Pub Date : 2023-11-07DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2278305
Axel M. Oaks Takacs
ABSTRACTPrevious Christian assessments of the Prophet Muḥammad generally fall within two categories. The first asks whether or how he may be considered a post-canonical prophet. In the second, both Christians and Muslims sidestep the inquiry and advocate for the ‘two Words’ analogy (comparing Muḥammad to Mary and the Qur’an to Jesus the incarnate Word). However, attending to Muslim lived religion in postcolonial and diasporic contexts reveals an alternative, emic account of the meaning of prophecy and revelation in Islam: the embodied, emplaced and enacted experience of Muḥammad through poetry in praise of the Prophet and Prophetic beauty. Theological aesthetics prepares us for decolonizing Christian assessments of the Prophet Muḥammad through Muslim popular piety and vernacular traditions. A decolonial understanding of the experience of the Prophet suggests that his place in the experience of Muslims is unlike the way Christians relate to prophets, generally, and more akin to how Christians relate to Jesus—in both lived religion and elite discourse. While the ‘two Words’ analogy still has an important role to play, Christians would do well to rethink and decolonize their assessments of the Prophet Muḥammad through the lived religion—and elite discourses—of poetry in praise of the Prophet.KEYWORDS: Qaṣīdat al-BurdaMadīḥ nabawīpoetry in praise of the Prophet Muḥammaddecolonizingcomparative theologyrevelation Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Moreland, Muhammad Reconsidered. See a review of the book in Takacs, ‘Review’.2 The ‘two Words’ analogy is first noted in Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger, 24. Later scholars extend the analogy; see Nasr, Ideals and Realities, 31; Lumbard, ‘Discernment’; Madigan, ‘Mary and Muhammad’; idem, ‘Muslim–Christian Dialogue’; idem, ‘Jesus and Muhammad’;Takacs, ‘Mary and Muhammad’. It is likewise the premise of the comparative theological project set out in Lamptey, Divine Words, 36–42.3 Lamptey, Divine Words, 38.4 See, for example, Andani, ‘Metaphysics of Muhammad’ for an exploration and the development of this tradition. In the context of Islamic art and how Muḥammad was represented within this tradition of Logos prophetology, see Gruber, ‘Between Logos (kalima) and Light (nūr)’.5 All translations of qur'anic texts are my own.6 As it happens, however, revelation is intimately connected to the beautiful in Catholic accounts of the Revelation, Jesus Christ the Word incarnate, who reveals the beauty and glory of God. Already, one notices how previous Christian assessments in both categories have missed this crucial point, viz., the function of the beautiful in the experience of the Prophet Muḥammad—mainly because of an overcorrection that results in an absolute refusal to compare Muḥammad to the Christian Jesus, the beauty and glory of God incarnate.7 This Christian conception of prophecy is, in general, also how the tradition understood the role of prophet
