Jonathan North Washington, Francis M. Tyers, Ilnar Salimzianov
Abstract Non-finite verbs in Turkic are typically categorised as participles, converbs, and sometimes infinitives, with multiple uses of a form within one category considered to constitute multiple functions. This multifunctionality approach predicts that all non-finite verb forms within each of the categories should have the same range of syntactic functions. We show that this is not the case. Based on analysis of a representative set of Turkic languages (Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Sakha, Tatar, Turkish, and Tuvan), we propose a categorisation based on morphological and syntactic properties of non-finite verbs, resulting in four categories: verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, verbal adverbs, and infinitives. Under this approach, forms that are typically labelled as participles end up categorised as verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, or both, and forms that are typically labelled as converbs end up categorised as verbal adverbs, infinitives, or both. Some forms even span these two divisions. When a non-finite verb form appears to exist in multiple categories, we consider this to be a case of syncretism; this is, there is a member of one category that has the same form as a member of another category. We propose historical trajectories that may have led to the types of situations that are attested, examine the limitations of this approach, and discuss its wider implications.
{"title":"Non-finite verb forms in Turkic exhibit syncretism, not multifunctionality","authors":"Jonathan North Washington, Francis M. Tyers, Ilnar Salimzianov","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2045","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Non-finite verbs in Turkic are typically categorised as participles, converbs, and sometimes infinitives, with multiple uses of a form within one category considered to constitute multiple functions. This multifunctionality approach predicts that all non-finite verb forms within each of the categories should have the same range of syntactic functions. We show that this is not the case. Based on analysis of a representative set of Turkic languages (Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Sakha, Tatar, Turkish, and Tuvan), we propose a categorisation based on morphological and syntactic properties of non-finite verbs, resulting in four categories: verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, verbal adverbs, and infinitives. Under this approach, forms that are typically labelled as participles end up categorised as verbal nouns, verbal adjectives, or both, and forms that are typically labelled as converbs end up categorised as verbal adverbs, infinitives, or both. Some forms even span these two divisions. When a non-finite verb form appears to exist in multiple categories, we consider this to be a case of syncretism; this is, there is a member of one category that has the same form as a member of another category. We propose historical trajectories that may have led to the types of situations that are attested, examine the limitations of this approach, and discuss its wider implications.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"56 1","pages":"693 - 742"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42199729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Daria Bikina, Denis Rakhman, V. Potseluev, A. Starchenko, S. Toldova
Abstract This paper investigates non-finite forms in Kazym Khanty (Ob-Ugric, Uralic). In Khanty, almost all subordination makes use of one of the two non-finite forms: -ti (nfin.npst) or -əm (nfin.pst). We propose that their uses are best treated under the headings ‘bare non-finites, ‘head-agreement non-finites’, and ‘verb-agreement non-finites’. The three classes are defined based on the subject agreement pattern used in non-finite constructions. Different syntactic tests, such as interaction with argument alternations, island effects, and adverbial modification, are used to show the morphosyntactic nature of the classification. The three classes differ in the amount of functional structure they involve: bare non-finites can vary from vP to TP, head-agreement non-finites are of AspP–TP size, and verb-agreement non-finites are CPs dominated by a nominal shell. The findings support both Givón’s Binding Hierarchy and the Implicational Complementation Hierarchy proposed by Wurmbrand and Lohninger, showing that both are also true for languages where all the subordination is done by means of a single form. We also discuss the Khanty data in light of Cristofaro’s Subordination Deranking Hierarchy and argue that the amount of functional structure does not correlate with the degree of deranking/balancing of the embedded clause.
{"title":"Non-finite constructions in Khanty: their unity and diversity","authors":"Daria Bikina, Denis Rakhman, V. Potseluev, A. Starchenko, S. Toldova","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2043","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates non-finite forms in Kazym Khanty (Ob-Ugric, Uralic). In Khanty, almost all subordination makes use of one of the two non-finite forms: -ti (nfin.npst) or -əm (nfin.pst). We propose that their uses are best treated under the headings ‘bare non-finites, ‘head-agreement non-finites’, and ‘verb-agreement non-finites’. The three classes are defined based on the subject agreement pattern used in non-finite constructions. Different syntactic tests, such as interaction with argument alternations, island effects, and adverbial modification, are used to show the morphosyntactic nature of the classification. The three classes differ in the amount of functional structure they involve: bare non-finites can vary from vP to TP, head-agreement non-finites are of AspP–TP size, and verb-agreement non-finites are CPs dominated by a nominal shell. The findings support both Givón’s Binding Hierarchy and the Implicational Complementation Hierarchy proposed by Wurmbrand and Lohninger, showing that both are also true for languages where all the subordination is done by means of a single form. We also discuss the Khanty data in light of Cristofaro’s Subordination Deranking Hierarchy and argue that the amount of functional structure does not correlate with the degree of deranking/balancing of the embedded clause.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"56 1","pages":"625 - 665"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46573460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract To complement existing synchronic typological studies of the marking strategies of (past) habituality, this paper details the diachronic paths leading to and from past habitual constructions. The rich corpus evidence from the diachrony of Ancient Greek demonstrates at least four source constructions: (1) past counterfactual mood (in optative and indicative), (2) futures in the past, (3) iteratives (with -sk) and (4) lexical sources with semantic affinity to habituality (volition, habit, love). It is argued that the former two acquire habitual meaning through an invited inference of epistemic certainty of the statement by the speaker: what certainly would have happened in the knowable past is implied to be characteristic of the past. The past forms with the so-called iterative -sk (3) suffix follow the cross-linguistically frequent evolution of pluractional constructions through a form of semantic bleaching: past iterative > frequentative > habitual > habitual imperfective. Lexical sources (4) first acquire habitual meaning in the present after which only the more heavily grammaticalized ones receive past habitual usage through semantic bleaching and generalization of usage (as reflected by host class expansions). The paper is concluded with a diachronic map of these paths into habituality and the paths leading from past habituality into other domains such as genericity.
