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Sanja Kutnjak Ivković, Shari Seidman Diamond, Valerie P. Hans, and Nancy S. Marder, eds. Juries, Lay Judges, and Mixed Courts: A Global Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 366 pp. Sanja Kutnjak ivkoviki, Shari Seidman Diamond, Valerie P. Hans和Nancy S. Marder主编。陪审团、非专业法官和混合法庭:全球视角。剑桥,英国:剑桥大学出版社,2021。366页。
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.44
Jérémy Boulanger-Bonnelly
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引用次数: 0
CLS volume 37 issue 1 Cover and Back matter CLS第37卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2022.5
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引用次数: 0
Le contrôle excessif dans le contexte des violences basées sur l’honneur au Québec : Analyse juridique et jurisprudentielle d’une violence genrée 魁北克荣誉暴力背景下的过度控制:性别暴力的法律和法理学分析
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.45
Estibaliz Jimenez
Résumé Le contrôle excessif est considéré par différents organismes communautaires et institutions du Québec comme une des représentations des violences basées sur l’honneur (VBH) au même titre que les mariages forcés, les mutilations génitales féminines (MGF) et les violences physiques ou psychologiques. En 2016, pour la première fois, le législateur québécois a ajouté le contrôle excessif à la liste des mauvais traitements psychologiques explicitement reconnus par la Loi sur la protection de la jeunesse (LPJ). Toutefois, aucune définition juridique, jurisprudentielle, politique ou même doctrinale du contrôle excessif n’accompagne cette reconnaissance juridique. Pourtant, il existe, sur le terrain et dans différentes décisions judiciaires, des situations où l’existence du contrôle excessif est reconnue par divers intervenants du système. L’objectif du présent article est d’appréhender le phénomène du contrôle excessif à partir, d’abord, d’un examen doctrinal et juridique, autant fédéral que provincial, concernant les VBH en général, et ensuite, d’une analyse jurisprudentielle des décisions de la Chambre de la Jeunesse de la Cour du Québec associées particulièrement au contrôle excessif. Le tout permettra de proposer une définition du contrôle excessif dans le contexte des VBH, dans le but de mieux identifier cette violence intrafamiliale spécifique et de mieux intervenir auprès des victimes et de leur famille.
魁北克省的各种社区组织和机构认为,过度控制与强迫婚姻、切割女性生殖器官和身体或心理暴力一样,是基于名誉的暴力的表现之一。2016年,魁北克立法机构首次将过度控制添加到《青年保护法》(YPA)明确承认的心理虐待清单中。然而,没有任何关于过度控制的法律、判例、政治甚至理论定义伴随着这种法律承认。然而,在实地和各种司法裁决中,存在着系统中各利益攸关方承认存在过度控制的情况。本文的目的是通过首先对联邦和省级VBH的理论和法律审查,然后对魁北克法院青年庭的判决进行判例分析,特别是与过度控制有关的判决,来理解过度控制现象。所有这些都将有助于在VBH的背景下提出过度控制的定义,以便更好地识别这种特定的家庭暴力,并更好地干预受害者及其家人。
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引用次数: 1
Public Support for Canadian Courts: Understanding the Roles of Institutional Trust and Partisanship 公众对加拿大法院的支持:理解制度信任和党派关系的作用
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.28
Erin Crandall, A. Lawlor
Abstract Public support is a critical component of any court’s institutional legitimacy. Understanding the roots and durability of such support is therefore crucial. This article uses survey data to explore public attitudes towards Canadian courts from 2008 to 2019. This time period is especially relevant given the comparatively tumultuous relationship between the Supreme Court and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (2006–2015). Notably, partisanship now appears to be a defining characteristic of court support in Canada, with Conservative Party supporters being less likely to support the courts. While institutional trust is also found to be a strong predictor of court support, this suggests public attitudes towards Canadian courts may no longer be as well shielded from the effects of changing political circumstances as they once were.