还有其他的经文，但我简要地指出这两段经文的背景，因为它们与这篇文章有关。Q 69.40之后的经文拒绝Muḥammad是前伊斯兰诗人、先知或先知，并肯定他的演讲是“来自世界之主的启示”(Q 69.43)。Muḥammad的背诵是通过前伊斯兰诗歌的镜头来解释的，正是因为他的经历类似于诗人和kāhin(预言家;见脚注81)。Q 89.19出现在揭示清算日(yawm al- d<e:1> n)的末世论部分的末尾，将Muḥammad，或者至少是他的演讲，定位为“强大的，在王位所有者面前建立起来的”(Q 89.20)。他“慷慨”的立场是末世论事件的中心，最终将在清算日向所有人揭示。68卡萨姆，“象征启示”，37.69 Suhrawardy，穆罕默德的言论，104.70 Chelkowski，无形世界的镜子，9.71而先知通过想象能力接受启示是穆斯林哲学家更明确地持有的观点，如al-Fārābī(约950年)和伊本·萨纳伊(约1037年)。伊本·阿拉伯在他的一些著作中确实暗示了这一点。我提供了四段引文来说明他是如何将想象力提升为神圣的层面和人类的能力，并巧妙地将其与启示联系起来的，尽管通常应该注意的是，伊斯兰神教诗歌和苏菲传统中的想象力，与基督教和伊斯兰哲学对亚里士多德诗学的接受相比，是优于智力和理性的。“存在(wujūd)，它的全部，是一个想象中的想象(khayāl f ā khayāl)”(伊本·阿拉比斯，Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam，编:Niẓām al- d ā n Aḥmad, 138[我的翻译];英语见伊本·阿拉比斯，智慧的边框，125;伊本·阿拉比，Fuṣuṣ al-ḥikam，译。Abrahamov, 72)。“在创造想象世界的力量(quwwa)中，对立面的巧合(al-jam - bayn al-aḍdād)在其中得到体现，因为感官知觉和智力无法使对立面重合，而想象力却能够[这样做]……想象能力(al-quwwa al-mutakhayyila)和想象世界……是最接近指示真实的……因此，除了想象之外，没有什么能真正达到[神圣的]形式”(伊本·阿拉比，Futūḥāt, 4: 325。3-8[我的翻译];见Chittick，苏菲知识之路，115-16)。“当(精神上的)旅行者到达金星时，金星把他带到约瑟夫面前，约瑟夫把上帝为他挑选的科学传授给他，也就是说，那些与想象形式(tamaththul)和想象(khayāl)有关的科学……这是赋予完整形式(al-taṣwīr al-tāmm)和和谐安排(al-niẓām)的天体领域。”从这个领域是派生援助(imdād)为诗人'(伊本·阿拉伯文，Futūḥāt, 2: 275, 11。13 - 14,17 - 18[我的翻译];也引自Chittick， ' World of Imagination '， 114页)。最后，也是最直接的，是在Futūḥāt中发现的一首诗:“在来世和现世之间坚持着愿景。/阈限空间的程度拥有围栏[suwar =古兰经章节]。/[…]/如果没有想象力，我们今天就不存在了。它的权威是“As though/ka-inna [you saw Him]”，如果你能理解的话。/启示通过它而来，理解和考虑。/在粒子中是属性的“like”(kāf)。/你不是从[一套]形式中分离出来，而是到达[另一套]形式”(Futūḥāt, 1: 304, 11)。72 Khusrau, Dībāchah.73同上，18.74同上，75同上，19.76同上，22.77同上，21.78同上，79同上，23.80同上，2481正如Shahab Ahmed所指出的，Muḥammad的直接受众认识到“社会上有两类著名的“受启发”的个人，诗人(shha ā ir)和预言家(kāhin)”(Ahmed, Before Orthodoxy, 295)。伊斯兰学术传统认为，古兰经的文学形式不仅是诗意的、押韵的、有节奏的散文;见Stewart， ' Saj ')，但是“早期的穆斯林认为伴随神圣话语的启示的一些物理过程与那些伴随诗人在口述诗歌的创作中寻找灵感的过程类似”(Ahmed, Before orthodox, 202)。这出现在艾哈迈德的论点中，暗示“撒旦经文事件[是]这个过程中的短暂崩溃”(同上)。关于古兰经启示的早期背景与-à-vis七世纪阿拉伯的诗歌实践的确切论点，见Zwettler，“曼提克宣言”。
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Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2275423
Nesrin Ünlü
ABSTRACTIslamic headscarves continue to be one of the most controversial issues concerning Muslims across Europe. In order to analyse how the headscarf is evaluated through the prism of human rights values and moral principles in Europe, this article revisits some headscarf cases heard at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The weaknesses in the rulings have been widely examined but this article will focus on the religious individual, her agency, and the link between her and her associated group, which have been less discussed in the literature. The article highlights that the modern socio-political structure of the Council of Europe countries is strikingly different from that of their pre-modern counterparts. Thus, the contours of religious groups, the link between an individual and her associated group, and the positioning of various religious groups vis-a-vis the state require a set of approaches to a religious claim centred on the individual believer. This can be clearly observed in the theoretical underpinnings of the European Convention on Human Rights, which, however, are not pursued adequately in practice because the actual rulings not only involve logic but also include perception.KEYWORDS: Religious freedomArticle 9 of the European Convention on human rightsMuslim women and agencysecularismstate neutralitylaw and religion AcknowledgementI would like to thank Kerstin Wonisch for her comments and suggestions.