World Englishes constitute an ever-developing study field where keeping track of the real-time changes which occur in language usage is a challenging task. This chapter aims at broadening the application field of the research on angloversals, described in literature as particular features divergent from Standard English and shared by English varieties across the world regardless of their geographical proximity or cultural affiliation. The present qualitative study hypothesises the presence of angloversals in Maltese English and considers a blended methodological approach to verify the research hypothesis. The study was performed on selected oral excerpts taken from a random interview to a speaker of the Maltese English continuum. Both the interviewee and the interviewer are native Maltese speakers and communicated in English all throughout the interview with no instances of code mixing between the two languages. Syntactical structures containing the overuse of the progressive aspect, article omission and resumptive pronouns, as well as unmarked phonology traits have been included in the angloversal categories by previous research on the matter. Said features are particularly found in contexts where language contact has had an impact on both the substrate and superstrate languages. This is the case for the Maltese context, where explanations for the plausible presence of the above features are to be sought in the realms of transfer from Maltese to English, language universals and pragmatic principles.
{"title":"Detecting angloversal tendencies in the outer circle: a pilot study on a Maltese English speaker","authors":"Antonio Daniele","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2038","url":null,"abstract":"World Englishes constitute an ever-developing study field where keeping track of the real-time changes which occur in language usage is a challenging task. This chapter aims at broadening the application field of the research on angloversals, described in literature as particular features divergent from Standard English and shared by English varieties across the world regardless of their geographical proximity or cultural affiliation. The present qualitative study hypothesises the presence of angloversals in Maltese English and considers a blended methodological approach to verify the research hypothesis. The study was performed on selected oral excerpts taken from a random interview to a speaker of the Maltese English continuum. Both the interviewee and the interviewer are native Maltese speakers and communicated in English all throughout the interview with no instances of code mixing between the two languages. Syntactical structures containing the overuse of the progressive aspect, article omission and resumptive pronouns, as well as unmarked phonology traits have been included in the angloversal categories by previous research on the matter. Said features are particularly found in contexts where language contact has had an impact on both the substrate and superstrate languages. This is the case for the Maltese context, where explanations for the plausible presence of the above features are to be sought in the realms of transfer from Maltese to English, language universals and pragmatic principles.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141868460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article lists 26 toponyms that are characteristic and common in the entire Carpathian region. They have been selected according to their toponymic classification (mostly oronyms, hydronyms, and oikonyms), and their etymology. These toponyms are commonly observed in the parts of the Carpathian Mountains located in Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Ukraine. As the basis for the toponymic analysis, we accepted a common appellative of Romanian or Slavic origins. Migrations of peoples of Slavic and Romanian (Vlach) origin had a significant influence on the dissemination of these toponyms, mainly due to pastoral transhumance and the so-called Vlach colonization. The toponyms were analyzed in semantic and structural terms. The list presents a variety and richness of regional forms which may be encountered in different Carpathian dialects as a legacy of ancient language contacts.
{"title":"Toponymic unity of the Carpathian region","authors":"Anna Oczko","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2026","url":null,"abstract":"The article lists 26 toponyms that are characteristic and common in the entire Carpathian region. They have been selected according to their toponymic classification (mostly oronyms, hydronyms, and oikonyms), and their etymology. These toponyms are commonly observed in the parts of the Carpathian Mountains located in Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Ukraine. As the basis for the toponymic analysis, we accepted a common appellative of Romanian or Slavic origins. Migrations of peoples of Slavic and Romanian (Vlach) origin had a significant influence on the dissemination of these toponyms, mainly due to pastoral transhumance and the so-called Vlach colonization. The toponyms were analyzed in semantic and structural terms. The list presents a variety and richness of regional forms which may be encountered in different Carpathian dialects as a legacy of ancient language contacts.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141550350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"John W. Schwieter and Julia Festman, The cognitive neuroscience of bilingualism","authors":"Zilong Zhong, Lin Fan, Shaoqiang Liu","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2035","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141696076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, numerous publications on onomatopoeia have discussed this class of words either separately or as a part of a broader class of ideophones. Those focused on onomatopoeia usually provide a language-specific description primarily based on phonological, morphological and/or syntactic characteristics. Semiotically oriented papers generally discuss the nature of onomatopoeia against the background of Saussure’s conception of arbitrariness. What is missing is the representation of onomatopoeia in the main semiotic models. Therefore, this paper outlines the fundamental semiotic models and adapts them to capture the class of onomatopoeia. The paper covers Saussure’s dyadic model of linguistic sign, the triadic models of Peirce and Ogden and Richards, and a cognitive onomasiological model proposed by Horecký. The latter’s advantage is that it is a dynamic model with potential for adaptation to various word-formation processes, including onomatopoeia-formation.
