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The Theology of ‘Ammār al-Basrī: Commending Christianity within Islamic Culture ' Ammār al- basr '的神学:在伊斯兰文化中推荐基督教
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-16 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2112481
C. Tieszen
ʿAmmār al-Basṛīwas a theologian in the Church of the East (East-Syrian or ‘Nestorian’), operating from the city of Basra in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. He was the first Christian theologian to write a systematic theology in Arabic and among the first to respond in systematic form to Muslim theological reflection. He even engaged in theological debate with the leading Muslim intellectuals of his time. As such, he is an important figure in the field of Christian–Muslim encounter and the history of Christians writing and speaking in Arabic. Michel Hayek’s discovery and editions of two of ʿAmmār’s works appeared in in the late-1970s. Even so, ʿAmmār has received relatively little attention in scholarly discussion. Mark Beaumont is one scholar who is giving ʿAmmār more considered attention, regularly writing essays about him since 2003. For this reason, Beaumont is an adept commenter on ʿAmmār’s life and work and his most recent book, The Theology of ‘Ammār al-Basrī, is the first book-length study of this early-medieval theologian. In it, Beaumont offers commentary on the major theological themes that ʿAmmār discusses in two of his treatises: ‘The Book of the Proof concerning the Course of the Divine Economy’ and ‘The Book of Questions and Answers’. Following an introduction, which sketches the book’s overall makeup, Beaumont’s first chapter situates ʿAmmār in his historical and cultural context. Here, Beaumont discusses ʿAmmār as an East-Syrian theologian and the context of East-Syrians living under Muslim rule. Especially helpful in Chapter 1 is Beaumont’s treatment of East-Syrian Christological reflection as an ongoing discussion within a wider Christological context that included a variety of Christian traditions. This diversity in Christian theology helped to shape the ways in which a theologian like ʿAmmār laid out his own theology, attempting systematically to address the broad streams of Christian thought while also weaving them together according to a divine economy and in dialogue with other traditions. But it was not just Christian theological reflection with which ʿAmmār needed to interact. In Chapter 2, Beaumont takes up the first theological theme, which was ʿAmmār’s argument for one Creator. So many studies on aspects of Christian–Muslim relations focus on thought within Christian and Muslim traditions, neglecting other belief systems that were also present. For ʿAmmār, perhaps the most predominant religion of his context was not Islam, the religion of his rulers, but Zoroastrian belief, perhaps the majority religion in the region at the time. For this reason, ʿAmmār had to engage with Persian beliefs and Beaumont refreshingly brings focus to this feature of ʿAmmār’s work, wherein he sets God’s oneness against the dualism of Zoroaster. The remaining chapters follow the overall approach of Chapter 2, with a general discussion of a particular theological theme as treated by ʿAmmār and Beaumont’s