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Sullivan et al., Politics of Religious Freedom; Sandberg et al., Research Handbook; Cranmer, et al., Confluence of Law and Religion.2 This article uses ‘Islamic veil’ as a general term referring to all kinds of Islamic modesty choices that Muslim women practise such as headscarves and face veils. The article refers to the particular items (headscarf or face veil) in their respective cases. The four main cases that the article examines involve the headscarf.3 The following ECtHR cases involve pupils in middle and high school: Doğru v France (2008), Köse and Others v Turkey (2006), Kervanci v. France (2008), Aktas, Bayrak, Gamaleddyn and Ghazal v France (2009).4 S.A.S v France, para. 135.5 Ibid.; Lachiri v Belgium, para. 46; see Ringelheim, ‘Lachiri v. Belgium’.6 S.A.S v France, para 122. Similarly, the inadmissibility decision in Al-Morsli v France (2008) concerns only the physical entity of the headscarf in the context of identity checks.7 Kaushik, ‘Lachiri v Belgium’, 51.8 Sahin v. Turkey, para. 17.9 Dahlab v Switzerland, 710 Ebrahimian v France, para. 52; Dahlab v Switzerland, 11; Sahin v Turkey, para. 115; Kurtulmuş v Turkey.11 See, for example, Evans, ‘Islamic Scarf’; Elver, Headscarf Controversy; Brems, ‘Hidden under Headscarves?’; Vakulenko, ‘Islamic Headscarves’; Evans and Petkoff, ‘Separation of Convenience’; Bleiberg,‘Unveiling the Real Issue’; Mahmood and Danchin, ‘Immunity or Regulation?’; Gunn, ‘Religious Symbols in Publi
伊斯兰头巾仍然是欧洲穆斯林最具争议的问题之一。为了分析头巾是如何通过欧洲人权价值观和道德原则的棱镜来评估的，本文回顾了在欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)审理的一些头巾案件。裁决中的弱点已被广泛研究，但本文将重点关注宗教个人，她的代理，以及她和她的相关群体之间的联系，这些在文献中讨论较少。文章强调，欧洲委员会国家的现代社会政治结构与它们的前现代同行有着显著的不同。因此，宗教团体的轮廓，个人与其相关团体之间的联系，以及各种宗教团体相对于国家的定位，都需要一套以个人信徒为中心的宗教主张的方法。这一点在《欧洲人权公约》的理论基础中可以清楚地看到，但是在实践中没有得到充分的贯彻，因为实际的裁决不仅涉及逻辑，而且还包括感知。关键词:宗教自由;《欧洲人权公约》第9条;穆斯林妇女和机构;世俗主义;国家中立性;法律与宗教;披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1参见Sullivan et al.，《宗教自由的政治》;Sandberg et al.， Research Handbook;本文使用“伊斯兰面纱”作为一个总称，指的是穆斯林妇女所做的各种伊斯兰谦虚选择，如头巾和面纱。该条款是指在各自情况下的特定项目(头巾或面纱)。本文考察的四个主要案例都涉及到头巾3 .下列欧洲人权法院案件涉及中学生:Doğru诉法国(2008年)、Köse和Others诉土耳其(2006年)、Kervanci诉法国(2008年)、Aktas、Bayrak、Gamaleddyn和Ghazal诉法国(2009年)s.a.s.诉法国，第2段。135.5出处同上;Lachiri诉比利时，第2段。46个;见Ringelheim，“Lachiri诉比利时案”s.a.s.诉法国，第122段。同样，Al-Morsli诉法国案(2008年)的不可受理决定只涉及身份检查背景下头巾的实体Kaushik， ' Lachiri诉比利时'，51.8 Sahin诉土耳其，第1段。17.9 Dahlab诉瑞士，710 Ebrahimian诉法国，第17段52个;达拉布诉瑞士，11分;萨欣诉土耳其，第2段。115;kurtulmukov土耳其。11例如，参见埃文斯的“伊斯兰头巾”;埃尔弗，头巾争议;布雷姆斯，“藏在头巾下?”Vakulenko，“伊斯兰头巾”;Evans和Petkoff，《便利的分离》;布莱伯格，《揭开真正的问题》;Mahmood和Danchin:“豁免还是管制?”Gunn，“公立学校的宗教符号”。另见图尔肯法官在Sahin诉土耳其案(2005年)中的反对意见。要了解更温和的观点，请参阅霍华德的《法律与宗教符号的佩戴》;麦戈德里克，《人权》，布雷姆斯，《隐藏在头巾下?》19.13埃文斯，“伊斯兰围巾”，52.14惠斯勒和希尔，“哲学，法律和宗教”萨欣诉土耳其，第2段。55.16 Öztığ，“土耳其宪法法院”，595.17引自Çınar，现代性，伊斯兰教和世俗主义，81.18 Sahin诉土耳其，第1段。93.19同上，第7段。1990 - 96.20土耳其宪法法院，1989年7月3日(1989).21请注意，土耳其宪法法院在2014年通过Tuba Arslan案推翻了这一决定。TCC 2014/256.22 Elver，头巾争议，18.23 Sahin v Turkey，第18段。101.24 Elver，头巾争议，78.25 Sahin诉土耳其，第1段。114.26 Hoopes， ' Leyla Şahin诉土耳其'，722;Ringelheim，“国家宗教中立”，38.27 Sahin v Turkey，第2段。115.28同上，第7段111;Dahlab诉瑞士，27.29 Sahin诉土耳其，第2段。