This paper explores clauses of substitution (e.g. instead of relaxing on the beach, he went to a concert) in a sample of forty-six languages. It is shown that clauses of substitution marked with monofunctional conjunctions or monofunctional converbs may not occur with standard negative markers. Clauses of substitution appearing with polyfunctional conjunctions or polyfunctional converbs may occur with obligatory standard negative markers. In these cases, negation shows a negative import as an effect of compositional interpretation. Interestingly, there are languages in which clauses of substitution marked with monofunctional clause-linking devices may occur with optional negative markers. In this scenario, the presence or absence of the negative marker does not change the adverbial relation holding between clauses. Instead, it seems to have an expressive- evaluative layer of semantic interpretation. When the negative marker is present in the clause of substitution, it indicates that the situation was not surprising. When the negative marker is absent, the situation must be understood as surprising.
{"title":"The interaction of standard negation in clauses of substitution: a typological account","authors":"Jesús Olguín Martínez","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2044","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores clauses of substitution (e.g. <jats:italic>instead of relaxing on the beach, he went to a concert</jats:italic>) in a sample of forty-six languages. It is shown that clauses of substitution marked with monofunctional conjunctions or monofunctional converbs may not occur with standard negative markers. Clauses of substitution appearing with polyfunctional conjunctions or polyfunctional converbs may occur with obligatory standard negative markers. In these cases, negation shows a negative import as an effect of compositional interpretation. Interestingly, there are languages in which clauses of substitution marked with monofunctional clause-linking devices may occur with optional negative markers. In this scenario, the presence or absence of the negative marker does not change the adverbial relation holding between clauses. Instead, it seems to have an expressive- evaluative layer of semantic interpretation. When the negative marker is present in the clause of substitution, it indicates that the situation was not surprising. When the negative marker is absent, the situation must be understood as surprising.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138538885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this paper, I examine the Literary Chinese reflexive zì, which exhibits a crosslinguistically uncommon pattern: it performs both anaphoric and emphatic uses in adverbial position. I show that it has several uses: signalling coreference between the subject and the object, the object’s possessor or the topic or focus of a complement clause, emphasising that the subject’s identity, and indicating that the event affected the subject itself or had no external cause. I argue against categorically dividing these uses into anaphoric and emphatic uses. I propose four properties to unify the various uses: the referent of zì is centrally relevant to the event denoted by the predicate, coreferential with the subject, unexpected in its role in the event, and often contrasts with an alternative referent that may play same role. I compare my account to properties of reflexives in other languages, and argue that zì only partially supports Levinson’s (Levinson, Stephen C. 1991. Pragmatic reduction of the binding conditions revisited. Journal of Linguistics 27(1). 107–161) theory of the development of anaphoric reflexives from emphatics.
摘要 本文研究了文言文中的反身词 "zì"。"zì "在跨语言学上表现出一种不常见的模式：它在副词位置上既有拟人用法，又有强调用法。我发现它有几种用法：表示主语和宾语、宾语的拥有者或补语的主题或焦点之间的核心参照；强调主语的身份；表示事件影响了主语本身或没有外部原因。我不主张将这些用法断然划分为拟人用法和强调用法。我提出了四种属性来统一各种用法：zì 的所指与谓词所表示的事件有核心关系，与主语有核心参照关系，在事件中的作用出乎意料，并且经常与可能起相同作用的替代所指形成对比。我将我的论述与其他语言中的反身语属性进行了比较，并认为zì只是部分支持 Levinson 的论述（Levinson, Stephen C. 1991.再论结合条件的语用还原。语言学杂志》27（1）。107-161）从表语发展出拟人反身语的理论。
{"title":"Beyond anaphoric and emphatic: diversity and unity in the functions of literary Chinese reflexive zì","authors":"R. K. Lai","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, I examine the Literary Chinese reflexive zì, which exhibits a crosslinguistically uncommon pattern: it performs both anaphoric and emphatic uses in adverbial position. I show that it has several uses: signalling coreference between the subject and the object, the object’s possessor or the topic or focus of a complement clause, emphasising that the subject’s identity, and indicating that the event affected the subject itself or had no external cause. I argue against categorically dividing these uses into anaphoric and emphatic uses. I propose four properties to unify the various uses: the referent of zì is centrally relevant to the event denoted by the predicate, coreferential with the subject, unexpected in its role in the event, and often contrasts with an alternative referent that may play same role. I compare my account to properties of reflexives in other languages, and argue that zì only partially supports Levinson’s (Levinson, Stephen C. 1991. Pragmatic reduction of the binding conditions revisited. Journal of Linguistics 27(1). 107–161) theory of the development of anaphoric reflexives from emphatics.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139213514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes the variation in information structure of Estonian -des, -mata and -maks constructions, and analyzes the factors influencing this variation. The paper describes information structure via the categories of information status and information role. Information status, which refers to the general pragmatic status of a linguistic unit, has two possible values: an information unit or an element of an information unit. Information role refers to the pragmatic status of an element in the information structure of a larger information unit. Information role has five possible values: focus, background of the comment, topic, frame or prominent element. Through qualitative and quantitative analysis, this article gives an account of the variation in the information status and information role of Estonian converb constructions. In addition, this paper discusses the way in which the relevant explanatory variables relate to the information status and role of converb constructions. This analysis gives an overview of how the information status of converb constructions relates to the presence of punctuation, the position of the converb construction relative to the main clause, the number of words in the converb construction, the semantic function of the converb construction, the position of the converb within the construction, the morphological form of the converb, and the number of modifiers of the converb. This analysis also discusses how the information role of converb constructions relates to the position and semantic function of the construction and the presence of a lexicogrammatical prominence marker.