Ammār al-Basṛīwas东方教会(东叙利亚或“聂斯脱里派”)的神学家,在八世纪后半叶和九世纪初从巴士拉市开始运作。他是第一个用阿拉伯语撰写系统神学的基督教神学家,也是第一个以系统形式回应穆斯林神学反思的基督教神学家之一。他甚至与当时主要的穆斯林知识分子进行神学辩论。因此,他是基督教与穆斯林相遇领域的重要人物,也是基督徒用阿拉伯语写作和说话的历史上的重要人物。米歇尔·哈耶克的发现和他Ammār的两部作品的版本出现在20世纪70年代末。即便如此,在学术讨论中,al - Ammār得到的关注相对较少。马克·博蒙特(Mark Beaumont)是一位给予他Ammār更多深思熟虑关注的学者,自2003年以来,他定期撰写有关他的文章。由于这个原因,博蒙特是一位熟练的评论者Ammār的生活和工作,他最近的书,' Ammār al- basr '的神学,是对这位早期中世纪神学家的第一本书。在这本书中,博蒙特提供了对主要神学主题的评论,这些主题是在他的两篇论文中讨论的:“关于神圣经济过程的证据之书”和“问题与答案之书”。在概述全书整体结构的引言之后,博蒙特的第一章将伊·Ammār置于他的历史和文化背景中。在这里,博蒙特讨论了作为东叙利亚神学家的阿卜杜拉Ammār,以及生活在穆斯林统治下的东叙利亚人的背景。在第一章中特别有用的是博蒙特对东叙利亚基督论反思的处理,作为一个更广泛的基督论背景下的持续讨论,其中包括各种基督教传统。基督教神学的这种多样性有助于塑造像Ammār这样的神学家制定自己的神学的方式,他试图系统地解决基督教思想的广泛流,同时也根据神圣的经济和与其他传统的对话将它们编织在一起。但这并不仅仅是基督教神学的反思,这需要与伊拉Ammār进行互动。在第二章中,博蒙特开始了第一个神学主题,即阿卜杜拉Ammār对唯一造物主的论证。许多关于基督教和穆斯林关系方面的研究都集中在基督教和穆斯林传统的思想上,而忽略了同样存在的其他信仰体系。对于al - Ammār来说,也许在他的背景下,最主要的宗教不是伊斯兰教,他的统治者的宗教,而是琐罗亚斯德教,也许是当时该地区最主要的宗教。出于这个原因,al - Ammār不得不与波斯信仰接触,博蒙特令人耳目一新地将注意力集中在al - Ammār作品的这一特点上,其中他将上帝的一体性与琐罗亚斯德的二元论对立起来。其余章节遵循第2章的总体方法,对一个特定的神学主题进行一般性讨论,如对Ammār和博蒙特对他的方法的评价。在第三章中,什么是特别有用和更一致的
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引用次数: 0
Creating the Qur’an: A Historical-Critical Study 《古兰经》的创作:一个历史批判的研究
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2143231
Adam Dodds
In this work, Stephen Shoemaker writes about an under-researched topic: a critical perspective on the Qur’an’s historical origin. He follows the historical-critical methodology of religious studies and biblical scholarship in order to untangle the thorny issues regarding its date, transmission and composition. His intention is to seek ‘to understand the world behind the text and how the text came to be in the first place’ (3). In the first two chapters, Shoemaker explains his rejection of the traditional narrative about the ʿUthmānic recension, and instead argues that it was ʿAbd al-Malik (d. 86/705) who, ‘with the assistance of al-Ḥajjāj, standardized the Qur’an in the unvarying form that has come down to us today’ (43). He envisages different regional codices of proto-Qur’ans, one of which was ʿUthmān’s, that were later collected, collated and edited under ʿAbd alMalik. In his argument, Shoemaker demonstrates fluency with contemporary scholarship, on which he builds, and he enlists witnesses from within and without the Islamic tradition with persuasive force. Chapter 3, on radio-carbon dating, explains the unreliability of this approach for establishing accurate time-frames. Chapter 4 concerns the Hijaz in Late Antiquity, and builds particularly on Patricia Crone’s Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam. Shoemaker contends that Mecca and Yathrib were economically insignificant and culturally isolated, thereby rejecting the belief, propounded by W. Montgomery Watt, that they were important hubs on a trade route. Furthermore, the audience of the Qur’an must have been educated and familiar with biblical and post-biblical traditions. This does not fit with the central Hijaz, which had no significant Christian population at all, thus indicating that the Qur’an’s origins lie elsewhere. Shoemaker examines the linguistic environment of the Qur’an in Chapter 5. He draws on studies of Arabian rock inscriptions and, in examining the so-called Hijazi dialect, locates its origin in the Levant.