112 - 15.30 Dahlab诉瑞士，6-7.31同上，5.32 Dahlab诉瑞士，7-8,Evans，“伊斯兰头巾”，59.33 McGoldrick，“穆斯林面纱争议”，461.34 Dahlab诉瑞士，1335 Evans，“伊斯兰头巾”，62-9.36 Dahlab诉瑞士，13.37 kurtulmuul v土耳其，38 Garahan，“歧视权利?”’，352.39 Ebrahimian v France，第37.40同上，44.41同上，25.42同上，44.43同上，61-4.44同上，72.45 Ringelheim，“国家宗教中立”，32-3.46 Mirza，“第二皮肤”，10.47 Mahmood，“女权主义理论”，15.48 Asad，“试图理解”，501。我应该指出，我引用了Talal Asad和Saba Mahmood，因为我发现他们对实践如何成为实践者不可分割的一部分的描述非常有启发性。然而，我不同意阿萨德在他的“话语传统”叙述中对个人的处理。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2273108
Muammer İskenderoğlu
"The Concept of Soul in Judaism, Christianity and Islam." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教的灵魂概念》《伊斯兰教与基督教与穆斯林的关系》，第1-2页
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Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2273109
Nicholas Morton
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Brett, Fatimid Empire.2 Thomson, Politics and Power.3 Notably, Goldberg, Trade and Institutions, and, more recently, Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat.4 Shainool, Fatimids 1.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-03DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2261250
Daniel G. König
ABSTRACTBuilding on research that presents Jews and Muslims as an integral part of Genoese history, this article analyses the development of Genoese–Muslim interaction in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to understand the challenges of interreligious communication in the pre-modern Mediterranean. It treats the Annals of Genoa as a collective psychogramme that provides insight into the commune’s shifting attitudes towards Muslims. While acknowledging the Annals’ obvious biases, the article argues that the multiple authors of this work of historiography faithfully depicted the problems encountered by the Genoese in their communication with Muslim interlocutors from the perspective of those in power. Consequently, the Annals allow us to trace how Genoa established cooperative relations with Muslim-ruled North Africa in the wake of the First Crusade and how it successfully weathered turbulences caused by political shifts in the Mediterranean of the late twelfth and early thirteenth century. The Annals suggest that the destabilization of the western Mediterranean and intensifying inner-Christian strife began to jeopardize Genoese communication with Muslim-ruled societies in the 1230s. During the remainder of the thirteenth century, it seems, the commune was torn between different loyalties and thus unable to pursue a coherent communicative approach to Muslim-ruled societies.KEYWORDS: Christian–Muslim relationscommunicationcrusadesGenoainterreligious relationstransmediterranean trade Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Jehel, Les Génois; Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 38–43, 58–69; Balard, ‘L’empire génois’; Balard, ‘Genoese Expansion’; and Valérian, ‘Gênes, l’Afrique et l’Orient’.2 See, e.g. Jehel, ‘Jews and Muslims’; Amitai, ‘Diplomacy’.3 Imperiale di Sant’Angelo, Caffaro; Holder-Egger, ‘Vorrede’; Caro, ‘Zur Kritik’; Vito, ‘Le glorie di Genova’; Dotson, ‘Genoese Civic Annals’; Dotson, ‘Caffaro’; Hall and Phillips, ‘Introduction’; and Haug, Annales