公众支持是任何法院制度合法性的重要组成部分。因此,了解这种支撑的根源和耐久性至关重要。本文使用调查数据探讨2008年至2019年公众对加拿大法院的态度。考虑到最高法院与总理斯蒂芬·哈珀(Stephen Harper)领导的保守党政府(2006-2015)之间相对动荡的关系,这一时期尤为重要。值得注意的是,党派之争现在似乎是加拿大法院支持的一个决定性特征,保守党的支持者不太可能支持法院。虽然机构信任也被发现是法院支持的一个强有力的预测因素,但这表明公众对加拿大法院的态度可能不再像以前那样能够很好地免受不断变化的政治环境的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Unbreaking Bail?: Post-Antic Trends in Bail Outcomes Unbreaking保释吗?:保释结果的后antic趋势
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.43
Rachel Schumann, Carolyn Yule
Abstract Addressing criticism that bail blurs the line between prevention and punishment, the Supreme Court of Canada unanimously agreed “it is time to ensure that bail provisions are applied consistently and fairly” (R v Antic 2017 SCC 27, [2017] 1 SCR 509). Rather than reform bail, this decision simply reaffirmed the existing legal mandate: using the ladder principle, accused must be released with the fewest conditions necessary to prevent them from absconding, reoffending/interfering with the administration of justice, and/or bringing the criminal justice system into disrepute. We analyze 480 bail hearings in Ontario, Canada, that occurred pre- and post- the R v Antic decision. Our results reveal that justices are more attentive to the ladder principle post-Antic, such that more accused are released on their own recognizance than in the past. While post-Antic trends show a reduction in the use of certain behaviour-modifying conditions, bail supervision programs are used more frequently. We discuss the implications of these findings in light of Canada’s “broken bail system.”
针对保释模糊了预防和惩罚之间的界限的批评,加拿大最高法院一致同意“是时候确保保释条款得到一致和公平的适用了”(R v Antic 2017 SCC 27, [2017] 1 SCR 509)。这一决定不是改革保释,而是简单地重申了现有的法律授权:利用阶梯原则,被告必须以最少的必要条件被释放,以防止他们潜逃、再次犯罪/干涉司法行政,和/或使刑事司法系统名誉扫地。我们分析了加拿大安大略省的480次保释听证会,这些听证会发生在R v Antic判决之前和之后。我们的研究结果表明,法官们更关注后安蒂克时代的阶梯原则,因此,与过去相比,更多的被告在自己承认的情况下被释放。虽然后安蒂克时代的趋势表明,某些行为修正条件的使用有所减少,但保释监督程序的使用却更为频繁。我们根据加拿大“破碎的保释制度”来讨论这些发现的含义。
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引用次数: 1
Sara Ahmed Complaint! Durham: Duke University Press, 2021. 376 pp. 萨拉·艾哈迈德投诉!杜伦:杜克大学出版社,2021。376页。
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-02-28 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2022.6
Monika Lemke
Sara Ahmed’s Complaint! takes complaints as its subject, specifically the gap between what is supposed to happen when complaints are made in the context of academic institutions and what actually happens. Drawing on oral and written testimonies from academics and students who have made complaints about harassment, bullying, and unequal working conditions at universities, Ahmed applies a feminist phenomenological perspective to the complaint. She uses her “feminist ear ... as an institutional tactic” (p. 6) to become sensitized to what is required in seeing a complaint through. In so doing, Ahmed recognizes that the complainer’s process of working a complaint through the system is a labour of its own, and often onewhich is thankless, fruitless, and requires resilience in the face of institutionalized power. There is a politics to complaints. For Ahmed, complaints are a unique communicative form, which locates the problem in the onewho speaks out and turns the institution into what the complainer is up against. Certainly, as complainers experience it, being at the helm of complaints is to experience the inscrutable inner workings of the institution. As Ahmed reasons, because of the institution’s demands on the complainer, the process of complaining