在这本书中,斯蒂芬·舒梅克写了一个研究不足的话题:对《古兰经》历史起源的批判视角。他遵循宗教研究和圣经学术的历史批判方法论,以理清关于其日期、传播和构成的棘手问题。他的意图是寻求“理解文本背后的世界,以及文本最初是如何形成的”(3)。在前两章中,舒梅克解释了他对《古兰经》Uthmānic衰退的传统叙述的拒绝,相反,他认为是阿卜杜勒·马利克(公元86/705年)“在《古兰经》-Ḥajjāj的帮助下,将《古兰经》标准化为今天流传下来的不变形式”(43)。他设想了不同地区的古兰经原始抄本,其中之一是阿卜杜拉Uthmān的抄本,后来在阿卜杜拉马利克的领导下被收集、整理和编辑。在他的论述中,舒梅克展示了他对当代学术的熟练掌握,他以此为基础,他以有说服力的力量从伊斯兰传统内部和外部招募证人。第三章,关于放射性碳测年,解释了这种方法在建立精确时间框架方面的不可靠性。第四章关注的是古代晚期的汉志,特别是帕特里夏·克罗内的《麦加贸易和伊斯兰教的兴起》。舒梅克认为,麦加和亚思里布在经济上无足轻重,在文化上与世隔绝,因此否定了w·蒙哥马利·瓦特(W. Montgomery Watt)提出的它们是贸易路线上重要枢纽的观点。此外,古兰经的读者必须受过教育,熟悉圣经和后圣经的传统。这与汉志中部地区不相符,那里根本没有多少基督徒人口,因此表明《古兰经》的起源在别处。休梅克在第五章中考察了古兰经的语言环境。他借鉴了对阿拉伯岩石铭文的研究,并在研究所谓的Hijazi方言时,将其起源定位在黎凡特。
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引用次数: 3
Theological Anthropology in the Qur’anic Narratives of the Fall: A Contrastive Study 古兰经堕落叙事中的神学人类学:对比研究
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2107263
Adam Dodds
ABSTRACT Nicolai Sinai notes the importance of an intertextual study of the Qur’an, observing how the Qur’an adapts and retells biblical and post-biblical stories in line with its own theological concerns. This article investigates the theological adaptation in the Qur’an’s Adam narratives, extending and nuancing earlier qur’anic Adam research. These narratives are examined, noting their distinctive features. Next, a broader qur’anic anthropology is described, before an analysis of whether and how the qur’anic Adam narratives align with this broader qur’anic anthropology. The divergences between the biblical and qur’anic accounts of Adam are studied and three are examined in detail: human responsibility, khalīfa and imago Dei, and divine response. These are shown to have significant theological implications, which are discussed. These divergences are considered in the light of a broader qur’anic anthropology and the Qur’an’s own theological vision. The article shows that, regarding the Adam narratives, the Qur’an’s broader theological vision shapes its individual narratives in a way that contrasts with their biblical and post-biblical antecedents. The theological differences embedded in the biblical and qur’anic Adam stories are best interpreted as representative of two distinct theological visions.
Nicolai Sinai注意到古兰经互文研究的重要性,观察古兰经如何根据自己的神学关注点改编和重述圣经和后圣经故事。本文考察了《古兰经》亚当叙事中的神学改编,对早期《古兰经》亚当研究进行了延伸和细化。对这些叙述进行了研究,注意到它们的独特之处。接下来,在分析《古兰经》中亚当的叙述是否和如何与《古兰经》中更广泛的人类学相一致之前,我们描述了一个更广泛的《古兰经》人类学。《圣经》和《古兰经》对亚当的描述之间的分歧进行了研究,并详细检查了三个方面:人类的责任,khal法和神的形象,以及神的反应。这些被证明具有重要的神学含义,这是讨论。这些分歧是根据更广泛的《古兰经》人类学和《古兰经》自己的神学视野来考虑的。这篇文章表明,关于亚当的叙述,古兰经更广泛的神学视野塑造了它的个人叙述,与它们的圣经和后圣经的前身形成了对比。《圣经》和《古兰经》中亚当故事的神学差异最好解释为两种截然不同的神学观点的代表。
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引用次数: 1
Incitement: Anwar al-Awlaki’s Western Jihad 煽动:安瓦尔·奥拉基的西方圣战
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2096949
Christopher J. van der Krogt
were shown the Oriental manuscript collection of the Escorial. I personally appreciate this work as a rich source book that accords much space to historical context and detail, with a serious footnote apparatus that even includes the original Spanish quotes. Eloy Martín Corrales has been publishing on Spain’s (and in particular Catalunya’s) relations with North Africa for more than 35 years, and this book clearly brings together many threads of his work. It also does an excellent job in presenting the archival findings of other scholars from Spain who usually publish only in Spanish, Catalan or French. In this regard, the professional translation of this book’s manuscript into English, by Consuelo López-Morillas, must be lauded as a valuable contribution to the broader field. The index is unfortunately too sketchy to serve as a reliable tool for navigating this large book, but the 70-page bibliography presents a good overview of the fascinating work on the historical presence of Muslims in Spain that has been done there over the past decades. Less prominent in this synthesizing oeuvre is international research published in English; and Arabic and Ottoman sources are only used if they were available in Spanish translation. With these limitations in mind, this is a colourful guidebook to Spanish scholarship on the broader history of Christian–Muslim relations in Europe, and an invitation to collate more pieces of the overall picture.