Ianuenses.4 Arnaldi, ‘Caffaro’; Petti Balbi, ‘Caffaro’; and Airaldi and Mallett, ‘Caffaro of Genoa’.5 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, 3.6 Airaldi, ‘Nasello, Oberto’.7 Bezzina, ‘Ogerio, Pane’.8 Filangieri, ‘Marchisio Scriba’.9 Nuti, ‘Doria, Iacopo’.10 Overview on the authors in Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, XXXI–XXXII; ibid., vol. 3, XIV–XVII; and ibid., vol. 4, XI–CXII.11 Ibid., vol. 1, a. 1101, 10, 12.12 Ibid., 12.13 Ibid., 10.14 Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 13–36; Metcalfe, Muslims of Medieval Italy, 4–69; Kreutz, Before the Normans, 18–101; Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War, 102–8; and Jäckh, ‘848: Decision’.15 Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 28–31. See König, Arabic-Islamic Views, 290, for the Arabic-Islamic documentation. Also see Liutprandus Cremonensis, ‘Antapodosis’, lib. IV, cap. V, 105.16 Bruce, ‘Politics of Violence and Trade’; Cowdrey, ‘Mahdia Campaign’.17 Caffaro, ‘De liberatione’, 99–100.18 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, a. 1101, 10: ‘interfi
摘要本文以犹太人和穆斯林作为热那亚历史不可分割的一部分的研究为基础，分析了热那亚人和穆斯林在12世纪和13世纪的互动发展，以了解前现代地中海地区宗教间交流的挑战。它将《热那亚纪事》视为一种集体心理gramme，提供了对公社对穆斯林态度转变的洞察。虽然承认《编年史》存在明显的偏见，但文章认为，这部史学著作的多位作者从当权者的角度，忠实地描述了热那亚人与穆斯林对话者交流时遇到的问题。因此，《编年史》让我们得以追溯热那亚是如何在第一次十字军东征之后与穆斯林统治的北非建立合作关系的，以及热那亚是如何成功地经受住了12世纪末和13世纪初地中海地区政治变化引起的动荡的。《编年史》表明，西地中海的不稳定和基督教内部冲突的加剧，在1230年代开始危及热那亚人与穆斯林统治社会的交流。在13世纪剩下的时间里，公社似乎在不同的忠诚之间被撕裂，因此无法追求与穆斯林统治的社会一致的沟通方式。关键词:基督教-穆斯林关系;传播十字军;热那亚宗教间关系;地中海贸易披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Jehel, Les gassei;耶赫，《意大利与马格里布》，38 - 43,58 - 69;巴拉德，《帝国的前程》;巴拉德，《热那亚扩张》;和valsamrian， ' Gênes, l ' afrique et l ' orient '例如，Jehel是“犹太人和穆斯林”;Amitai,‘外交’。3卡弗洛的Imperiale di Sant’angelo;Holder-Egger Vorrede”;卡罗，“你的批判”;维托，热那亚的荣耀;多森，《热那亚公民年鉴》;Dotson Caffaro”;霍尔和菲利普斯，《导论》;4阿纳尔迪，《咖啡》;Petti Balbi，“卡弗洛”;还有“热那亚的卡弗洛”的艾拉尔迪和马利特《年鉴》，第1卷，第3.6页。阿拉尔迪，“纳塞洛，奥贝托”8 .贝齐娜，《奥杰里奥，窗格》Filangieri， ' Marchisio Scriba '10 . nui， ' Doria, Iacopo '《年鉴》第1卷第32 - 32期作者综述;同上，第3卷，十四至十七;和同上，第4卷，十一至十二。11同上，第1卷，第1101、10、12.12同上，12.13同上，10.14 Jehel, L 'Italie et le Maghreb, 13-36;梅特卡夫，中世纪意大利的穆斯林，4-69;克鲁茨，《诺曼人之前》，18-101;普莱尔，《地理、技术与战争》，102-8;和Jäckh， ' 848:决定' .15《意大利与马格里布》，28-31页。阿拉伯-伊斯兰文件见König，阿拉伯-伊斯兰观点，290。也见Liutprandus Cremonensis， ' Antapodosis '， lib。IV, cap. V, 105.16 Bruce，“暴力与贸易的政治”;考德里，《马赫迪亚战役》，第17页《解放》，1999 - 1993年，《年鉴》第1卷，第1101页，第10页:“intericiendus ille quidem per unindictam est, qui legi Dei contrarius est et leggem suam destruere pugnat;si干扰测试，legi Dei contrarium non测试;quia Deus:“michi unindictam et ego报应”;工作效率高，工作效率低，工作效率低，工作效率低。“思想上的不平等，但人的不平等，人的不平等，人的不平等，人的不平等，人的不平等，人的不平等，人的不平等。”参《申命记》32章35节:“我的报应是报应”;同上，第39节:“percutiam et ego sanabo et non - est qui de manu me possit eruere”。19《年鉴》，第1卷，第1146页，第33-5页;同上，a. 1147, 35: ' et ceperent Almariam bellando et Sarracenos uincendo et intericiendo(…)';同上，第1154、39段:“Sarracenos detruncando et intericiendo proeorum superbia, fere omnes interinterecti fuerunt。”从语法上看，这句话并没有明确说明到底是阿尔莫哈德家族还是热那亚人几乎全部被杀。随后Almohad将热那亚船经撒丁岛送回热那亚的反应表明，一艘船的热那亚船员无法抵御九艘Almohad船的船员，特别是因为Caffaro将这一事件描述为今年降临热那亚的灾难之一(第40页)关于和平条约的拉丁文版本，见de Sacy，“piires diplomatiques”，第3-5页。这不是年报中提到,cf。记录Ianuenses,卷,1。1149年,36.22记录Ianuenses,卷,1。