often becomes part of the crisis or trauma they experience. As a paralegal form that has gone underappreciated in academic literature, the sustained treatment of “the complaint” is an accomplishment of its own. Through Ahmed’s treatment, complaints are positioned as a unique focal point of the study of institutions, with distinctive methodological and conceptual implications. As Ahmed sees it, the formal pathway of complaints places the complainer in a position of direct observation of the organization’s mundane, routinized, and institutionalized form of power. The emphasis on the complainer’s experiences enables Ahmed to appreciate the affective dimensions of the formal and informal institutional mechanisms that work in tandem with one another as complaints are processed by the system. Ahmed does not take for granted the fact that “making a complaint is never completed by a single action” (p. 5). It is significant that the complaints process is lengthy and often “exhausting, especially given that what you complain about is already exhausting and the institutional environment that processes the complaint often requires considerable tactical facility to navigate it and weather its challenges” (p. 5). Power is experienced by the complainer, whose affinity with the complaint puts them in the path of more resistance. Sara Ahmed observes that complaints, by their nature, undergo an institutionally structured death. The book usefully chronicles the ways an institution’s review of a complaint can take on “nonreceptive” forms of recognition to accomplish this goal. Sometimes complaints are processed through mechanisms that simplify or compartmentalize them so that they become trivial or unactionable. Other times
萨拉·艾哈迈德的控诉!以投诉为主题,特别是在学术机构的背景下提出投诉时应该发生的事情与实际发生的事情之间的差距。Ahmed根据对大学骚扰、欺凌和不平等工作条件提出投诉的学者和学生的口头和书面证词,将女权主义现象学视角应用于投诉。她利用自己的“女权主义耳朵……作为一种制度策略”(第6页),对处理投诉所需的内容保持敏感。在这样做的过程中,Ahmed认识到,投诉人通过系统处理投诉的过程本身就是一项劳动,而且往往是吃力不讨好、徒劳的,需要在制度化权力面前保持韧性。抱怨是有政治色彩的。对Ahmed来说,投诉是一种独特的沟通形式,它将问题定位在发声者身上,并将机构变成投诉者所面对的。当然,正如投诉者所经历的那样,掌管投诉就是体验机构不可思议的内部运作。正如Ahmed所说,由于机构对投诉者的要求,投诉过程往往成为他们所经历的危机或创伤的一部分。作为一种在学术文献中被低估的律师助理形式,对“投诉”的持续处理本身就是一项成就。通过Ahmed的处理,投诉被定位为机构研究的一个独特焦点,具有独特的方法和概念含义。在Ahmed看来,正式的投诉途径将投诉者置于直接观察组织世俗化、常规化和制度化权力形式的位置。对投诉人经历的强调使Ahmed能够理解正式和非正式体制机制的情感层面,这些机制在系统处理投诉时相互配合。Ahmed并不认为“提出投诉从来不是一个行动就能完成的”这一事实是理所当然的(第5页)。重要的是,投诉过程很长,而且往往“令人筋疲力尽,尤其是考虑到你投诉的内容已经令人筋疲力尽,而处理投诉的制度环境往往需要相当大的战术能力来应对和应对挑战”(第5页)。权力是由抱怨者体验到的,他们与抱怨的亲密关系使他们走上了更多阻力的道路。Sara Ahmed观察到,从本质上讲,投诉是一种制度性的死亡。这本书有用地记录了一个机构对投诉的审查可以采取“非接受”的承认形式来实现这一目标的方式。有时,通过简化或划分投诉的机制来处理投诉,使其变得微不足道或无法处理。其他时候,投诉会被该机构的官僚机构压制和抛弃。在其他情况下,投诉在一个场所进行审查,目的是传播
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引用次数: 1
Louis Fournier FLQ, Histoire d’un mouvement clandestin. Montréal : VLB éditeur, 2020. 369 pp. Louis Fournier FLQ,地下运动的历史。蒙特利尔:VLB出版社,2020年。369页。
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2022.2
Nicolas Desurmont
À l’occasion du 50 anniversaire de la Crise d’Octobre au Québec, différents ouvrages sur la question ont été réédités, comme celui de Bernard Dagenais (2020)1, puis celui de Louis Fournier. L’ouvrage de Louis Fournier constitue la synthèse la plus complète publiée au Québec sur l’histoire dumouvement terroriste du Front de libération duQuébec (FLQ), unmouvement qui auramarqué l’histoire du Québec de son empreinte. C’est souvent aussi à travers le prisme des procès que se donne à lire l’histoire de ce mouvement, comme on l’observe dans l’ouvrage de Fournier qui en est à sa troisième édition, remaniée