Pub Date : 2021-11-24DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.2007754
Kim Jarle Wroldsen
ABSTRACT In recent years, propaganda authorities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China have orchestrated the production of posters, banners, books, news reports, and literary magazines calling for the Sinicisation of Islam. What role is played by local Hui (Chinese Muslim) writers in the production of this propaganda? This article is based on a close reading of propaganda literature from a local county between 2010 and 2017. I show that Hui writers bargain for the preservation Hui ideological and cultural particularities. While contributing to the propaganda apparatus, they bargain to find a balance between the national call for the Sinicisation of religion and their own goal of the preservation of a Hui identity distinct from Han-Chinese culture. They argue that Sinicisation in the sense of value integration benefits the propaganda goals of the Chinese Party-State in a way that is not possible with Sinicisation in the sense of cultural and ideological assimilation.
{"title":"Let Confucianism and Islam work together: bargaining for a distinct Muslim identity in local propaganda literature","authors":"Kim Jarle Wroldsen","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.2007754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.2007754","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, propaganda authorities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China have orchestrated the production of posters, banners, books, news reports, and literary magazines calling for the Sinicisation of Islam. What role is played by local Hui (Chinese Muslim) writers in the production of this propaganda? This article is based on a close reading of propaganda literature from a local county between 2010 and 2017. I show that Hui writers bargain for the preservation Hui ideological and cultural particularities. While contributing to the propaganda apparatus, they bargain to find a balance between the national call for the Sinicisation of religion and their own goal of the preservation of a Hui identity distinct from Han-Chinese culture. They argue that Sinicisation in the sense of value integration benefits the propaganda goals of the Chinese Party-State in a way that is not possible with Sinicisation in the sense of cultural and ideological assimilation.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"24 1","pages":"157 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41426426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-24DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.2008228
Neelakshi Talukdar
than structural changes in the economy through which sustainable livelihood sources may be ascertained’ (p.205). However, the author has made commendable reflections on the political voices from the state that include politicians, officials, young scholars, intellectuals, activists, and student leaders. A particular chapter on encroachment, displacement, and people’s entitlements at the Kaziranga National Park opens up a bold and complex conversation on conservation and national security (p.221). The concluding chapter ties the thread back to chapter 1 in summarizing many schemes introduced by the BJP for almost all the sections of the society, particularly the minorities and the backward classes. Dealing with the new political formations in the wake of the anti-CAA protests in Assam, it elaborates on how the pandemic has changed the entire narrative of people’s resistance where the incumbent government turned into a saviour, culminating in its success in the 2021 elections. The chapter not only reflects the populism of BJP as strategic politics but also the embarrassing failure of the opposition in strategizing electoral campaigns. Yet, it confirms as to how politics in Assam has been reduced to propaganda politics and desperate attempts to win elections with no respect for altruism. Undoubtedly, the book offers a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing politics in Assam and will certainly be helpful for anyone following the NRC and the CAA debate in the state. However, there are four areas, which could have further been elaborated. These involve the proliferation of local media houses and online portals in Assam and its ownership and capitalist motives in shaping political narratives; the impunity of the security forces in carrying out extra-judicial killings during the CAA protests, which would also offer insights on the increasing cases of custodial deaths and fake encounters in the region; women’s thoughts on the Hindutva regime or their political inclusion in the saffron party; and that of the detention centres, which draws attention to humanitarian concerns. Nevertheless, the book can be considered as not only an academic endeavour but also a major contribution for general readers and scholars across disciplinary boundaries in understanding the rise of the saffron party in India.