1101年,9:“主宰,uo, estis magistri等医生克丽丝汀让与,十足的precipitis uestratibus ut nos interficiant et terram nostram tollant,暨在乐阁uestra scriptum坐ut aliquis非interficiat aliquem formam一些uestri habentem,联合环境rem suam tollat si uerum est,关押在乐阁uestra scriptum坐的,等nos formam一些uestri habemus,因此反legem facitis。’23同上，第1154、39页。 24 除了两份证明热那亚商人于 1155 年和 1157 年在突尼斯和的黎波里从事商业活动的公证文件外，我们没有其他证据可以证明这一和约的实际含义。见 de Mas Latrie，Traités de paix，第 1 卷，Cap.IV, doc.I, 106: 'Georgii Sana eunte Tunisim et redeunte inde' (2 September 1155); ibid.: 'debet ire laboratum Tripolim' (6 June 1157).25 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, a. 1161, 61.26 Ibid、62; de Mas Latrie, Traités de paix, vol. 1, 108.27 不过，请注意，1167 年，"萨拉森船只 "遇到了一支热那亚舰队，当时该舰队正准备与一支比萨舰队交战，结果无路可逃。见 Annales Ianuenses，第 1 卷，a. 1167，202.28 同上，a. 1162，67.29 同上，a. 1165，186：'apparuit nauis Pisanorum de Buzea rediens, quam ceperant；'ibid、30 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 2, a. 1177, 11: 'consules Rubeum de Volta legatum
{"title":"The Genoese Predicament: Christian–Muslim Communication in the <i>Annales Ianuenses</i> ( <i>c.</i> 1099–1293)","authors":"Daniel G. König","doi":"10.1080/09596410.2023.2261250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2023.2261250","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTBuilding on research that presents Jews and Muslims as an integral part of Genoese history, this article analyses the development of Genoese–Muslim interaction in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to understand the challenges of interreligious communication in the pre-modern Mediterranean. It treats the Annals of Genoa as a collective psychogramme that provides insight into the commune’s shifting attitudes towards Muslims. While acknowledging the Annals’ obvious biases, the article argues that the multiple authors of this work of historiography faithfully depicted the problems encountered by the Genoese in their communication with Muslim interlocutors from the perspective of those in power. Consequently, the Annals allow us to trace how Genoa established cooperative relations with Muslim-ruled North Africa in the wake of the First Crusade and how it successfully weathered turbulences caused by political shifts in the Mediterranean of the late twelfth and early thirteenth century. The Annals suggest that the destabilization of the western Mediterranean and intensifying inner-Christian strife began to jeopardize Genoese communication with Muslim-ruled societies in the 1230s. During the remainder of the thirteenth century, it seems, the commune was torn between different loyalties and thus unable to pursue a coherent communicative approach to Muslim-ruled societies.KEYWORDS: Christian–Muslim relationscommunicationcrusadesGenoainterreligious relationstransmediterranean trade Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Jehel, Les Génois; Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 38–43, 58–69; Balard, ‘L’empire génois’; Balard, ‘Genoese Expansion’; and Valérian, ‘Gênes, l’Afrique et l’Orient’.2 See, e.g. Jehel, ‘Jews and Muslims’; Amitai, ‘Diplomacy’.3 Imperiale di Sant’Angelo, Caffaro; Holder-Egger, ‘Vorrede’; Caro, ‘Zur Kritik’; Vito, ‘Le glorie di Genova’; Dotson, ‘Genoese