{"title":"Information structure of converb constructions: Estonian -des, -mata and -maks constructions","authors":"Carl Eric Simmul","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2041","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the variation in information structure of Estonian -<jats:italic>des</jats:italic>, -<jats:italic>mata</jats:italic> and -<jats:italic>maks</jats:italic> constructions, and analyzes the factors influencing this variation. The paper describes information structure via the categories of information status and information role. Information status, which refers to the general pragmatic status of a linguistic unit, has two possible values: an information unit or an element of an information unit. Information role refers to the pragmatic status of an element in the information structure of a larger information unit. Information role has five possible values: focus, background of the comment, topic, frame or prominent element. Through qualitative and quantitative analysis, this article gives an account of the variation in the information status and information role of Estonian converb constructions. In addition, this paper discusses the way in which the relevant explanatory variables relate to the information status and role of converb constructions. This analysis gives an overview of how the information status of converb constructions relates to the presence of punctuation, the position of the converb construction relative to the main clause, the number of words in the converb construction, the semantic function of the converb construction, the position of the converb within the construction, the morphological form of the converb, and the number of modifiers of the converb. This analysis also discusses how the information role of converb constructions relates to the position and semantic function of the construction and the presence of a lexicogrammatical prominence marker.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"255 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Inference is usually defined as a speaker’s personal but indirect evidence that is based on something that the speaker can directly witness (such as the result of an event), while assumption is based on something such as the speaker’s general knowledge of the world. This paper is concerned with inference and assumption in light of the semantics of the Finnish inferential and assumptive adverbs näköjään (inference) and varmaan (assumption). These are examined by administering a questionnaire study. The discussed scenarios differ according to three factors: the presence or lack of visual or sensory evidence, the temporal relations between the evidence and the claim that is made, and the strength of the evidence. The results of the study clearly establish that inference and assumption are separate notions (coded by different adverbs) and that the (non-) observability of the evidence noted above explains only a part of the attested cases; in general, the use of the adverbs is determined by how reliable the speaker considers the evidence to be. As a consequence, this paper proposes new definitions based on the speakers’ selection of the appropriate inferential/assumptive adverb based on how strongly they are willing to vouch for the truth value of their statement.
{"title":"Inference versus assumption in light of the Finnish evidential-modal adverbs näköjään and varmaan","authors":"Seppo Kittilä","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2043","url":null,"abstract":"Inference is usually defined as a speaker’s personal but indirect evidence that is based on something that the speaker can directly witness (such as the result of an event), while assumption is based on something such as the speaker’s general knowledge of the world. This paper is concerned with inference and assumption in light of the semantics of the Finnish inferential and assumptive adverbs <jats:italic>näköjään</jats:italic> (inference) and <jats:italic>varmaan</jats:italic> (assumption). These are examined by administering a questionnaire study. The discussed scenarios differ according to three factors: the presence or lack of visual or sensory evidence, the temporal relations between the evidence and the claim that is made, and the strength of the evidence. The results of the study clearly establish that inference and assumption are separate notions (coded by different adverbs) and that the (non-) observability of the evidence noted above explains only a part of the attested cases; in general, the use of the adverbs is determined by how reliable the speaker considers the evidence to be. As a consequence, this paper proposes new definitions based on the speakers’ selection of the appropriate inferential/assumptive adverb based on how strongly they are willing to vouch for the truth value of their statement.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138538884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ingrid Paulsen: <i>The emergence of American English as a discursive variety: Tracing enregisterment process in nineteenth-century U.S. newspapers</i>","authors":"M. Lynne Murphy","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2035","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"269 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135273994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lynn Anthonissen: <i>Individuality in language change</i>","authors":"Alexander Bergs","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"18 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135321472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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