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Exploring Misogyny in Modern Muslim Societies: The Influence of Greek Philosophy on Qur’anic Exegesis 探讨现代穆斯林社会中的厌女症:希腊哲学对古兰经解经的影响
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2166726
Ismail Lala
ABSTRACT Numerous sociological studies indicate that the societal perception of women in Muslim countries is generally poor. These perceptions, argue the promulgators of such ideas, are based on the Qur’an. There is, nevertheless, no consensus on the interpretation of the qur’anic verses that supposedly promote such views. One of the main sources of negative perceptions of women is the Hellenistic learning that permeated the corpus of qur’anic commentaries. This article explores the influence of the translation movement on the exegetical tradition. There is a marked difference between the earliest qur’anic commentaries, written before the works of Aristotle and Galen were translated into Arabic by around 850 AD, and those that came after. While the former show relatively little in the way of androcentric interpretations of the Qur’an, the latter adopt Aristotelian and Galenic views of women’s ontological inferiority due to increased coldness and wetness, and use these to justify patriarchal interpretations.
大量社会学研究表明,穆斯林国家对女性的社会认知普遍较差。这种观念的传播者认为,这些观念是基于《古兰经》的。然而,对古兰经经文的解释没有达成共识,这些经文被认为促进了这种观点。对女性的负面看法的主要来源之一是渗透在古兰经注释语料库中的希腊化学习。本文探讨了翻译运动对训诂学传统的影响。最早的《古兰经》注释是在亚里士多德和盖伦的著作在公元850年左右被翻译成阿拉伯语之前写成的,与之后的注释有明显的不同。前者对《古兰经》的男性中心主义解释相对较少,后者则采用亚里士多德和盖伦的观点,认为由于寒冷和潮湿的增加,女性在本体论上是自卑的,并用这些来证明男权主义的解释是正确的。
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引用次数: 0
In Search of the True Religion: Monk Jurjī and Muslim Jurists Debating Faith and Practice 寻找真正的宗教:居士和穆斯林法学家辩论信仰和实践
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2190249
C. Tieszen
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引用次数: 0
Hétérodoxes et non musulmans dans la pensée d’Abū Ḥāmid al-Ġazālī 非正统和非穆斯林思想abūḤāmid - azālīal -Ġ
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2192857
Abdessamad Belhaj
light the ways in which this genre of literature functioned for Arabicand Syriac-speaking Christian communities, but they also serve to frame the text of Jurjī’s debate as the intellectual legacy of these earliermajlis texts. For Jurjī’s debate, besides purporting to be an account of an authentic conversation, incorporates nearly all of the main points of theological discussion germane to disputation literature. This makes the account of that debate a kind of encyclopaedia of topics debated between Christians and Muslims and demonstration of the ways in which a Christian monk handled them. It makes sense, in this light, that the text of Jurjī’s debate would be copied and circulated widely because it could serve to reassure Christian readers of the assuredness of their faith in contexts of competing religious claims. All of these details make Ibrahim’s and Hackenburg’s introduction a suitable overview of many of the main points of Christian–Muslim theological discussion, so it will be beneficial for students and scholars who are new to this area of study or genre of literature, and scholars well acquainted with the literature now have a fine edition of the work that is suitable for research.