et légèrement enrichie (il le fait d’abord publier chez Québec Amérique en 1982, puis rééditer chez Lanctôt éditeur en 1998 et enfin en 2020). Nul ne doutera du fait qu’il s’agit là du principal ouvrage sur l’histoire du FLQ. Le journaliste Louis Fournier procède à l’inverse des monographies sur la Crise d’Octobre qui commencent par un chapitre d’introduction ou de contexte pour évoquer les différents actes posés par le FLQ à partir de 1962-63. Il consacre son ouvrage entièrement à l’histoire des felquistes et relate les actes que les différentes cellules du mouvement ont posés si bien que la Crise d’Octobre ne concerne qu’une infime partie de son travail. À ce titre, on ne saurait considérer que l’apport historiographique au traitement du sujet soit novateur, puisque sa mise en position secondaire empêche de l’approfondir. Depuis la première édition de l’ouvrage de Louis Fournier, en 1982, un nombre important de monographies ont été publiées, rendant pour ainsi dire moins originale sa contribution à la Crise d’Octobre. On regrette notamment l’absence totale d’exploitation des fonds d’archives, voire des sources policières qu’il mentionne parfois sans références précises. Les publications des membres des cellules du FLQ sont par contre exploitées de manière exhaustive, montrant que Fournier a fait plus que simplement relater les articles de presse parus à l’époque des faits. Dans cette nouvelle édition, la principale contribution de Fournier, il me semble, est de révéler l’identité des rédacteurs du journal La Cognée et d’identifier certains membres du Rassemblement pour l’Indépendance Nationale (RIN) associés à différentes cellules du FLQ. Néanmoins, à cet égard, les lecteurs auraient aimé lire que Germain Archambault, du Mouvement de libération du taxi, de même que les felquistes Jacques Lanctôt, Paul Rose et Francis Simard furent aussi desmilitants du RIN puis du Parti Québécois. Le sens critique de Fournier n’est pas toujours évident et le style est résolument journalistique, sans indications précises des sources. C’est ce qui le conduit, par exemple, à déclarer que Guy Fiset avait trouvé une cache pour les felquistes à la demande du militant Robert Dupuis, sans que la source ne soit précisée. Il affirme que le père de Jacques Cossette-Trudel fut un employé des Affaires extérieures du Canada; or, l’ingénieur Alphonse Cossette-Trudel fut un
在魁北克省10月危机50周年之际,关于这一问题的各种书籍重新出版,如伯纳德·达格奈斯(Bernard Dagenais)(2020)1和路易斯·福尼尔(Louis Fournier)的作品。路易斯·福尼尔(Louis Fournier)的这本书是魁北克出版的关于魁北克解放阵线(FLQ)恐怖运动历史的最全面的综合,该运动在魁北克的历史上留下了自己的印记。这场运动的历史也经常通过审判的棱镜来解读,正如我们在福尼尔的第三版中看到的那样,这本书经过了修改和略微丰富(他于1982年首次由魁北克Amérique出版,1998年由LanctôtÉditeur再版,最后于2020年再版)。没有人会怀疑这是关于FLQ历史的主要著作。记者路易斯·福尼尔(Louis Fournier)与关于十月危机的专著相反,这些专著以导言或背景章节开始,以唤起1962-63年FLQ采取的各种行动。他将他的书完全献给了费尔奎斯特的历史,并讲述了该运动的各个部门所采取的行动,以至于十月危机只涉及他工作的一小部分。在这方面,不能认为史学对处理这一主题的贡献是创新的,因为它的次要地位阻碍了它的深化。自1982年路易斯·福尼尔(Louis Fournier)的书的第一版以来,已经出版了大量专著,这使得他对十月危机的贡献几乎没有独创性。特别令人遗憾的是,完全没有利用档案,甚至他有时在没有具体参考的情况下提到的警察来源。然而,FLQ小组成员的出版物得到了详尽的利用,表明Fournier所做的不仅仅是报道当时出现的新闻文章。在我看来,在新版中,Fournier的主要贡献是揭示《La Cognée》报纸编辑的身份,并确定与FLQ不同部门相关的国家独立联盟(RIN)的一些成员。然而,在这方面,读者可能希望看到,出租车解放运动的热尔曼·阿坎博(Germain Archambault)以及费尔奎斯特·雅克·兰科特(Felquist Jacques Lanctôt)、保罗·罗斯(Paul Rose)和弗朗西斯·西马尔(Francis Simard)也是RIN和魁北克党的支持者。Fournier的批判意识并不总是显而易见的,他的风格是坚定的新闻风格,没有来源的精确指示。例如,这导致他宣布盖伊·菲塞特(Guy Fiset)应激进分子罗伯特·杜皮斯(Robert Dupuis)的要求为费尔奎斯特人找到了一个藏匿处,但没有具体说明来源。他说,雅克·科塞特·特鲁德尔的父亲是加拿大外交部的雇员;然而,工程师阿尔方斯·科塞特·特鲁德尔是
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引用次数: 0
