscan形式是sāmen中词根的派生形式,则拼写必须是†siimunei。拼写ee表明Oscan形式及其拉丁同源词一定有不同的起源。唯一可信的来源是*seγVmōn-。与重建的*seγVmōn-完全匹配的形式是Gaulish Segomoni和Ogham Irish SEGAMANAS。高卢神被认为是火星。凯尔特语和意大利语形式延续了原意大利凯尔特语*seĝh omōn——“强壮的一个”,“强壮的人”,这是名词*se 285 ; h om'strength的派生词根*seĝh-(Gk。ἔχω等)的原意是“牢牢地抓住”,在印度-伊朗语和西印欧语中发展为“强大”、“征服”。神*seĝh omōn-是一个神圣名称的唯一例子,也许可以被认为是古代原始意大利凯尔特语社区的一个独特和创新的特征。
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引用次数: 8
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