{"title":"In search of a semiotic model for onomatopoeia","authors":"Lívia Körtvélyessy","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2036","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, numerous publications on onomatopoeia have discussed this class of words either separately or as a part of a broader class of ideophones. Those focused on onomatopoeia usually provide a language-specific description primarily based on phonological, morphological and/or syntactic characteristics. Semiotically oriented papers generally discuss the nature of onomatopoeia against the background of Saussure’s conception of arbitrariness. What is missing is the representation of onomatopoeia in the main semiotic models. Therefore, this paper outlines the fundamental semiotic models and adapts them to capture the class of onomatopoeia. The paper covers Saussure’s dyadic model of linguistic sign, the triadic models of Peirce and Ogden and Richards, and a cognitive onomasiological model proposed by Horecký. The latter’s advantage is that it is a dynamic model with potential for adaptation to various word-formation processes, including onomatopoeia-formation.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141507546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Chinese sequence yǒu rén [exist person] is both the minimal existential-presentational construction and the functional equivalent of indefinite pronouns in encoding indefinite human reference. This dual characteristic prompts the question of whether yǒu rén functions as a presentational construction comparable to similar forms in other languages. Building on a literary corpus of Chinese contemporary novels, this study aims to determine if yǒu rén displays the behavioral properties of presentational constructions. First, presentational yǒu rén constructions are distinguished from both locative-existential and generic-existential ones based on a set of features including predicate selection in the coda, presence and function of the locative expression, and the co-dependent interpretation of the nominal rén. Next, the discourse function of yǒu rén is examined by assessing its contrast with regular nonpresentational sentences and the anaphoric potential of the entity it introduces. While establishing the boundaries between the three construction types, the study also analyzes the co-expression pattern observed within a gradient and compositional approach.
{"title":"Encoding indefinite human reference without indefinite pronouns: the case of Chinese presentationals","authors":"Ludovica Lena","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Chinese sequence yǒu rén [exist person] is both the minimal existential-presentational construction and the functional equivalent of indefinite pronouns in encoding indefinite human reference. This dual characteristic prompts the question of whether yǒu rén functions as a presentational construction comparable to similar forms in other languages. Building on a literary corpus of Chinese contemporary novels, this study aims to determine if yǒu rén displays the behavioral properties of presentational constructions. First, presentational yǒu rén constructions are distinguished from both locative-existential and generic-existential ones based on a set of features including predicate selection in the coda, presence and function of the locative expression, and the co-dependent interpretation of the nominal rén. Next, the discourse function of yǒu rén is examined by assessing its contrast with regular nonpresentational sentences and the anaphoric potential of the entity it introduces. While establishing the boundaries between the three construction types, the study also analyzes the co-expression pattern observed within a gradient and compositional approach.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140972902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A corpus study of 100+ years of usage of the verb GRAB in American English contributes to the understanding of the way bleaching takes place. The meaning of GRAB as ‘take or seize suddenly or eagerly’ is firmly established in usage from 1910 through 1980, but in the 1990’s many instances of a bleached sense of ‘take or get easily or casually’ begin to occur. The proposed hypothesis that bleaching results from hyperbolic uses is supported by the finding that bleaching occurs within three common contexts: narrative sequences of GRAB followed by another verb; contexts expanding on grab a bite (to eat); and GRAB plus human object, which changes from a sense of ‘take custody of’ to simply ‘capture the attention of’. In addition, the interactional context of requests and offers (often of food and drink) hastens the bleaching of GRAB while also contributing the resulting interpretation of GRAB as ‘get or take easily or casually’. The same conversational actions constitute the contexts in which GRAB is established in the ditransitive construction, as well as the contexts in which it takes on the social meaning of getting or taking in a quick, easy and casual manner.