Civic Annals’; Dotson, ‘Caffaro’; Hall and Phillips, ‘Introduction’; and Haug, Annales Ianuenses.4 Arnaldi, ‘Caffaro’; Petti Balbi, ‘Caffaro’; and Airaldi and Mallett, ‘Caffaro of Genoa’.5 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, 3.6 Airaldi, ‘Nasello, Oberto’.7 Bezzina, ‘Ogerio, Pane’.8 Filangieri, ‘Marchisio Scriba’.9 Nuti, ‘Doria, Iacopo’.10 Overview on the authors in Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, XXXI–XXXII; ibid., vol. 3, XIV–XVII; and ibid., vol. 4, XI–CXII.11 Ibid., vol. 1, a. 1101, 10, 12.12 Ibid., 12.13 Ibid., 10.14 Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 13–36; Metcalfe, Muslims of Medieval Italy, 4–69; Kreutz, Before the Normans, 18–101; Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War, 102–8; and Jäckh, ‘848: Decision’.15 Jehel, L’Italie et le Maghreb, 28–31. See König, Arabic-Islamic Views, 290, for the Arabic-Islamic documentation. Also see Liutprandus Cremonensis, ‘Antapodosis’, lib. IV, cap. V, 105.16 Bruce, ‘Politics of Violence and Trade’; Cowdrey, ‘Mahdia Campaign’.17 Caffaro, ‘De liberatione’, 99–100.18 Annales Ianuenses, vol. 1, a. 1101, 10: ‘interfi","PeriodicalId":45172,"journal":{"name":"Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135695479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-14DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2256505
Abdessamad Belhaj
"The Concept of Economy in Judaism, Christianity and Islam." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教的经济概念。《伊斯兰教与基督教与穆斯林的关系》，第1-2页
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2216596
Erdem Dikici
{"title":"Late Ottoman Origins of Modern Islamic Thought: Turkish and Egyptian Thinkers on the Disruption of Islamic Knowledge","authors":"Erdem Dikici","doi":"10.1080/09596410.2023.2216596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2023.2216596","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45172,"journal":{"name":"Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86184457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2229615
Ibrahim Zein, A. El-Wakil
ABSTRACT The Ambrosian Library in Milan has preserved thirteen very interesting folios written in an archaic semi-Kūfī Arabic script, describing an encounter between the second caliph of Islam ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb and an unnamed monk. We demonstrate how the anonymous author of this manuscript was familiar with the ṣulḥ agreements, the covenants of the Prophet Muḥammad, and historical and anecdotal accounts of encounters between ʿUmar and ecclesiastical authorities. We postulate that our author composed his narrative on the basis of his own historical imagination from sources that probably belonged to monastic archives to which he had access. The author aimed to deliver a subtle political message, highlighting the archetypal relationship between a Muslim ruler and a Christian subject living under Islam. Two adaptations of our text have been found in Islamic sources, the first in al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s Al-zuhd wa- al-raqāʾiq, and the second in Ibn ʿAsākir’s Tārīkh madīnat Dimashq, which we argue reflect a later re-working of the original narrative.