Not Worth the Wait: Why the Long-Awaited Regulations Under the AHRA Don’t Address Egg Donor Concerns 不值得等待:为什么AHRA下等待已久的法规没有解决卵子捐献者的担忧
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.26
K. Hammond
Abstract The Assisted Human Reproduction Act seeks to protect egg donors’ health and well-being and prevent trade in their reproductive capabilities. In order to fulfill these objectives, the Act prohibits the buying and selling of ova, and only allows for egg donors to be reimbursed for their expenses. However, no regulations setting out what expenses can be reimbursed were promulgated. Sixteen years later, these long-awaited regulations finally came into force in June 2020. In this study, I rely on data from interviews with sixteen egg donors in order to assess how the new regulations might help or hinder concerns that egg donors have with how egg transactions are regulated in Canada. I argue that the new regulations might hinder, more than help with, addressing current concerns related to egg transactions in Canada. The most likely result is that they will not change the current state of affairs.
《辅助人类生殖法》旨在保护卵子捐赠者的健康和福祉,并防止其生殖能力的交易。为了实现这些目标,该法禁止买卖卵子,只允许补偿卵子捐赠者的费用。但是,没有颁布规定哪些费用可以报销。16年后,这些期待已久的法规终于在2020年6月生效。在这项研究中,我依赖于对16名卵子捐赠者的采访数据,以评估新法规如何帮助或阻碍卵子捐赠者对加拿大如何监管卵子交易的担忧。我认为,新的规定可能会阻碍,而不是帮助,解决目前在加拿大与鸡蛋交易有关的问题。最有可能的结果是他们不会改变现状。
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引用次数: 0
Diamond Ashiagbor, ed.Re-Imagining Labour Law for Development: Informal Work in the Global North and South. Oxford: Hart/Bloomsbury, 2019. 275 pp. Diamond Ashiagbor,《重新想象劳动法促进发展:全球北方和南方的非正规工作》。牛津:哈特/布鲁姆斯伯里,2019年。275页。
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2022.3
A. Zbyszewska
The perennial project of rethinking labour law’s conceptual and normative narratives gets fresh treatment in Diamond Ashiagbor’s edited collection Re-Imagining Labour Law for Development: Informal Work in the Global North and South. An outcome of a conference that took place at the University of London’s Institute of Advanced Legal Studies in 2016, the book gathers contributions from emerging researchers and leading international scholars in the field of work regulation. As the title suggests, the book centres on informality. Its key contribution lies in approaching informality not simply as an aberration or a new challenge to examine, but rather as a vantage point from which to reassess and rearticulate labour law and its role in development projects, albeit the latter thread is more clearly pulled through some of the book’s contributions than others. Informality is a condition that remains thematerial reality for a significant and, indeed, a growing share of the world’s workers. Introducing the volume, Ashiagbor observes that while it tends to be associated with work relationships in countries of the Global South, informal work is now proliferating everywhere. Processes of vertical disintegration and labour market flexibility policies long promoted by international institutions like the World Bank and the IMF and embraced by national policymakers around the world are also driving informalization in countries of theGlobal North. Against this backdrop, and in light of the deficits in decent work associated with informality, strategies of formalization, such as those currently promoted by the ILO, seem to be something to embrace. After all, for informal workers, legal protection remains elusive, making labour law “a luxury” of sorts, as expressed by