{"title":"Interaction and conventionalized expressions create the contexts for bleaching and constructional expansion: the case of GRAB","authors":"Joan Bybee, Carol Lynn Moder","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2018","url":null,"abstract":"A corpus study of 100+ years of usage of the verb GRAB in American English contributes to the understanding of the way bleaching takes place. The meaning of GRAB as ‘take or seize suddenly or eagerly’ is firmly established in usage from 1910 through 1980, but in the 1990’s many instances of a bleached sense of ‘take or get easily or casually’ begin to occur. The proposed hypothesis that bleaching results from hyperbolic uses is supported by the finding that bleaching occurs within three common contexts: narrative sequences of GRAB followed by another verb; contexts expanding on <jats:italic>grab a bite (to eat)</jats:italic>; and GRAB plus human object, which changes from a sense of ‘take custody of’ to simply ‘capture the attention of’. In addition, the interactional context of requests and offers (often of food and drink) hastens the bleaching of GRAB while also contributing the resulting interpretation of GRAB as ‘get or take easily or casually’. The same conversational actions constitute the contexts in which GRAB is established in the ditransitive construction, as well as the contexts in which it takes on the social meaning of getting or taking in a quick, easy and casual manner.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140628433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Ossetic future is generally believed to originate in compounds with Proto-Iranian *čana(h)- ‘desiring’, but the morphological and phonological details have never been explored. Examination of the Indo-Iranian evidence confirms that since the root *kanH- ‘take pleasure in’ occurs almost exclusively as a stative perfect, the only plausible source is possessive (bahuvrīhi) compounds with the derived noun *čanah- ‘desire’, which were restricted to this usage already in Old Iranian (cf. Avestan šaētō.cinah- ‘whose desire is possessions’). From denominative bases and thematic verbal nouns, *X-čanāh ‘whose desire is XN, desiring XN’ was reinterpreted as deverbal ‘(be) wanting to XV’ > ‘XV-fut’ and generalized to all verbal stems. The phonological evolution to Ossetic -ʒæn- is regular; the distribution of the allomorphs -ʒæn- and -ʒin- in the Digor dialect provides indirect evidence for the placement of stress in Proto-Ossetic, which in turn permits the resolution of an old problem, the double reflex of Proto-Iranian *pati- in compounds.
{"title":"The Indo-Iranian background of the Ossetic future","authors":"Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2019","url":null,"abstract":"The Ossetic future is generally believed to originate in compounds with Proto-Iranian *<jats:italic>čana(h)-</jats:italic> ‘desiring’, but the morphological and phonological details have never been explored. Examination of the Indo-Iranian evidence confirms that since the root *<jats:italic>kanH-</jats:italic> ‘take pleasure in’ occurs almost exclusively as a stative perfect, the only plausible source is possessive (bahuvrīhi) compounds with the derived noun *<jats:italic>čanah-</jats:italic> ‘desire’, which were restricted to this usage already in Old Iranian (cf. Avestan <jats:italic>šaētō.cinah-</jats:italic> ‘whose desire is possessions’). From denominative bases and thematic verbal nouns, *X-<jats:italic>čanāh</jats:italic> ‘whose desire is X<jats:sub>N</jats:sub>, desiring X<jats:sub>N</jats:sub>’ was reinterpreted as deverbal ‘(be) wanting to X<jats:sub>V</jats:sub>’ > ‘X<jats:sub>V</jats:sub>-<jats:sc>fut</jats:sc>’ and generalized to all verbal stems. The phonological evolution to Ossetic <jats:italic>-ʒæn-</jats:italic> is regular; the distribution of the allomorphs <jats:italic>-ʒæn-</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>-ʒin-</jats:italic> in the Digor dialect provides indirect evidence for the placement of stress in Proto-Ossetic, which in turn permits the resolution of an old problem, the double reflex of Proto-Iranian *<jats:italic>pati-</jats:italic> in compounds.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140568431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the nuanced realm of case syncretism, focusing primarily on its synchronic presence in Modern Greek (dialectal variety) and on the diachronic emergence of the phenomenon, classifying the distribution of syncretic cells in the nominal inflectional system of the language. This analysis shows that syncretism has been extended over time to many nouns, no longer limited either to neuter nouns or to the cells for the Nominative and Accusative. I suggest that the distribution of syncretic cells in Greek is influenced primarily by grammatical gender, but it is also affected by the productivity of each inflectional class, which I attribute to the morphomic (in terms of Aronoff [1994]. Morphology by itself: Stems and inflectional classes, vol. 22. MIT Press.) nature of the phenomenon. I propose a decisive new factor preventing a cell from participating in syncretic patterns: inter-paradigmatic similarity of affixes appears to block syncretism. Further, I examine the factors facilitating the development and expansion of syncretic patterns.
