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Translating the Muslim for Christian Europe: Re-assessing the Interpretation of aslama in the First Latin Translation of the Qur’an 为基督教欧洲翻译穆斯林:重新评估《古兰经》第一部拉丁译本中aslama的解释
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.2014692
M. Pollitt
ABSTRACT Around 1141, Peter the Venerable, one of the most prominent Christian leaders in Europe, commissioned Robert of Ketton, an otherwise undistinguished astronomer from Rutland, to translate the Qur’an into Latin for the first time. His objective was to provide an accurate understanding of the Qur’an, so that Christian refutations of Islam and Muslim belief could be more effective. The resulting text would become the most popular version of the Qur’an in Europe for the next six hundred years. However, the verb aslama, from which the words ‘Islam’ and ‘Muslim’ derive, was so thoroughly paraphrased in this translation that historian Norman Daniel would be moved to condemn it in 1960 for attempting ‘to obscure passages which define the religion of Islam and thin the more specifically Islamic content of the Qur’ān’. Since then, despite a renewed appreciation for his methods in general, recent scholarship on Robert of Ketton’s translation has failed to address this damning accusation in particular. This article therefore re-assesses the handling of the verb aslama in the first Latin translation of the Qur’an, by asking to what extent an authentic understanding of Islam and Muslim belief was provided by Robert of Ketton’s paraphrase.
大约在1141年,欧洲最著名的基督教领袖之一,德高望重的彼得,委托来自拉特兰的一位不起眼的天文学家,凯顿的罗伯特,第一次将《古兰经》翻译成拉丁文。他的目标是提供对古兰经的准确理解,以便基督教对伊斯兰教和穆斯林信仰的反驳可以更有效。由此产生的文本将成为未来600年欧洲最受欢迎的古兰经版本。然而,“伊斯兰”和“穆斯林”这两个词的来源动词aslama在这个译本中被彻底改写,以至于历史学家诺曼·丹尼尔(Norman Daniel)在1960年谴责它试图“模糊定义伊斯兰宗教的段落,淡化古兰经ān中更具体的伊斯兰内容”。从那时起,尽管人们对他的翻译方法有了新的认识,但最近关于罗伯特·凯顿翻译的学术研究却未能特别解决这一该死的指控。因此,本文通过询问罗伯特·克顿(Robert of Ketton)的解释在多大程度上提供了对伊斯兰教和穆斯林信仰的真实理解,重新评估了古兰经的第一个拉丁翻译中对动词aslama的处理。
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引用次数: 1
Power, Divine and Human: Christian and Muslim Perspectives 权力,神与人:基督教与穆斯林的观点
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1979817
John Robinson
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引用次数: 0
A History of Christian–Muslim Relations 《基督教与穆斯林关系史
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1979816
M. Kuiper
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引用次数: 2
Heterodox Christianity, Unitarianism and the Harmonization of Monotheism: The ‘Heresy’ of Khrīsṭufūrus Jibāra in Nineteenth-Century Syria 异端基督教,一神论和一神论的协调:“异端”Khrīsṭufūrus Jibāra在19世纪的叙利亚
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1971390
Wael Abu-ʿUksa
ABSTRACT The article sheds light on the intellectual biography and theology of Khrīsṭufūrus Jibāra (d. 1901), a Christian Eastern Orthodox archimandrite who had a falling out with the church because of his controversial beliefs. Jibāra was born in Damascus and lived in Beirut, Cairo, Moscow, New York and Boston. He believed that harmonization between Christianity, Judaism and Islam would provide a remedy for religious conflicts and was a precondition for peace. Living in the second half of the nineteenth century, Jibāra developed a unique political theology that was shaped against a background of religious conflicts in Greater Syria, the Ottoman state policy of Pan-Islamism, and the global religious reaction to secularism. Influenced by ancient anti-Trinitarian Christian traditions and by contemporary puritan Unitarian theology, he developed a doctrine that he called ‘the straight path’, which challenged traditional Islam, traditional Christianity and secularism. His unique views shed light on the transreligious postulations of the reformist Islamic movement and present an exceptional attempt to reform Eastern Orthodox Christianity.