向他们展示了埃斯科里亚尔人的东方手稿。我个人很欣赏这部作品,因为它是一本资源丰富的书,赋予了大量的历史背景和细节,有一个严肃的脚注装置,甚至包括原始的西班牙语引用。Eloy Martín Corrales出版有关西班牙(特别是加泰罗尼亚)与北非关系的著作已经超过35年了,这本书显然汇集了他工作的许多线索。它还出色地展示了西班牙其他学者的档案发现,这些学者通常只用西班牙语、加泰罗尼亚语或法语发表。在这方面,这本书的手稿的专业翻译成英文,由康斯维洛López-Morillas,必须称赞作为一个宝贵的贡献,更广泛的领域。不幸的是,索引过于粗略,不能作为浏览这本大书的可靠工具,但70页的参考书目很好地概述了过去几十年来在西班牙进行的关于穆斯林历史存在的迷人工作。在这一综合作品中不太突出的是用英语发表的国际研究;阿拉伯语和奥斯曼文献只有在有西班牙语翻译的情况下才会被使用。考虑到这些局限性,这是一本丰富多彩的西班牙学术指南,介绍欧洲基督教与穆斯林关系的更广泛历史,并邀请您整理更多的整体画面。
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引用次数: 0
Violence in Early Islam: Religious Narratives, the Arab Conquests and the Canonization of Jihad 早期伊斯兰教的暴力:宗教叙事、阿拉伯征服和圣战的册封
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2093502
Christopher Anzalone
Muslim views on violence, and specifically conceptions of jihad (al-jihād fī sabīl Allah; ‘striving for the sake/in the path of God’), continue to be a topic of debate amongst scholars and policymakers, with the focus heating up following the 9/11 al-Qaeda hijackings and suicide attacks on the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia, and the World Trade Center in New York City in 2001. Scholarship over the past couple of decades has shed more light on the factors and dynamics at play in the Late Antique milieu in which Islam emerged and expanded, and on how these may have influenced the development of the new monotheistic faith. In Violence in Early Islam, Marco Demichelis argues against claims that violence has been an essential part of Islam since its founding, exploring how the first Muslims were influenced by neighbouring civilizations including the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires. The book draws upon various types of primary sources including historical writings of both the first Muslims and their non-Muslim contemporaries, archaeological and numismatic sources (through the use of studies by specialists in these fields), and early Islamic pietistic works and literature on Hadith and war-and-peace. Demichelis builds on the arguments put forward by Fred Donner that the early Muslim community did not see itself as exclusivist but rather as a more ecumenical umbrella for monotheistic believers – this inclusivity persuading disaffected Arab Christian tribes living in Byzantine territories in Syria and Palestine to side with the emerging Arab-Muslim political order against the stagnant Byzantine and Sasanian imperial systems. Muslim historical writings from the eighth century onward, such as those by AbūMikhnaf (d. 774) and Ibn Isḥāq (d. circa 767), significantly influenced later Islamic historical writing by introducing a ‘“politicalreligious” understanding’ (46) of the Arab conquests of the seventh century. This frame, which Demichelis argues is not based on concrete historical or archaeological evidentiary foundations, was subsequently adopted by later Muslim historians including Ibn Hishām (d. 835), al-Wāqidī (d. circa 823), Ibn Saʿd (d. 845), al-Balādhurī (d. 892) and al-Ṭabarī (d. 923). Contrary to what become the dominant Islamic narrative of these later historians, there was a significant degree of ‘political-religious continuity in Iraq, Syria, and Palestine’ (59) following the Arab conquest of these territories. The shift by Muslims towards the implementation of a more exclusivist form of religious identity did not take place until the late seventh and early eighth centuries under the Umayyad caliphs, such as ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān (d. 705; r. 685–705), who began building a more distinct Islamic socio-political order (68, 72). Jihad as a professional form of warfare and military activity – differing from the individualized ascetic understandings of jihad held by early Muslim frontier warriors such as ʿAbdullāh ibn al-Mubārak (d. 797) – began to