照亮了这种文学类型在阿拉伯语和叙利亚语基督教社区中发挥作用的方式,但它们也有助于将jurjj ' s辩论的文本框架为这些早期议会文本的知识遗产。对于jurj ' s的辩论,除了声称是一个真实的对话的叙述,结合了几乎所有的神学讨论的主要观点,与争论文学密切相关。这使得这场辩论的记录成为基督徒和穆斯林之间争论话题的百科全书,并展示了基督教僧侣处理这些问题的方式。从这个角度来看,jurjj ' s辩论的文本被复制并广泛传播是有道理的,因为它可以使基督教读者在相互竞争的宗教主张的背景下确信他们的信仰。所有这些细节都使易卜拉欣和哈肯堡的介绍成为基督教-穆斯林神学讨论的许多要点的合适概述,因此对于刚接触这一研究领域或文学流派的学生和学者来说,这将是有益的,对文学非常熟悉的学者现在有一个适合研究的优秀版本。
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引用次数: 0
The Routledge Companion to the Qur’an 《劳特利奇古兰经指南》
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2167357
Sayed Hassan Akhlaq
at a mortuary installation where it cannot be determined if the carving was made at the time of burial or later (51). There are times when Al-Jallad’s refusal to draw connections between the Safaitic inscriptions and other religious traditions and topoi seems perhaps overly cautious. He engages in a lengthy discussion of the most frequently named deity, the goddess Allat, placing her within multiple pre-Islamic cosmoi, including Chaldaea, Syria, Rome and Nabataea, but does not move beyond this into tracing connections to the Qur’an or the Islamic era, despite the clear linguistic connections to terms used in the Qur’an to describe relations between humans and the Divine, such as ʿbd (slave) or sḍq (righteous one or devotee) or themes such as deities enacting justice or vengeance (62–4). One unanswered question in this work pertains to gender. The overwhelming majority of inscriptions are made by, for and about men and their feelings and deeds; women appear only occasionally, either as objects of longing (a sister) or as initiators (a daughter accomplishing a rite for someone ‘on account of her property’, followed by an invocation to ‘favor her and aid her’ (8)). While it would likely be prudent not to draw broad conclusions from such brief mentions, the apparent connection between wealth and favour seems intended to justify this particular woman’s accomplishment of a rite that seemingly was otherwise the prerogative of men. It further raises the question of what kinds of religious practices were engaged in by women and why certain practices seem to have been favoured by and/or were exclusive to men, particularly in light of the apparent lack of priests and institutions. Along the same lines, it is disappointing that Al-Jallad comments upon the prominent featuring of female figures in pre-Islamic Arabian rock art, mostly as dancing and singing girls playing instruments, often in the context of battle, but offers no discussion of this important presence. The chapter on figurative representations was disappointingly brief at a mere two pages, suggesting that the artistic representations of rock art were less interesting to the author than the inscriptions, despite the gender disparity. Even at times when Al-Jallad raises questions about which themes are covered (droughts, migrations, warfare and pasturing) and which are not (births of children, marriage, abundant rain) in prayers (89), he does not interrogate the relationship between these themes and the potential gender dynamics of the society. Overall, this work offers solid new evidence of pre-Islamic religious practices in Northern Arabia, adding to the knowledge base, even as some questions remain unanswered.
在太平间的装置中,无法确定雕刻是在埋葬时还是之后完成的(51)。有时,Al-Jallad拒绝将萨法蒂铭文与其他宗教传统和地形联系起来,这似乎过于谨慎了。他花了很长时间讨论最常被命名的神,阿拉特女神,将她置于多个前伊斯兰世界中,包括迦勒底亚,叙利亚,罗马和纳巴提亚,但他没有超越这一点去追踪古兰经或伊斯兰时代的联系,尽管古兰经中用来描述人类和神之间关系的术语有明确的语言联系,例如:“奴隶”或“sḍq”或“正义的人或奉献者”,或“颁布正义或复仇的神”等主题(62-4)。这项工作中有一个悬而未决的问题与性别有关。绝大多数碑文都是由人、为人、关于人、关于人的感情和行为;女性只是偶尔出现,要么是作为渴望的对象(一个姐妹),要么是作为发起者(一个女儿为某人完成一个仪式,“因为她的财产”,然后祈求“保佑她,帮助她”(8))。虽然不从这些简短的提及中得出广泛的结论可能是谨慎的,但财富和恩惠之间的明显联系似乎是为了证明这位特殊女性完成了一个仪式是合理的,否则这个仪式似乎是男人的特权。它进一步提出了妇女从事何种宗教活动的问题,以及为什么某些活动似乎受到男子的青睐和/或只限于男子,特别是考虑到显然缺乏牧师和机构。同样令人失望的是,Al-Jallad评论了前伊斯兰阿拉伯岩石艺术中女性形象的突出特征,主要是跳舞和唱歌的女孩演奏乐器,通常是在战斗的背景下,但没有讨论这一重要的存在。令人失望的是,关于具象表现的那一章只有两页,这表明,尽管存在性别差异,但对作者来说,岩石艺术的艺术表现不如碑文有趣。即使有时Al-Jallad提出问题,在祈祷中哪些主题被涵盖(干旱、迁徙、战争和放牧),哪些没有(孩子的出生、婚姻、丰雨),他也没有质问这些主题与社会潜在的性别动态之间的关系。总的来说,这项工作为北阿拉伯的前伊斯兰宗教活动提供了坚实的新证据,增加了知识基础,尽管有些问题仍未得到解答。
