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Obituary (I): A tribute to A. M. Shah (22 August 1931–7 September 2020) 讣告(一):致敬A. M. Shah(1931年8月22日- 2020年9月7日)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720976501
T. Patel, L. Lobo
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Jules Naudet (translated from French by Renuka George). 2018. Stepping into the Elite: Trajectories of Social Achievement in India, France, and the United States 书评:Jules Naudet(Renuka George从法语翻译而来)。2018.步入精英:印度、法国和美国的社会成就轨迹
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720979336
D. Vaid
Jules Naudet (translated from French by Renuka George). 2018. Stepping into the Elite: Trajectories of Social Achievement in India, France, and the United States. New Delhi: Oxford University Press (with Institut français). xxii + 354 pp. Tables, appendix, references, index. Rs 995 (hardback).
Jules Naudet(Renuka George从法语翻译而来)。2018.步入精英:印度、法国和美国的社会成就轨迹。新德里:牛津大学出版社(与法国研究所合作)。xxii+354页。表格、附录、参考文献、索引。995卢比(精装本)。
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引用次数: 0
Obituary: P. D. Khera (13 April 1928–23 September 2019) 讣告:p.d. Khera(1928年4月13日- 2019年9月23日)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720976506
V. Srivastava
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Panchali Ray. 2019. Politics of Precarity: Gendered Subjects and the Health Care Industry in Contemporary Kolkata 书评:Panchali Ray, 2019。不稳定的政治:性别主题和医疗保健行业在当代加尔各答
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720979342
A. Ghosh
Panchali Ray. 2019. Politics of Precarity: Gendered Subjects and the Health Care Industry in Contemporary Kolkata. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. xii + 266 pp. Tables, appendix, bibliography, index. ₹1250 (hardback).
潘查利·雷。2019.不稳定的政治:当代加尔各答的性别主体和医疗保健行业。新德里:牛津大学出版社。xii+266页。表格、附录、参考书目、索引。₹1250(精装本)。
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引用次数: 2
Obituary (II): Gestures of generosity—Remembering A. M. Shah 讣告(二):慷慨的姿态——纪念a.m.沙阿
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720976510
Janaki Abraham
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引用次数: 0
Afterword 后记
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000904
M. Strathern
Contributions to Indian Sociology 55, 1 (2021): 52–58 SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore/Washington DC/ Melbourne DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000904 Derivatives are not unique in their tendency towards detachment. Academic work too, where such intellectual range and movement is essential in order to create the analytical grounds for productive comparisons and frameworks for understanding, tends to generate powerful disciplinary circuits spinning away in their own quite isolated orbits, ones that can also become increasingly detached from the contexts, lives, concepts and concerns that provided the grounds for generative engagement in the first place. Knowledge management extracts its costs from scholarly life. But perhaps it is our responsibility to worry even more about the costs of the circuits of our own making. A sense of attachment and reattachment, then, might enable us to move with the kind of responsibility that the Pacific Islanders and the people in Harda mandi expect from an exchange.
对印度社会学的贡献55,1(2021):52–58 SAGE出版物洛杉矶/伦敦/新德里/新加坡/华盛顿特区/墨尔本DOI:10.1177/006996672110000904衍生品并不是唯一的超然倾向。学术工作也是如此,在学术工作中,这种知识范围和运动对于创造富有成效的比较的分析基础和理解框架至关重要,往往会产生强大的学科回路,在它们自己相当孤立的轨道上旋转,这些回路也可能越来越脱离环境、生活、,这些概念和关注首先为生成性参与提供了基础。知识管理从学术生活中提取成本。但也许我们有责任更加担心我们自己制造的电路的成本。因此,一种依恋感和依恋感可能会让我们带着太平洋岛民和哈达曼迪人民期望从交流中得到的那种责任感前进。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Laura Dudley Jenkins. 2019. Religious Freedom and Mass Conversion in India 书评:劳拉·达德利·詹金斯,2019。印度的宗教自由和大规模皈依
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720979325
Vanlalhmangaiha
Laura Dudley Jenkins. 2019. Religious Freedom and Mass Conversion in India. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. vi + 312 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, index. $89.95 (hardback).