穆斯林对暴力的看法,特别是对圣战的概念(al-jihād f ' sabub l Allah;“为了上帝的缘故/在上帝的道路上奋斗”),继续成为学者和政策制定者之间争论的话题,随着2001年9/11基地组织劫机和对弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿五角大楼和纽约市世贸中心的自杀式袭击,焦点升温。在过去的几十年里,学者们对伊斯兰教在古代晚期出现和扩张的环境中发挥作用的因素和动力,以及这些因素和动力如何影响了新的一神论信仰的发展,有了更多的了解。在《早期伊斯兰教的暴力》一书中,马可·德米凯利斯反驳了暴力自伊斯兰教建立以来一直是伊斯兰教重要组成部分的说法,探讨了第一批穆斯林是如何受到包括拜占庭帝国和萨珊帝国在内的邻近文明的影响的。这本书借鉴了各种类型的主要来源,包括第一批穆斯林和他们的非穆斯林同时代人的历史著作,考古和钱币来源(通过使用这些领域的专家研究),以及早期伊斯兰教的虔诚作品和关于圣训和战争与和平的文学作品。Demichelis建立在Fred Donner提出的论点上,即早期的穆斯林社区并不认为自己是排他性的,而是一神教信徒的一个更普世的保护伞——这种包容性说服了生活在叙利亚和巴勒斯坦拜占庭领土上的不满的阿拉伯基督教部落站在新兴的阿拉伯-穆斯林政治秩序一边,反对停滞不前的拜占庭和萨珊帝国体系。8世纪以后的穆斯林历史著作,如AbūMikhnaf(公元774年)和伊本Isḥāq(大约公元767年)的著作,通过引入对7世纪阿拉伯征服的“政治宗教”理解(46),对后来的伊斯兰历史著作产生了重大影响。Demichelis认为这个框架并不是基于具体的历史或考古证据基础,后来的穆斯林历史学家包括伊本Hishām(公元835年),al-Wāqidī(大约公元823年),伊本萨伊德(公元845年),al-Balādhurī(公元892年)和al-Ṭabarī(公元923年)都采用了这个框架。与后来这些历史学家主导的伊斯兰叙事相反,在阿拉伯征服这些领土之后,“伊拉克、叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的政治-宗教连续性”在很大程度上是存在的。直到七世纪末和八世纪初,在乌马亚哈里发(如al- Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān(公元705年)的统治下,穆斯林才开始转向一种更排外的宗教身份形式;(约685-705),他开始建立一个更独特的伊斯兰社会政治秩序(68,72)。圣战作为一种专业的战争和军事活动形式——不同于早期穆斯林前线战士如伊·Abdullāh伊本al-Mubārak(公元797年)对圣战的个人禁欲主义理解——开始出现在逊尼派法学家的法律著作中,包括al-Shāfi伊·al-Mubārak(公元820年),并在后来的学者如al-Māwardī(公元1058年)的著作中得到进一步发展。德米切利斯认为,圣战的“封圣”直到八世纪末和九世纪初才发生,这是一个受到禁欲主义者ghāzīwarrior和驻扎在穆斯林和非穆斯林敌人的土地之间边界(thughūr)的突袭者(ribāt)的理想化形象的高度影响的过程。穆斯林的法律和政治观点
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引用次数: 0
Crusader Hirelings or Loyal Subjects? Evolving Jihadist Perspectives on Christian Minorities in the Middle East 十字军佣兵还是忠诚的臣民?不断演变的圣战分子对中东基督教少数群体的看法
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2096761
Brynjar Lia, Mathilde Becker Aarseth
ABSTRACT In contrast to common assumptions, jihadist movements’ view of Christian minorities in the Middle East has been neither unambiguous nor static. It changes according to the overall political conflict in the region and is characterized by specific, unpredictable struggles that arise locally. By studying the official statements of al-Qaeda and ISIS, their ideological and strategic writings and their conduct vis-à-vis indigenous Christians in the Middle East, this article seeks to paint a more complex picture of how jihadists perceive this minority. One key finding is that the Christians of the Middle East and the foreign Christian ‘Crusaders’ are not a single phenomenon or foe in the conceptual worldview of jihadists. Second, rather than seeking to eradicate Christians completely, jihadist movements wish primarily to demonstrate the dominance of Muslims and their role as legitimate rulers over Christian minorities. Third, terrorist attacks on Christians and churches have been devastating and deadly, especially in Egypt and Iraq, but local Christian minorities are not a top priority target for most jihadist groups.