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引用次数: 0
The Gospel According to Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898): An Annotated Translation of Tabyīn al-kalām (Part 3) 赛义德·艾哈迈德·汗(1817-1898)的福音书:tabyn al-kalām注释翻译(第三部分)
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2157562
M. Whittingham
book itself is quite accessible to a broader readership, which is aided by the decision to publish it as open access. Creating the Qur’an is also significant for seeking to untangle the details surrounding this enigmatic text’s history and development. In this, Shoemaker’s breadth and depth of engagement helpfully advance the discussion. Negatively, Shoemaker’s critical engagement with Günter Lüling is minimal, while he entirely passes over the work of the pseudonymous Christoph Luxenberg. The direct relevance of their arguments to Shoemaker’s subject makes this omission unfortunate. Finally, this work has important implications for Christian–Muslim dialogue. There is a widespread belief among Muslims that, unlike the Qur’an, the Bible’s textual history has rendered it corrupted, which has prompted a detailed response. Shoemaker’s thesis that the Qur’an is a ‘composite and composed text’ (256) shows that both ‘holy books have a history’. Fred Donner rightly announced Creating the Qur’an to be ‘a milestone in Qur’anic studies’. It deserves to be read widely.
这本书本身对更广泛的读者来说是相当容易获得的,这得益于它作为开放获取方式出版的决定。创造《古兰经》对于试图解开围绕这一神秘文本的历史和发展的细节也很重要。在这方面,舒梅克参与的广度和深度有助于推进讨论。消极地说,舒梅克对内特尔·林的批评很少,而他完全忽略了笔名克里斯托弗·卢森伯格(Christoph Luxenberg)的作品。他们的论点与舒梅克的主题直接相关,这使得这一遗漏令人遗憾。最后,这项工作对基督教-穆斯林对话具有重要意义。穆斯林中普遍认为,与《古兰经》不同,《圣经》的文本历史已使其受到破坏,这引发了详细的回应。休梅克认为《古兰经》是一部“合成和合成的文本”的论点(256)表明,这两部“圣书都有历史”。弗雷德·唐纳正确地宣布创造《古兰经》是“古兰经研究的一个里程碑”。这本书值得广泛阅读。
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引用次数: 0
Les lieux de culte de Beyrouth et sa proche banlieue 贝鲁特及其周边地区的礼拜场所
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2167370
Anna Hager
Hussaini (Akhlaq), Sayed Hassan Hussaini. ‘Rationality in Islamic Peripatetic Enlightenment Philosophies’. Philosophy Emerging from Culture, ed. William Sweet, George F. McLean, Oliva Blanchette, and Wonbin Park, 71–85. Washington, DC: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2013. Hussaini (Akhlaq), Sayed Hassan. ‘Islamic Philosophy between Theism and Deism’. Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 72, no. 1 (2016): 65–84.
Hussaini (Akhlaq), Sayed Hassan Hussaini。“伊斯兰游学启蒙哲学中的理性”。《文化中的哲学》,威廉·斯威特、乔治·f·麦克莱恩、奥利瓦·布兰切特和朴元彬主编,71-85页。华盛顿特区:价值与哲学研究委员会,2013。Hussaini (Akhlaq), Sayed Hassan。“有神论和自然神论之间的伊斯兰哲学”。《菲洛索非亚葡萄牙评论》72期。1(2016): 65-84。
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引用次数: 1
Post-Secular Mirasism and Reforming Islam in Russia: From Euro-Islam to Confessional Scholarship 俄罗斯的后世俗奇迹主义与伊斯兰教改革:从欧洲伊斯兰教到忏悔派学术
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2193498
D. Garaev
ABSTRACT This article offers a view of the process of the formation of post-Soviet Islam in Russia as a result of the post-secular interaction between academic and religious areas – the boundaries between which are shown to be significantly blurred. It argues that, in the study of post-Soviet Islam, insufficient attention has been paid to the complex interactions between Islam and the Russian academic field. The article aims to fill this gap by providing examples of how, on the one hand, secular scholars become Muslim actors – bringing their secular, most often Soviet intellectual baggage to the Muslim sphere – and, on the other, how members of the Muslim clergy seek to influence the Russian academic community by claiming a role in the production of academic knowledge about Islam and Muslims as equal actors. Despite the post-secular nature of this interaction, it is the secular academic side that dominates.