本文介绍了Khrīsṭufūrus Jibāra(生于1901年)的知识分子传记和神学,他是一位基督教东正教的大主教,因为他有争议的信仰而与教会闹事。Jibāra出生于大马士革,曾在贝鲁特、开罗、莫斯科、纽约和波士顿生活过。他认为,基督教、犹太教和伊斯兰教之间的和谐将为宗教冲突提供补救办法,是和平的先决条件。生活在19世纪下半叶,Jibāra发展了一种独特的政治神学,这种神学是在大叙利亚宗教冲突的背景下形成的,奥斯曼帝国的泛伊斯兰主义政策,以及全球宗教对世俗主义的反应。受古代反三位一体的基督教传统和当代清教徒的一神论神学的影响,他发展了一种他称之为“直路”的教义,挑战了传统的伊斯兰教、传统的基督教和世俗主义。他独特的观点揭示了改革伊斯兰运动的跨宗教假设,并提出了改革东正教的独特尝试。
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引用次数: 0
Homegrown Hate: Why White Nationalists and Militant Islamists Are Waging War against the United States 本土仇恨:为什么白人民族主义者和激进的伊斯兰主义者正在对美国发动战争
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1974189
Erdem Dikici
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引用次数: 0
Fear in Our Hearts: What Islamophobia Tells Us about America 《我们心中的恐惧:伊斯兰恐惧症告诉我们的美国
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1974188
Erdem Dikici
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引用次数: 0
Islam in Modern Turkey 现代土耳其的伊斯兰教
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1974190
Muammer İskenderoğlu
while the ultimate goal of White nationalists is to establish an ethno-national state, American militant Islamists seek to make America part of a global caliphate; similarly, whereas RAHOWA is at the intersection of race and religion, jihad has nothing to do with race. This is not to say that these two cohorts cannot be or should not be compared, but to underline the need to point out divergences as much as similarities, and then justify the comparison as viable and imperative. A second issue relates to the transnational aspect, which is rather poorly framed. Kamali does refer to transnational aspects of White nationalism and militant Islamism (235, 250), but her account of the concept is inadequate. Although the book primarily focuses on American militant White nationalists and Islamists, it inevitably emphasizes cross-border aspects and dimensions of the phenomenon here and there. However, it says little, if anything, about how European White nationalist groups (e.g. the German AfD, Les Identitaires and its youth wing Generation Identity in France, the Italian Lega Nord, and Jobbik in Hungary) interact with and influence American White nationalists and vice versa. Similarly, although the book points to how some Muslim ideologues from various parts of the world, such as al-Mawdudi and Qutb, have shaped the worldviews of American militant Islamists, underlining the transnational aspect, no serious insight is provided into how American militant Islamists interact, if at all, with organized transnational political Islamist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood or militant networks such as the Al-Qaeda. A third issue concerns the book’s suggestion that an ethics of empathy is the way forward for confronting terrorism, tackling systemic/structural racism, and building a shared sense of belonging among citizens. Kamali rather naively claims that her alternative counterterrorism strategy, i.e. holistic justice, would be instrumental not only in preventing White nationalist and militant Islamist terrorism but also in developing greater understanding between people of different backgrounds (265). One could argue, however, that empathy is too abstract and fragile to counter the systemic and institutional problems that are thoroughly discussed throughout the book. Overall, Homegrown Hate is a thought-provoking, informative and timely book, successfully demonstrating that White nationalist terrorism is as significant as militant Islamism. This is a must-read for students, academics, journalists and, in particular, policy-makers and actors in security bureaucracy, who are interested in White nationalism, domestic terrorism and counterterrorism in the USA.
白人民族主义者的最终目标是建立一个民族国家,而美国激进的伊斯兰主义者则试图让美国成为全球哈里发国的一部分;同样,RAHOWA处于种族和宗教的交叉点,而圣战与种族无关。这并不是说这两个群体不能或不应该进行比较,而是强调指出差异和相似之处的必要性,然后证明比较是可行和必要的。第二个问题涉及跨国方面,这方面的框架很差。Kamali确实提到了白人民族主义和激进伊斯兰主义的跨国方面(235,250),但她对这个概念的描述是不充分的。虽然这本书主要关注美国激进的白人民族主义者和伊斯兰主义者,但它不可避免地强调了这种现象的跨国界方面和维度。然而,对于欧洲白人民族主义团体(如德国新选择党、法国身份党及其青年翼“一代认同”、意大利北方联盟党和匈牙利Jobbik党)如何与美国白人民族主义者互动和影响美国白人民族主义者,反之亦然,报告几乎没有说明什么。同样,尽管本书指出了来自世界各地的一些穆斯林理论家,如al-Mawdudi和Qutb,是如何塑造了美国激进伊斯兰主义者的世界观,强调了跨国方面,但对于美国激进伊斯兰主义者是如何与有组织的跨国政治伊斯兰团体(如穆斯林兄弟会)或激进网络(如基地组织)互动的,没有提供严肃的见解。第三个问题是该书提出的同理心伦理是对抗恐怖主义、解决系统性/结构性种族主义以及在公民之间建立共同归属感的前进方向。Kamali相当天真地声称,她的另一种反恐策略,即整体正义,不仅有助于防止白人民族主义和激进的伊斯兰恐怖主义,而且有助于增进不同背景的人之间的理解(265)。然而,有人可能会说,同理心过于抽象和脆弱,无法对抗全书中深入讨论的系统性和制度性问题。总的来说,《本土仇恨》是一本发人深省、内容丰富且及时的书,它成功地证明了白人民族主义恐怖主义与激进的伊斯兰主义一样重要。这是一本对白人民族主义、国内恐怖主义和美国反恐感兴趣的学生、学者、记者,尤其是安全官僚机构中的政策制定者和行动者的必读之作。
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引用次数: 0
Muslims and Capitalism: An Uneasy Relationship? 穆斯林和资本主义:一种不稳定的关系?