本文主要探讨了现代希腊语（方言种类）中同步出现的同位异义现象和异位异义现象的非同步出现，并对现代希腊语名词性屈折词系统中的同位异义单元的分布进行了分类，从而探索了大小写同位异义现象的细微差别。该分析表明，随着时间的推移，同义词已经扩展到许多名词，不再局限于中性名词或名词性和重音性单元。我认为，希腊语中的同位语单元的分布主要受语法性别的影响，但也受每个词类的生产率的影响，我将其归因于形态学（以阿罗诺夫[1994]为例）。形态本身：Stems and inflectional classes, vol. 22.麻省理工学院出版社。）现象的本质。我提出了一个决定性的新因素来阻止细胞参与合成模式：词缀的范式间相似性似乎阻碍了合成。此外，我还研究了促进合成模式发展和扩展的因素。
{"title":"Morphological interpretations of syncretism in the panorama of Greek","authors":"Michail Ι. Marinis","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2021","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the nuanced realm of case syncretism, focusing primarily on its synchronic presence in Modern Greek (dialectal variety) and on the diachronic emergence of the phenomenon, classifying the distribution of syncretic cells in the nominal inflectional system of the language. This analysis shows that syncretism has been extended over time to many nouns, no longer limited either to neuter nouns or to the cells for the Nominative and Accusative. I suggest that the distribution of syncretic cells in Greek is influenced primarily by grammatical gender, but it is also affected by the productivity of each inflectional class, which I attribute to the morphomic (in terms of Aronoff [1994]. <jats:italic>Morphology by itself: Stems and inflectional classes</jats:italic>, vol. 22. MIT Press.) nature of the phenomenon. I propose a decisive new factor preventing a cell from participating in syncretic patterns: inter-paradigmatic similarity of affixes appears to block syncretism. Further, I examine the factors facilitating the development and expansion of syncretic patterns.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140568859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates prosodic and contextual differentiation strategies between preverbal past tense negator neva and adverb never in Hawai‘i Creole. It aims to demonstrate differing syntactic restrictions and advocates for treating these words as two distinct morphemes. The analyses are based on phonological data gathered from interviews uploaded onto YouTube by Hawaiiverse, a Local podcast. As demonstrated through spectrogram analyses, HC néva (=ɴᴇᴠᴇʀ) is marked by a stressed accent on its first syllable and prominence on word-initial /n/, whereas neva (=ᴅɪᴅɴ’ᴛ) is marked by a lack of these features under typical circumstances. This suggests that Hawai‘i Creole morphophonology depends more on stress-timed features than previously researched (cf. syllable-timed features). Neva-néva ambiguity may arise when stress does not clearly indicate which word is being used, and when context cannot be relied upon to distinguish meaning. By exploring these intricacies, this investigation offers insight into how future researchers may approach analysing other English-lexified creoles (and varieties of English) which also use never as a preverbal past tense negator.