{"title":"Down the paths to the past habitual: its historical connections with counterfactual pasts, future in the pasts, iteratives and lexical sources in Ancient Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract To complement existing synchronic typological studies of the marking strategies of (past) habituality, this paper details the diachronic paths leading to and from past habitual constructions. The rich corpus evidence from the diachrony of Ancient Greek demonstrates at least four source constructions: (1) past counterfactual mood (in optative and indicative), (2) futures in the past, (3) iteratives (with -sk) and (4) lexical sources with semantic affinity to habituality (volition, habit, love). It is argued that the former two acquire habitual meaning through an invited inference of epistemic certainty of the statement by the speaker: what certainly would have happened in the knowable past is implied to be characteristic of the past. The past forms with the so-called iterative -sk (3) suffix follow the cross-linguistically frequent evolution of pluractional constructions through a form of semantic bleaching: past iterative > frequentative > habitual > habitual imperfective. Lexical sources (4) first acquire habitual meaning in the present after which only the more heavily grammaticalized ones receive past habitual usage through semantic bleaching and generalization of usage (as reflected by host class expansions). The paper is concluded with a diachronic map of these paths into habituality and the paths leading from past habituality into other domains such as genericity.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45107995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study presents new data on the bi-absolutive construction in Chechen, a Nakh-Daghestanian language spoken in the northern Caucasus. The basic case frame in a transitive clause in Chechen is ergative-absolutive. In progressive constructions with an auxiliary and a simultaneous converb, the basic case frame alternates with an absolutive-absolutive – or bi-absolutive – construction. To assess the factors conditioning this alternation, we use data from two corpora (one of spoken narratives and one of written newspaper articles) and data elicited from native speakers using visual (video and picture) stimuli. We discuss conditions on the relatively infrequent bi-absolutive construction in terms of (in)animacy/humanness of the A argument, verb class, discourse-based factors, and aspectual meaning. We connect our results to existing studies of bi-absolutive constructions in other Nakh-Daghestanian languages as well as to methodological challenges associated with the study of minority patterns in under-resourced languages.
{"title":"Bi-absolutive constructions in Chechen","authors":"Zarina Molochieva, Pegah Faghiri, E. van Lier","doi":"10.1515/folia-2022-2036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/folia-2022-2036","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study presents new data on the bi-absolutive construction in Chechen, a Nakh-Daghestanian language spoken in the northern Caucasus. The basic case frame in a transitive clause in Chechen is ergative-absolutive. In progressive constructions with an auxiliary and a simultaneous converb, the basic case frame alternates with an absolutive-absolutive – or bi-absolutive – construction. To assess the factors conditioning this alternation, we use data from two corpora (one of spoken narratives and one of written newspaper articles) and data elicited from native speakers using visual (video and picture) stimuli. We discuss conditions on the relatively infrequent bi-absolutive construction in terms of (in)animacy/humanness of the A argument, verb class, discourse-based factors, and aspectual meaning. We connect our results to existing studies of bi-absolutive constructions in other Nakh-Daghestanian languages as well as to methodological challenges associated with the study of minority patterns in under-resourced languages.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44852022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Infinitival vs gerundial complementation with afraid, accustomed, and prone: Multivariate corpus studies","authors":"C. Gentens","doi":"10.1515/folia-2022-2038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/folia-2022-2038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42697094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lilo Moessner: The history of the present English subjunctive: a corpus-based study of mood and modality","authors":"Moragh Gordon","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2033","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"56 1","pages":"339 - 343"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47285308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Serenella Baggio and Pietro Taravacci (eds): Lingue naturali, lingue inventate. Atti della Giornata di Studi (Trento, 29 novembre 2019)","authors":"P. Cuzzolin","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"56 1","pages":"345 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46647016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper proposes a constructionist analysis of two highly syncretic non-finite forms in Irish, traditionally referred to as the verbal noun (VN) and the verbal adjective (VA). The VN can fulfil the function of the infinitive, the ‘present participle’ in the periphrastic progressive, the argument supporting (AS) nominal and the R(eferential)-nominal. The VA can function as the passive participle in periphrastic passives/resultatives, the ‘passive’ adjective, the active participle (showing further syncretism with the genitive of VN) and the ‘active’ adjective. The basic idea is that the two syncretic forms receive a unified analysis (i.e. same structure). The VN is viewed as a kind of “elsewhere” realization of [vP[Root]] in all contexts except for [Tfin [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]]. VA spell-out is implemented when the morphosyntactic bundle carries no features that positively define the input as verbal or nominal. The height of affix attachment is indicative of the type of participle involved. Verbal passive/perfective participles and corresponding adjectives embed the external argument introducing projection (VoiceP), whereas active verbal participles and adjectives lack it. The extensive multifunctionality and syncretism in Irish seem to be closely linked to the lack of the AspP layer in the structure of non-finite verbs, nominals and adjectives as well as the lack of overt transitivizing morphology.