本文介绍了后苏联时期俄罗斯伊斯兰教的形成过程,这是学术和宗教领域之间的后世俗互动的结果,两者之间的界限明显模糊。文章认为,在对后苏联伊斯兰教的研究中,对伊斯兰教与俄罗斯学术领域的复杂互动关系关注不够。这篇文章旨在填补这一空白,通过举例说明,一方面,世俗学者如何成为穆斯林演员——将他们世俗的、通常是苏联的知识包袱带到穆斯林领域;另一方面,穆斯林神职人员如何试图影响俄罗斯学术界,声称自己在伊斯兰教和穆斯林的学术知识生产中扮演了平等的角色。尽管这种互动具有后世俗的性质,但占主导地位的是世俗的学术方面。
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引用次数: 0
The Religion and Rituals of the Nomads of Pre-Islamic Arabia: A Reconstruction Based on the Safaitic Inscriptions 前伊斯兰阿拉伯游牧民族的宗教与仪式:基于萨法尔铭文的重构
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2023.2167346
Natana J. DeLong‐Bas
the commentary (e.g. 265); another is how SAK was ‘genuinely intrigued’ by the Bible (xxi). While the presentation in this volume is generally excellent (with the exception of a number of typos), a word is needed on certain quirks. Footnotes vary between, on the one hand, providing a source and sometimes background information, and on the other giving an ethical exhortation in which it is not entirely clear where SAK’s thought ends and the voice of one of the translators enters. Second, sometimes Hadith and Persian poetic quotations are sourced in footnotes, sometimes not, and the texts of these quotations, though conveniently given at the back of the volume, are listed without sources. This work is a very welcome contribution to the study of Muslim engagement with the Bible. It represents a serious and detailed study of a section of Gospel text by a prominent Muslim writer, and appears for the first time in a language other than Urdu. The translators have performed a much-needed service in making this text available to a wider readership, and anyone interested in South Asian Muslim responses to Christianity, or in Muslim engagement with the Bible will benefit. Readers will also be spurred on to read what is effectively a companion text, Ramsey’s God’s Word, Spoken or Otherwise.
注释(例如265);另一个是SAK是如何被《圣经》“真正吸引”的(xxi)。虽然这本书的介绍总体上很好(除了一些拼写错误),但有一些奇怪的地方需要一个词。脚注各不相同,一方面提供了来源,有时还提供了背景信息,另一方面给出了道德劝诫,其中不完全清楚SAK的思想在哪里结束,其中一个译者的声音进入。其次,有时圣训和波斯诗歌的引语是在脚注中引用的,有时不是,这些引语的文本,虽然方便地在卷的后面列出,但没有来源。这项工作对研究穆斯林与圣经的接触是一个非常受欢迎的贡献。它代表了一个著名的穆斯林作家对福音书文本的一段严肃而详细的研究,并且是第一次以乌尔都语以外的语言出现。翻译人员已经完成了一项急需的服务,使更多的读者可以获得这篇文章,任何对南亚穆斯林对基督教的反应感兴趣的人,或者对穆斯林与圣经的接触感兴趣的人都将受益。读者也将被鼓励去阅读一篇有效的配套文章,拉姆齐的《上帝的话语,口头或其他》。
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引用次数: 1
The Qurʾanic Word Rūḥ and Its Restricted Interpretations: An Analysis of Classical Tafsīr Tradition 古兰经词Rūḥ及其有限的解释:古典塔夫斯基传统分析
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2132349
Peter Laffoon
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to uncover a fuller meaning of the qur’anic word rūḥ through a critical analysis of the classical tafsīr tradition, challenging the prevailing scholarly opinion that rūḥ must be interpreted through the lens of that tradition. I demonstrate that classical Muslim exegetes restricted their interpretations of the word, saying that the rūḥ is either Gabriel, a super angel/metaphysical creature, a created soul or an inspiration from God, or else remaining silent and not offering any interpretation. They gave these interpretations even in cases where they were contradictory or implausible because other interpretations might have raised theological concerns rooted in the fear of conflating the rūḥ or Jesus with God. The rūḥ had to be interpreted as muḥdath (created) not qadīm (eternally existing), lest any implied anthropomorphic overtones might impinge upon God’s transcendence, and to avoid the theological implications of Jesus being rūḥ Allāh. This restriction on interpretation has substantially impacted later exegetes, philologists and Islamic scholars, obscuring the meaning of the qur’anic rūḥ. This article recommends a more critical reading of tafsīr in order uncover a fuller meaning of the qur’anic rūḥ.