本文研究了夏威夷克里奥尔语中前动词过去式否定词 neva 和副词 never 之间的拟声和语境区分策略。本文旨在证明不同的句法限制，并主张将这两个词视为两个不同的语素。分析基于从本地播客 Hawaiiverse 上传至 YouTube 的访谈中收集的语音数据。频谱图分析表明，HC néva（=ɴᴇᴠᴇʀ）的第一个音节有重音，单词首音 /n/ 突出，而 neva（=ᴅɪᴅɴ'ᴛ）在通常情况下没有这些特征。这表明夏威夷克里奥尔语形态音素学比以前的研究更依赖于重音时间特征（参见音节时间特征）。当重音不能明确表示使用的是哪个词时，当不能依靠上下文来区分意义时，Neva-néva 就可能产生歧义。通过探讨这些错综复杂的问题，本研究为未来的研究人员提供了洞察力，有助于他们分析其他英语词汇化克里奥尔语（和英语变体）中同样使用 never 作为前动词过去式否定词的情况。
{"title":"Distinguishing Hawai‘i Creole neva and néva: prosodic evidence from podcast interviews","authors":"Keolakawai K. G. Spencer","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2022","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates prosodic and contextual differentiation strategies between preverbal past tense negator <jats:italic>neva</jats:italic> and adverb <jats:italic>never</jats:italic> in Hawai‘i Creole. It aims to demonstrate differing syntactic restrictions and advocates for treating these words as two distinct morphemes. The analyses are based on phonological data gathered from interviews uploaded onto YouTube by Hawaiiverse, a Local podcast. As demonstrated through spectrogram analyses, HC <jats:italic>néva</jats:italic> (=ɴᴇᴠᴇʀ) is marked by a stressed accent on its first syllable and prominence on word-initial /n/, whereas <jats:italic>neva</jats:italic> (=ᴅɪᴅɴ’ᴛ) is marked by a lack of these features under typical circumstances. This suggests that Hawai‘i Creole morphophonology depends more on stress-timed features than previously researched (cf. syllable-timed features). <jats:italic>Neva</jats:italic>-<jats:italic>néva</jats:italic> ambiguity may arise when stress does not clearly indicate which word is being used, and when context cannot be relied upon to distinguish meaning. By exploring these intricacies, this investigation offers insight into how future researchers may approach analysing other English-lexified creoles (and varieties of English) which also use <jats:italic>never</jats:italic> as a preverbal past tense negator.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140568442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes the development of the existential sign var ‘there’ in Turkish Sign Language from a synchronic point of view. The sign has been previously described as being restricted to clause-final predicate position and typically used for two main linguistic functions: (i) existential and (ii) possessive. However, abundant corpus evidence indicates that var can also be used for other linguistic functions in post-verbal position, which have not been reported in the literature before. Following Construction Grammar, this study presents a theoretical framework to investigate how the construction [verb + var] arose and what its semantic motivation is, paying particular attention to the notion of possession. It is argued that this construction has three different functions: (i) habitual, (ii) evidential, and (iii) assumptive. According to this account, var originated as an existential marker and subsequently developed into a marker of possession, before evolving to encompass its other linguistic functions in three stages. Using Labov’s Apparent Time Hypothesis (Labov, William. 1963. The social motivation of a sound change. Word 19(3). 273–309), closer examination also revealed that a progressive difference exists between age groups. Younger TİD signers use the construction [verb + var] more frequently, and as the age of the TİD signer decreases, the usage of this construction in the assumptive function increases considerably.
{"title":"The grammaticalization of the existential sign var in Turkish Sign Language: a Construction Grammar approach","authors":"Bahtiyar Makaroğlu","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2020","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the development of the existential sign <jats:sc>var</jats:sc> ‘there’ in Turkish Sign Language from a synchronic point of view. The sign has been previously described as being restricted to clause-final predicate position and typically used for two main linguistic functions: (i) existential and (ii) possessive. However, abundant corpus evidence indicates that <jats:sc>var</jats:sc> can also be used for other linguistic functions in post-verbal position, which have not been reported in the literature before. Following Construction Grammar, this study presents a theoretical framework to investigate how the construction [verb + <jats:sc>var</jats:sc>] arose and what its semantic motivation is, paying particular attention to the notion of possession. It is argued that this construction has three different functions: (i) habitual, (ii) evidential, and (iii) assumptive. According to this account, <jats:sc>var</jats:sc> originated as an existential marker and subsequently developed into a marker of possession, before evolving to encompass its other linguistic functions in three stages. Using Labov’s Apparent Time Hypothesis (Labov, William. 1963. The social motivation of a sound change. <jats:italic>Word</jats:italic> 19(3). 273–309), closer examination also revealed that a progressive difference exists between age groups. Younger TİD signers use the construction [verb + <jats:sc>var</jats:sc>] more frequently, and as the age of the TİD signer decreases, the usage of this construction in the assumptive function increases considerably.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140568542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：