劳拉·达德利·詹金斯。2019年,印度的宗教自由和大规模皈依。费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社。vi+312页。图表、注释、参考书目、索引$89.95(精装本)。
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引用次数: 0
Discussant’s comment III: Skin in the game? Risk and responsibility in academic practice 讨论者评论三:游戏中的皮肤?学术实践中的风险与责任
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000903
M. Krishnamurthy
Contributions to Indian Sociology 55, 1 (2021): 44–52 SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore/Washington DC/ Melbourne DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000903 ———. 2011. Sociological Traditions: Methods and Perspectives in the Sociology of India. New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Madan, T.N., and Adrian C. Mayer. 2018. ‘From the Archive: Transition to Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series).’ Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series) 52 (2): 212–29. Peirano, Mariza G.S. 1991. ‘For a Sociology of India: Some Comments from Brazil.’ Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series) 25 (2): 321–327. Saran, Awadh Kishore. 1962. ‘Review of Contributions to Indian Sociology, n. IV.’ Eastern Anthropologist 15: 53–68. Thapan, Meenakshi. 1988. ‘Contributions and the Sociology of India.’ Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series) 22 (2): 259–72. Uberoi, J. P. Singh. 1968. ‘Science and Swaraj.’ Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series) 2: 119–23. ———. 1974. ‘For a Sociology of India: New Outlines of Structural Sociology, 1945–1970.’ Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series) 8: 135–52.
印度社会学贡献55,1 (2021):44-52 SAGE出版社洛杉矶/伦敦/新德里/新加坡/华盛顿特区/墨尔本DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000903—。2011. 社会学传统:印度社会学的方法与观点。新德里:SAGE出版社。Madan, t.n.和Adrian C. Mayer. 2018。从档案:过渡到对印度社会学的贡献(新系列)。印度社会学的贡献(新系列)52(2):212-29。Mariza G.S. Peirano, 1991。《印度社会学:来自巴西的一些评论》。印度社会学的贡献(新系列)25(2):321-327。阿瓦德·基肖尔,萨兰,1962。《对印度社会学的贡献回顾》,第4期,《东方人类学家》15:53-68。塔潘,米纳克什,1988。《贡献与印度社会学》。印度社会学的贡献(新系列)22(2):259-72。j·p·辛格。1968。科学和斯瓦拉杰。印度社会学的贡献(新系列)2:119-23。——1974. 《印度社会学:结构社会学新大纲,1945-1970》。印度社会学的贡献(新系列)8:135-52。
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引用次数: 0
Obituary: Yogendra Singh (1 November 1932–10 May 2020) 讣告:Yogendra Singh(1932年11月1日- 2020年5月10日)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/0069966720976502
P. Bose
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引用次数: 0
Discussant’s comment II: For and against an ‘Indian’ Sociology: A response to Marilyn Strathern’s ‘What’s in an argument?’ 评论二:支持和反对“印度”社会学:对玛丽莲·斯特拉森的“争论中有什么?””
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00699667211000901
Dwaipayan Banerjee
past? Rejecting this idea, they argued that reformers were often ‘desperately superficial’, and that it would be best to keep any reformist intentions outside the bounds of disciplinary sociology (Dumont and Pocock 1957: 22). Uberoi attacked the failures of this vision in his first line: ‘The aim and method of science are no doubt uniform throughout the world but the problem of science in relation to society is not’ (Uberoi 1968: 119). In a subtle move, Uberoi went on to distinguish ‘scientism’ from ‘science’. Scientism assumed that the aims and methods of science were separable; science understood that the problems of research in a new postcolony were not the same as those in the metropole. It was imperative then that any sociology of knowledge should link its aims to those of a recently decolonised society. Crucially, he took to task ‘false cosmopolitanisms’ that emphasised a widely and uniformly ‘shared point-of-view’ between the coloniser and colonised. While they appeared anti-colonial, these