本文的目的是通过对古兰经经典文本的批判性分析,揭示古兰经rūḥ一词更全面的含义,挑战流行的学术观点,即rūḥ必须通过该传统的透镜来解释。我证明了经典的穆斯林注释者限制了他们对这个词的解释,说rūḥ要么是加布里埃尔,一个超级天使/形而上学的生物,一个被创造的灵魂或来自上帝的灵感,要么保持沉默,不提供任何解释。他们给出了这些解释,即使这些解释是矛盾的或不可信的,因为其他解释可能会引起神学上的担忧,根植于害怕将rūḥ或耶稣与上帝混为一谈。rūḥ必须被解释为muḥdath(创造)而不是qad m(永远存在),以免任何隐含的拟人化的暗示可能会影响上帝的超然性,并避免耶稣是rūḥ Allāh的神学含义。这种对解释的限制极大地影响了后来的注释家、语言学家和伊斯兰学者,模糊了古兰经rūḥ的含义。本文建议对tafs . r进行更批判性的阅读,以揭示古兰经rūḥ更全面的含义。
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引用次数: 0
From Evangelization to Worship Restrictions: The Changing Characteristics of Threat Perception between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia 从传福音到敬拜限制:印尼穆斯林与基督徒之间威胁感知的变化特征
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2022.2158608
Angel Damayanti, S. Yunanto
ABSTRACT This article is an examination of the sense of mutual threat felt by both Muslims and Christians in Indonesia from the colonial period to the reformasi era (following the collapse of the Soeharto regime in 1998), which has provoked tensions and stained the country’s motto of Unity in Diversity or Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Adopting a historical-comparative methodology, it uses threat perception, restriction of worship and concepts of democracy to explain the dynamic relationship between Muslims and Christians, from their initial encounter to the present day. The study finds that Muslims have perceived evangelization in colonial times and Christianization missions under the Soeharto New Order as a threat, while to Christians the Muslim vision of establishing an Islamic state and the rise of radicalism at the end of the New Order have been perceived as a threat. It argues that, in the reformasi era, threat perception has continued and intensified into religious intolerance followed by worship restrictions, and shows that political dynamics significantly affect the quality of Indonesian Muslim–Christian relations.
本文考察了从殖民时期到改革时期(1998年苏哈托政权垮台后),印尼穆斯林和基督徒所感受到的相互威胁感,这种威胁引发了紧张局势,玷污了该国“多元统一”(Bhinneka Tunggal Ika)的座右铭。采用历史比较的方法,它使用威胁感知,崇拜的限制和民主的概念来解释穆斯林和基督徒之间的动态关系,从他们最初的相遇到现在。研究发现,穆斯林认为殖民时期的福音传播和苏哈托新秩序下的基督教传教是一种威胁,而对基督徒来说,穆斯林建立伊斯兰国家的愿景和新秩序末期激进主义的兴起被视为一种威胁。报告认为,在改革时期,威胁观念继续存在并加剧为宗教不容忍,随后是礼拜限制,并表明政治动态显著影响印度尼西亚穆斯林-基督教关系的质量。
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引用次数: 0
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Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations
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