{"title":"The structural underpinnings of multifunctionality and syncretism in non-finite forms in Irish","authors":"Maria Bloch-Trojnar","doi":"10.1515/folia-2022-2029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/folia-2022-2029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper proposes a constructionist analysis of two highly syncretic non-finite forms in Irish, traditionally referred to as the verbal noun (VN) and the verbal adjective (VA). The VN can fulfil the function of the infinitive, the ‘present participle’ in the periphrastic progressive, the argument supporting (AS) nominal and the R(eferential)-nominal. The VA can function as the passive participle in periphrastic passives/resultatives, the ‘passive’ adjective, the active participle (showing further syncretism with the genitive of VN) and the ‘active’ adjective. The basic idea is that the two syncretic forms receive a unified analysis (i.e. same structure). The VN is viewed as a kind of “elsewhere” realization of [vP[Root]] in all contexts except for [Tfin [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]]. VA spell-out is implemented when the morphosyntactic bundle carries no features that positively define the input as verbal or nominal. The height of affix attachment is indicative of the type of participle involved. Verbal passive/perfective participles and corresponding adjectives embed the external argument introducing projection (VoiceP), whereas active verbal participles and adjectives lack it. The extensive multifunctionality and syncretism in Irish seem to be closely linked to the lack of the AspP layer in the structure of non-finite verbs, nominals and adjectives as well as the lack of overt transitivizing morphology.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43149388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper proposes a constructionist analysis of two highly syncretic non-finite forms in Irish, traditionally referred to as the verbal noun (VN) and the verbal adjective (VA). The VN can fulfil the function of the infinitive, the ‘present participle’ in the periphrastic progressive, the argument supporting (AS) nominal and the R(eferential)-nominal. The VA can function as the passive participle in periphrastic passives/resultatives, the ‘passive’ adjective, the active participle (showing further syncretism with the genitive of VN) and the ‘active’ adjective. The basic idea is that the two syncretic forms receive a unified analysis (i.e. same structure). The VN is viewed as a kind of “elsewhere” realization of [vP[Root]] in all contexts except for [Tfin [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]]. VA spell-out is implemented when the morphosyntactic bundle carries no features that positively define the input as verbal or nominal. The height of affix attachment is indicative of the type of participle involved. Verbal passive/perfective participles and corresponding adjectives embed the external argument introducing projection (VoiceP), whereas active verbal participles and adjectives lack it. The extensive multifunctionality and syncretism in Irish seem to be closely linked to the lack of the AspP layer in the structure of non-finite verbs, nominals and adjectives as well as the lack of overt transitivizing morphology.
{"title":"The structural underpinnings of multifunctionality and syncretism in non-finite forms in Irish","authors":"Maria Bloch-Trojnar","doi":"10.1515/flin-2022-2029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper proposes a constructionist analysis of two highly syncretic non-finite forms in Irish, traditionally referred to as the verbal noun (VN) and the verbal adjective (VA). The VN can fulfil the function of the infinitive, the ‘present participle’ in the periphrastic progressive, the argument supporting (AS) nominal and the R(eferential)-nominal. The VA can function as the passive participle in periphrastic passives/resultatives, the ‘passive’ adjective, the active participle (showing further syncretism with the genitive of VN) and the ‘active’ adjective. The basic idea is that the two syncretic forms receive a unified analysis (i.e. same structure). The VN is viewed as a kind of “elsewhere” realization of [vP[Root]] in all contexts except for [Tfin [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]]. VA spell-out is implemented when the morphosyntactic bundle carries no features that positively define the input as verbal or nominal. The height of affix attachment is indicative of the type of participle involved. Verbal passive/perfective participles and corresponding adjectives embed the external argument introducing projection (VoiceP), whereas active verbal participles and adjectives lack it. The extensive multifunctionality and syncretism in Irish seem to be closely linked to the lack of the AspP layer in the structure of non-finite verbs, nominals and adjectives as well as the lack of overt transitivizing morphology.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"56 1","pages":"585 - 624"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49317566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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