Pamhidzai H. Bamu, one of the book’s contributors writing on the situation in Zimbabwe (Chapter 5, p. 122). Yet as this book shows, what informality entails, whether formalization is the best way to address the associated insecurities, and how labour law or work regulation are implicated in both, are questions that need careful unpacking. The book interrogates these questions through a range of individual and comparative case studies from diverse jurisdictions spanning most continents. It draws upon an eclectic mix of conceptual and methodological tools, embracing contextual, historical, political-economic, and pluralist approaches already popular with labour lawyers, while also drawing on insights from actor network theory, postcolonial theory, regulatory theories, and institutional ethnography.What most of the book’s contributors agree on is that informality, while hard to define and capture precisely (see, e.g., Introduction, Chapters 2, 3, 7, and 10), provides a useful vantage point from which to examine the regulation of work relations more generally. Heeding Liam McHugh-Russell’s caution, the book eschews binaries that juxtapose economic forms and the “standard” work relations privileged in the G
在Diamond Ashiagbor编辑的文集《为发展重新构想劳动法:全球南北的非正式工作》中,重新思考劳动法的概念和规范性叙述的长期项目得到了新的处理。这本书是2016年在伦敦大学高级法律研究所(University of London’s Institute of Advanced Legal Studies)举行的一次会议的成果,汇集了新兴研究人员和国际知名学者在工作监管领域的贡献。正如书名所示,这本书以非正式为中心。它的关键贡献在于,它不仅将非正式性视为一种失常现象或一种需要研究的新挑战,而且将其视为重新评估和重新阐述劳动法及其在发展项目中的作用的有利位置,尽管后者的线索在本书的一些贡献中比其他贡献更清晰。对于世界上相当一部分(实际上是越来越多的)工人来说,非正式状态仍然是一种物质现实。在介绍这本书时,Ashiagbor观察到,虽然它往往与全球南方国家的工作关系有关,但非正式工作现在无处不在。长期以来,世界银行和国际货币基金组织等国际机构推动了劳动力市场的纵向解体进程,并得到了世界各国政策制定者的支持,这些政策也推动了全球北方国家的非正规化。在这种背景下,鉴于与非正式性有关的体面工作的不足,诸如劳工组织目前提倡的正规化战略似乎是值得接受的。毕竟,对于非正规工人来说,法律保护仍然难以捉摸,使劳动法成为某种“奢侈品”,正如书中关于津巴布韦局势的撰稿人之一Pamhidzai H. Bamu所表达的那样(第5章,第122页)。然而,正如本书所展示的,非正式意味着什么,正规化是否是解决相关不安全感的最佳方式,以及劳动法或工作法规如何涉及这两者,都是需要仔细分析的问题。这本书通过一系列来自不同司法管辖区的个人和比较案例研究来询问这些问题。它借鉴了概念和方法工具的折衷组合,包括语境、历史、政治经济和多元主义方法,这些方法已经受到劳工律师的欢迎,同时也借鉴了行动者网络理论、后殖民理论、监管理论和制度人种学的见解。这本书的大多数贡献者都同意,虽然非正式性很难精确地定义和捕捉(参见,例如,引言,第2、3、7和10章),但它提供了一个有用的有利位置,从这个位置可以更普遍地检查工作关系的规则。注意到利亚姆·麦克休-罗素(Liam mchuugh - russell)的警告,这本书避免了将全球北方享有特权的经济形式和“标准”工作关系与全球“非正式工作和生产的民间形象”并列的二元对立
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引用次数: 0
The Conceptual Problems Arising from Legal Pluralism 法律多元化带来的概念问题
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.1017/cls.2021.39
J. L. Fabra-Zamora
Abstract This paper argues that analytical jurisprudence has been insufficiently attentive to three significant puzzles highlighted by the legal pluralist tradition: the existence of commonalities between different types of law, the possibility of a distinction between law and non-law, and the explanatory centrality of the state. I further argue that the resolution of these questions sets the stage for a renewed agenda of analytical jurisprudence and has to be considered in attempts for reconciliation between the academic traditions of analytical jurisprudence and legal pluralism, often called “pluralist jurisprudence.” I also argue that the resolution of these problems affects the empirical, doctrinal, and politico-moral inquiries about legal pluralism.
摘要本文认为,分析法学没有充分关注法律多元化传统所突出的三个重大难题:不同类型的法律之间存在共性,法律与非法律之间存在区别的可能性,以及国家的解释中心性。我进一步认为,这些问题的解决为分析法学的新议程奠定了基础,在试图调和分析法学的学术传统和法律多元主义(通常被称为“多元主义法学”)时必须加以考虑,以及对法律多元主义的政治道德调查。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of Law and Society
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