与通常的假设相反,圣战运动对中东基督教少数群体的看法既不明确也不稳定。它根据该地区的总体政治冲突而变化,其特点是在当地发生具体的、不可预测的斗争。通过研究基地组织和ISIS的官方声明,他们的意识形态和战略著作以及他们对-à-vis中东本地基督徒的行为,本文试图描绘出圣战分子如何看待这一少数群体的更复杂的图景。一个关键的发现是,中东的基督徒和外国的基督教“十字军”在圣战分子的概念世界观中并不是一个单一的现象或敌人。其次,圣战运动并不是要彻底消灭基督徒,而是主要希望证明穆斯林的统治地位,以及他们作为基督教少数群体的合法统治者的角色。第三,恐怖分子对基督徒和教堂的袭击是毁灭性的和致命的,特别是在埃及和伊拉克,但当地的基督徒少数群体并不是大多数圣战组织的首要目标。
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引用次数: 1
Patarenes, Protestants and Islam in Bosnia: Deconstructing the Bogomil Theory 波士尼亚的Patarenes、新教徒与伊斯兰教:解构波格米尔理论
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2121494
Ines Aščerić-Todd
ABSTRACT Attempts to explain the existence of a large indigenous Muslim population in Bosnia have resulted in two main academic trends, both subject to politicized and biased representations of the area’s history. The first, originating mostly in Serbian nationalist historiography, claims that Bosnian Christians were forcibly converted and has been used since the nineteenth century to galvanize support for Serbian expansionist ambitions in the shape of its ‘Greater Serbia’ project. The second and long the most popular view holds that the majority of Bosnian Christians who converted to Islam belonged to a heretical ‘Bogomil’ institution of the Bosnian Church. Although this theory has been questioned over time, one of its central premises – that there are similarities between the theology and practice of Bogomilism and those of Islam – has never undergone any scrutiny. This article examines both this crucial premise of the Bogomil Theory, and the theory’s provenance, and argues that, just as we should dismiss the Serbian (and Croatian) nationalist theories on the subject, we should also recognize the Bogomil Theory as a mythicized account of history, motived by both the personal prejudice and imperialist-colonialist agendas of its nineteenth-century authors.
试图解释波斯尼亚大量土著穆斯林人口的存在导致了两种主要的学术趋势,这两种趋势都受到该地区历史政治化和偏见的影响。第一种,主要源于塞尔维亚民族主义史学,声称波斯尼亚的基督徒是被强迫皈依的,并且自19世纪以来一直被用来激发对塞尔维亚扩张主义野心的支持,以其“大塞尔维亚”计划的形式。第二种也是长期以来最流行的观点认为,大多数皈依伊斯兰教的波斯尼亚基督徒属于波斯尼亚教会的异端“Bogomil”机构。尽管这一理论一直受到质疑,但其核心前提之一——博格米尔主义的神学和实践与伊斯兰教的相似之处——从未经过任何审查。本文考察了Bogomil理论的这一关键前提,以及该理论的起源,并认为,正如我们应该摒弃塞尔维亚(和克罗地亚)民族主义关于这一主题的理论一样,我们也应该认识到Bogomil理论是一种神话化的历史描述,其动机是19世纪作者的个人偏见和帝国主义-殖民主义议程。
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引用次数: 0
Muslims in Spain, 1492-1814: Living and Negotiating in the Land of the Infidel 西班牙的穆斯林,1492-1814:在异教徒的土地上生活和谈判
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2096356
M. Kemper
state and, later, by the expansionist imperial interests of the Umayyad and early ʿAbbāsid Caliphates. To bolster his argument, Demichelis notes in Chapter 4 that the earliest non-Islamic chronicles that mention significant numbers of ‘an early kind of mujāhidīn’ (94) do not appear until the twelfth century and are absent from earlier non-Islamic sources as well as from earlier ninthand tenth-century Islamic sources, including the history of al-Ṭabarī. This calls into question the common assumption that Islam has from its founding been closely linked to a belief in sanctified forms of violence. Violence in Early Islam includes extensive textual analysis of both historical documents and qur’anic verses dealing with Muslim conceptions of violence and warfare. Demichelis also interacts deeply with the scholarship on early Islam, Islamic origins and Islam and violence. The book’s written style is dense and the author often presents an avalanche of information, making the reader’s task of following the different lines of thought and argumentation needlessly difficult. Despite these issues, this volume is a welcome addition to the historiographical literature on early Islam, its evolution and the development of Islamic thought on violence, conflict and war.