imaginations of a shared unified science carried on colonial harms by suppressing the need of a sociology conceptually responsive to Indian conditions. That is, the dependence created by a ‘scientific internationalism’ and global institutions cloaked the deepening dependence of Indian scholars on foreign ideas. Uberoi’s essay comprehensively dismissed the possibility that there could be a reciprocity of scholarly perspectives across a vast geopolitical divide. Much like Strathern’s diagnosis of the UN Working Group, Uberoi took to task jargon familiar to him at the time: ‘international anthropology’, ‘international exchanges’ and ‘two-way cross-cultural research’ (Uberoi 1968: 121). Rejecting such an ‘international anthropology’, Uberoi proposed a national approach.2 Uberoi’s radical critique was precisely the nightmare of fundamentally divergent sociologies that Dumont and Pocock had feared. At the same time, Uberoi’s position was immune to their challenge that such a flourishing of many sociologies would inevitably turn ethnocentric (such as Saran’s). In a characteristic manoeuvre, Uberoi embraced theories and methods that were not ‘home-grown’ in a strictly ethnic or geographical 2 While I have emphasised the national stakes as they appeared in the early issues of CIS, Uberoi’s claim does not predetermine the ‘nation-state’ as a determinant locus for different conceptual viewpoints. Indeed, in the present, one might argue that the continued marginality of Dalit scholarship in Indian sociology constitutes an ongoing manifestation of a problem that still demands a response. For and against an ‘Indian’ Sociology / 41 Contributions to Indian Sociology 55, 1 (2021): 35–44 sense (Uberoi 1974: 136). His project for an Indian sociology claimed for itself an independence of mind and spirit that was not dominated by dominant foreign theories. Such an independence could certainly lead to theories and concepts that originated in different geographies: the crucia
过去的他们拒绝接受这一观点,认为改革者往往“极其肤浅”,最好将任何改革主义意图排除在学科社会学的范围之外(Dumont和Pocock 1957:22)。乌贝罗伊在他的第一句话中抨击了这一愿景的失败:“毫无疑问,科学的目标和方法在全世界都是一致的,但科学与社会的关系问题却不是”(乌贝罗伊1968:119)。在一个微妙的举动中,乌贝罗伊继续区分“科学主义”和“科学”。山达基主义认为科学的目的和方法是可分离的;科学明白,新后殖民地的研究问题与大都市的研究问题不同。当时,任何知识社会学都必须将其目标与最近非殖民化社会的目标联系起来。至关重要的是,他指责“虚假的世界主义”,强调殖民者和被殖民者之间广泛而一致的“共同观点”。虽然他们看起来是反殖民的,但这些对共同统一科学的想象通过压制社会学在概念上回应印度条件的需求,继续了殖民危害。也就是说,“科学国际主义”和全球机构造成的依赖掩盖了印度学者对外国思想日益加深的依赖。乌贝罗伊的文章全面否定了学术观点在巨大的地缘政治分歧中可能存在互惠的可能性。就像Strathern对联合国工作组的诊断一样,Uberoi开始使用他当时熟悉的术语:“国际人类学”、“国际交流”和“双向跨文化研究”(Uberoi 1968:121)。乌贝罗伊拒绝接受这种“国际人类学”,提出了一种全国性的方法。2乌贝罗伊的激进批判正是杜蒙和波科克所担心的根本不同的社会学的噩梦。与此同时,乌贝罗伊的立场不受他们的挑战,即许多社会学家的蓬勃发展将不可避免地转变为种族中心主义(如萨兰的)。在一个独特的策略中,乌贝罗伊接受了在严格的种族或地理条件下不是“土生土长”的理论和方法2。虽然我强调了独联体早期问题中出现的国家利害关系,但乌贝罗伊的主张并没有预先确定“民族国家”是不同概念观点的决定点。事实上,目前,有人可能会认为,印度社会学中达利特学术的持续边缘化构成了一个仍然需要回应的问题的持续表现。支持和反对“印度”社会学/41对印度社会学的贡献55,1(2021):35-44意义(Uberoi 1974:136)。他为印度社会学所做的项目声称自己拥有思想和精神的独立性,不受外国主流理论的支配。这种独立性肯定会产生起源于不同地理的理论和概念:关键不是一个理论的种族起源,而是印度社会学家利用那些适合印度社会学目的的理论和观念的意愿自由。他并不寻求为印度社会学提出一种独立或独特的方法,而是寻求对理论和方法的“斯瓦拉杰主义态度”。这种知识态度的独立性将他作为两个终身对话者吸引到歌德和结构主义理论。正是这种意志的独立性加深了结构主义思想的基础,因为他与维纳·达斯一起通过梵语语法将其本土化。事实上,这种将结构主义同时视为“本土”和“国际”的方法帮助达斯和乌贝罗伊在1971年对杜蒙著名的Hierarchicus人提出了批评。走向概念独立这绝不是对20世纪60年代围绕独联体的辩论的全面描述。3相反,我提取了一个过渡时刻,揭示了对印度社会学过去和未来的深刻分歧。我在这里重新提出这些辩论和问题,以指出Strathern令人信服地提出的对无缝“知识交流”的批评的历史更长。独联体被证明是一个思考知识交流的生成性网站,特别是因为它从英法编辑过渡到印度编辑的历史充满争议。这种思想和所有权的交流关系到社会学研究的基本性质,以及谁可以成为其合法生产者的问题。杜蒙特和波科克有些傲慢地试图为“印度社会学”制定议程,不仅提供了一个新的论坛,但明确希望有规定地定义其基本的“概念”和“事实”(用他们的话来说)。在一个集体的、未签名的项目的无标记伪装下,他们攻击了他们研究的地区“本地”人类学家的可能性。 他们对印度社会学家没有涌向这个项目感到失望3参见该杂志这一时期的讨论示例,Madan和Mayer(2018)
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Contributions To Indian Sociology
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