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1956136
A. Belhaj
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引用次数: 0
Voyage en Haute-Égypte: Prêtres, coptes, et catholiques 上埃及之旅:牧师、科普特人和天主教徒
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1956137
Heather J. Sharkey
ism, and seeing in Islaman alternative viewof justice. However,Mazlumder has not been able to escape the paradox between opposing the state while displaying affinities with theAKP. Béatrice Hendrich closes this part with Chapter 11, on Şeyh Bedreddin, presenting the historical background of his revolt against the Ottoman Empire, and how his story is appropriated by various discourses on social justice in Turkey in modern times, including in leftist and Alevi narratives. Part IV, ‘Different Ways to Non-capitalism’, consists of three chapters. Chapter 12, by Hans Visser, addresses a rather unusual topic in research on Islamic economics, that of calls by small Islamist groups (the Murabitun movement in particular) to return to the use of gold and silver as currencies. After reading the text, one may wonder what the movement would think of the current flourishing development of cryptocurrencies in the world. Chapter 13, by Anthony T. Fiscella, presents the views of Isabelle Eberhardt’s, Muammar Qaddafi’s and Heba Raouf Ezzat’s ideas on Islamic socialism and anarchism. Finally, Michelangelo Guida’s Chapter 15 returns to Turkey, arguing that the conservative Turkish thinker Nurettin Topçu (d. 1979) and Necmettin Erbakan (d. 2011), the Islamist activist and Turkish politician, engineer and academic who was the prime minister of Turkey from 1996 to 1997, developed projects to combine Islamist ideas with capitalist modernization, despite their strong criticisms of Western modernity. The book covers a wide range of material from the Qur’an to recent developments of ‘Islamist capitalism’ in Turkey, and the reader may enjoy reading about all these Muslim ideas about economics. However, the book’s organization makes it difficult to persevere. For example, there is no reason why Turkish anti-capitalist groups should be discussed in different parts of the book, or why the modern Islamist discourses on social justice of Sharīʿatī and Qutḅ should also be dealt with in different sections parts of the book. Historical, geographical or thematic criteria could have been applied to better organize the chapters and content. A strong focus in the book is on Turkey, but the introduction gives no justification for this. Another shortcoming is perhaps the exclusive study of Islamic discourses, disregarding economic practices and experiences that can be found in various Muslim contexts concerning finance and halal, for example. That said, I recommend the book for social scientists, especially scholars and students carrying out research on the Middle East from a sociological, historical, anthropological or political perspective.
并在伊斯兰教中看到另一种正义观。然而,Mazlumder一直未能摆脱与正义与发展党(akp)关系密切的同时又反对政府的矛盾。batrice Hendrich以第11章结尾,关于Şeyh Bedreddin,展示了他反抗奥斯曼帝国的历史背景,以及他的故事如何被现代土耳其社会正义的各种话语所利用,包括左派和Alevi叙事。第四部分,“通往非资本主义的不同道路”,由三章组成。汉斯·维瑟(Hans Visser)所著的第12章讨论了伊斯兰经济学研究中一个相当不寻常的话题,即小型伊斯兰组织(尤其是穆拉比顿运动)呼吁恢复使用黄金和白银作为货币。读了这篇文章后,人们可能会想知道该运动如何看待当前世界上加密货币的蓬勃发展。第13章由安东尼·t·费塞拉撰写,介绍了伊莎贝尔·埃伯哈特、穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲和赫巴·拉乌夫·埃扎特对伊斯兰社会主义和无政府主义的观点。最后,米开朗基罗·圭达的第15章回到了土耳其,认为土耳其保守派思想家努里廷·托普拉苏(1979年)和Necmettin Erbakan(2011年),伊斯兰激进主义者和土耳其政治家,工程师和学者,1996年至1997年担任土耳其总理,尽管他们强烈批评西方现代性,但仍发展了将伊斯兰主义思想与资本主义现代化相结合的项目。这本书涵盖了广泛的材料,从古兰经到土耳其“伊斯兰资本主义”的最新发展,读者可能会喜欢阅读所有这些穆斯林关于经济的想法。然而,这本书的组织结构使它很难坚持下去。例如,没有理由要在书的不同部分讨论土耳其的反资本主义团体,也没有理由要在书的不同部分讨论现代伊斯兰教关于社会正义的论述,比如shari & # 39;和Qutḅ。可以采用历史、地理或专题标准来更好地组织章节和内容。这本书的重点是土耳其,但引言没有给出理由。另一个缺点可能是对伊斯兰话语的独家研究,忽视了在各种穆斯林背景下可以找到的经济实践和经验,例如,关于金融和清真。尽管如此,我还是向社会科学家推荐这本书,尤其是从社会学、历史学、人类学或政治学角度研究中东的学者和学生。
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引用次数: 2
The Polished Mirror: Storytelling and the Pursuit of Virtue in Islamic Philosophy and Sufism 擦亮的镜子:伊斯兰哲学和苏菲主义的叙事与美德追求
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2021.1945796
F. Sheikh
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations
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