后来又受到倭马亚帝国和早期伊斯兰哈里发Abbāsid扩张主义帝国利益的影响。为了支持他的论点,Demichelis在第4章中指出,最早的非伊斯兰编年史提到了大量的“早期的mujāhidīn”(94),直到12世纪才出现,并且在早期的非伊斯兰来源以及早期的九世纪和十世纪的伊斯兰来源中都没有,包括al-Ṭabarī的历史。这让人们对一种普遍的假设产生了疑问,即伊斯兰教从创立之初就与信奉神圣的暴力形式密切相关。早期伊斯兰的暴力包括对历史文献和处理穆斯林暴力和战争概念的古兰经经文的广泛文本分析。Demichelis也与早期伊斯兰,伊斯兰起源,伊斯兰和暴力的研究有很深的联系。这本书的写作风格密集,作者经常呈现雪崩般的信息,使读者的任务跟随不同的思路和论证不必要的困难。尽管存在这些问题,本卷是一个受欢迎的除了对早期伊斯兰教,它的演变和伊斯兰思想的暴力,冲突和战争的发展的史学文献。
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引用次数: 0
Minority Religions under Irish Law: Islam in National and International Context 爱尔兰法律下的少数宗教:国内和国际背景下的伊斯兰教
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-23 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2072061
Rachel Woodlock
Faruque takes seriously the descriptive self and its regimes of power over the normative self but refuses to reduce the self thereto; this is a necessary intervention in modern, Western thought. The light criticism here is only that Faruque sometimes constructs his normative self in a way that reads as private and individualistic even as he asserts that it is compassionate and relational. The socio-cultural self suggests that the normative self should not only care for others in a one-on-one relationship, but also work to overturn structures of oppression and construct structures of liberation so that more and more people can pursue the philosophicospiritual ideal freely and with fewer impediments. Notwithstanding, the constructive and critical insights Faruque brings to the Western philosophical traditions from the pre-modern, early modern and modern Islamic philosophical traditions are tremendous. For this, he is to be praised; his book advances cross-cultural philosophical dialogue, compels Western academic departments of philosophy, sociology, cognitive science and so on to take seriously insights from outside the Euro-American traditions, and challenges all of us to be critical of discourses, movements and practices that presume that humans can be reduced to biology, society, culture or cognitive experiences.
法鲁克严肃地对待描述性自我及其凌驾于规范性自我之上的权力体制但拒绝将自我简化为规范性自我;这是对现代西方思想的必要干预。这里的轻微批评只是,法鲁克有时会以一种私人和个人主义的方式构建他的规范自我,即使他声称这是富有同情心和关系性的。社会文化自我表明,规范自我不仅应该在一对一的关系中关心他人,还应该努力推翻压迫结构,构建解放结构,使越来越多的人能够自由地、更少地追求哲学精神理想。尽管如此,法鲁克从前现代、早期现代和现代伊斯兰哲学传统中为西方哲学传统带来了巨大的建设性和批判性见解。为这事,他是应当称赞的。他的书推动了跨文化哲学对话,迫使西方哲学、社会学、认知科学等学术部门认真对待欧美传统之外的见解,并挑战我们所有人对那些假定人类可以被归结为生物学、社会、文化或认知经验的话语、运动和实践持批判态度。
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引用次数: 0
Sculpting the Self: Islam, Selfhood, and Human Flourishing 雕刻自我:伊斯兰、自我与人类繁荣
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2069939
A. M. Oaks Takács
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations
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