{"title":"ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb’s Encounter with an Unnamed Monk: From History to Legend","authors":"Ibrahim Zein, A. El-Wakil","doi":"10.1080/09596410.2023.2229615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2023.2229615","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Ambrosian Library in Milan has preserved thirteen very interesting folios written in an archaic semi-Kūfī Arabic script, describing an encounter between the second caliph of Islam ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb and an unnamed monk. We demonstrate how the anonymous author of this manuscript was familiar with the ṣulḥ agreements, the covenants of the Prophet Muḥammad, and historical and anecdotal accounts of encounters between ʿUmar and ecclesiastical authorities. We postulate that our author composed his narrative on the basis of his own historical imagination from sources that probably belonged to monastic archives to which he had access. The author aimed to deliver a subtle political message, highlighting the archetypal relationship between a Muslim ruler and a Christian subject living under Islam. Two adaptations of our text have been found in Islamic sources, the first in al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s Al-zuhd wa- al-raqāʾiq, and the second in Ibn ʿAsākir’s Tārīkh madīnat Dimashq, which we argue reflect a later re-working of the original narrative.","PeriodicalId":45172,"journal":{"name":"Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86195948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2213108
A. Belhaj
In 1986, an important meeting of Jews, Christians, Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus took place in Assisi to discuss how each religion could contribute to the protection of the environment. In particular, Judaism, Christianity and Islam joined environmentalists and other ethical critics in making the observation that industrialization and consumerism have severely destabilized the eco-system, showing critical ethical concern for the environmental crisis and the future of humanity. Although the Vatican has made a better job of communicating its ecological ethics (Laudato si’, the second encyclical of Pope Francis published in 2015, comes to mind here) than have Judaism and Islam, Jewish and Muslim thinkers, like Christian theologians and philosophers, have also seriously engaged and developed influential theologies of creation, calling for a spiritual transformation of human behaviour in order to protect the environment. For example, Islamic religious authorities contributed to an ethics of ecology in 1983 with the Saudi document entitled ‘Environmental Protection in Islam’, published in English, Arabic and French. A salient dimension of religious engagement with ecology is inter-religious dialogue, as emphasis on the protection of the environment, spirituality and human responsibility are feature of shared wisdom between world religions. The book under review emerged from a conference on the concept of the environment in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which took place in June 2020 at the Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt, organized by the Research Unit ‘Key Concepts in Interreligious Discourses’, (now the Bavarian Research Center for Interreligious Discourses [BaFID] at Friedrich-Alexander-University). The book is divided into three chapters. Chapter 1 discusses the concept of the environment in Judaism, presenting both a biblical account and ecological reflections based on the Jewish tradition. Rabbi Yonatan Neril and Rabbi Leo Dee (both working at the Interfaith Center for Sustainable Development, based in Israel) address the spiritual roots of the ecological crisis, drawing on three main sources: the Bible, rabbinic literature and their ecological commentary on the Bible published in 2022. For the authors, the key Jewish tenets on ecology can be summarized in four principles: the commandment not to waste or to destroy; the oneness of God’s creation and the importance of protecting it and maintaining biodiversity; commandments to rest from creating and altering the environment; and commandments regarding the ethical treatments of animals (9). The authors see in the Bible, and especially in the biblical stories of Noah, Abraham and Jacob, the epitome of wisdom on how humans should build sustainable communities that care for creation and resources, are spiritually aware, and accept stewardship, responsibility and restraint. The chapter criticizes the destructive hand of humankind, almost in a messianic way, especially in the industrial ag
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2244311
Noah H. Taj
governance. Finally, this book should remind us of just how much work needs to be done in writing intellectual history between the late post-classical and early modern periods. Kugle examined 50 manuscript books for this project, which writes the history of one particular community within one maritime zone and over one long century. From West Africa to South Asia, Indonesia and beyond, there is much more Islamic intellectual history to be written, a history neglected for far too long precisely because of Eurocentric and Christian-centric concerns that have prioritized the classical period. I am grateful to Kugle for filling in part of that gap.
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