{"title":"Citizenship debate over NRC & CAA: Assam and the politics of history","authors":"Neelakshi Talukdar","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.2008228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.2008228","url":null,"abstract":"than structural changes in the economy through which sustainable livelihood sources may be ascertained’ (p.205). However, the author has made commendable reflections on the political voices from the state that include politicians, officials, young scholars, intellectuals, activists, and student leaders. A particular chapter on encroachment, displacement, and people’s entitlements at the Kaziranga National Park opens up a bold and complex conversation on conservation and national security (p.221). The concluding chapter ties the thread back to chapter 1 in summarizing many schemes introduced by the BJP for almost all the sections of the society, particularly the minorities and the backward classes. Dealing with the new political formations in the wake of the anti-CAA protests in Assam, it elaborates on how the pandemic has changed the entire narrative of people’s resistance where the incumbent government turned into a saviour, culminating in its success in the 2021 elections. The chapter not only reflects the populism of BJP as strategic politics but also the embarrassing failure of the opposition in strategizing electoral campaigns. Yet, it confirms as to how politics in Assam has been reduced to propaganda politics and desperate attempts to win elections with no respect for altruism. Undoubtedly, the book offers a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing politics in Assam and will certainly be helpful for anyone following the NRC and the CAA debate in the state. However, there are four areas, which could have further been elaborated. These involve the proliferation of local media houses and online portals in Assam and its ownership and capitalist motives in shaping political narratives; the impunity of the security forces in carrying out extra-judicial killings during the CAA protests, which would also offer insights on the increasing cases of custodial deaths and fake encounters in the region; women’s thoughts on the Hindutva regime or their political inclusion in the saffron party; and that of the detention centres, which draws attention to humanitarian concerns. Nevertheless, the book can be considered as not only an academic endeavour but also a major contribution for general readers and scholars across disciplinary boundaries in understanding the rise of the saffron party in India.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"843 - 845"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42451689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.2003700
Paul Lelen Haokip, M. M, D. B. Haokip
Finally, the last chapter brings out the role of the Assam Sahitya Sabha during the period of the crisis ridden 1960s language movement. It alleges the Assam Sahitya Sabha of being largely responsible for such movement that broke up Greater Assam and pushed away the tribal groups of the hill and plains from the mainstream Assamese society. Yet, the book is inspiring in that the merit of the work lies in the strong primary data, which has been used skillfully to interpret the issue of language movement of 1960. The authors attempted to cite facts from primary sources such as newspapers, government reports, and other sources. However, there are several parts where the book lacks an emphasis. While dealing with the issue of language problems in Assam, the authors fail to establish a clear link between language problem and illegal immigration. Furthermore, Sharma and Kalita’s 1960 Sonor Bhasha Andolan is an engrossing and well-written historical work, which will enrich the researcher’s curiosity as well as provide background for revisiting the language movement of 1960.
{"title":"Kuknalim, Naga Armed Resistance: testimonies of leaders, pastors, healers and soldiers","authors":"Paul Lelen Haokip, M. M, D. B. Haokip","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.2003700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.2003700","url":null,"abstract":"Finally, the last chapter brings out the role of the Assam Sahitya Sabha during the period of the crisis ridden 1960s language movement. It alleges the Assam Sahitya Sabha of being largely responsible for such movement that broke up Greater Assam and pushed away the tribal groups of the hill and plains from the mainstream Assamese society. Yet, the book is inspiring in that the merit of the work lies in the strong primary data, which has been used skillfully to interpret the issue of language movement of 1960. The authors attempted to cite facts from primary sources such as newspapers, government reports, and other sources. However, there are several parts where the book lacks an emphasis. While dealing with the issue of language problems in Assam, the authors fail to establish a clear link between language problem and illegal immigration. Furthermore, Sharma and Kalita’s 1960 Sonor Bhasha Andolan is an engrossing and well-written historical work, which will enrich the researcher’s curiosity as well as provide background for revisiting the language movement of 1960.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"838 - 841"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45858395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-28DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1997333
D. Deka
{"title":"Hindutva regime in Assam: saffron in the rainbow","authors":"D. Deka","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1997333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1997333","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"842 - 843"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43785834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-19DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1993786
I. Baird
{"title":"Projectland: Life in a Lao Socialist Model Village","authors":"I. Baird","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1993786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1993786","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"828 - 831"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41989984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-12DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1951598
Josh Stenberg
ABSTRACT Attending to postwar Chinese-language letters in Indonesia and the Philippines reveals a stronger tendency to write within a discourse of long-distance cultural nationalism than in hybrid or local modes. Omitting cultural nationalist discourses from a view of the corpus risks skewing accounts of Sinophone production, since many authors who write in Chinese have been receptive to ethnic, cultural, and even political appeals from China. This result is also ironic, in that it is specifically production in Chinese (rather than in imperial or archipelagic languages) which is most in tension with the postmodern and postcolonial bent of the Sinophone turn. As an open system for interrogating essentialist definitions of ‘Chineseness’, Sinophone Studies should also accommodate the culturally (and sometimes politically) orthodox ‘Chinese’ strands of Southeast Asian writing. Considering non- or less-hybrid strands of the corpus in turn opens new avenues for understanding the region’s Sinophone cultural production as the result of a rich, politically diverse network with considerable scope for comparative intraregional study.
{"title":"Diverse fragility, fragile diversity: Sinophone writing in the Philippines and Indonesia","authors":"Josh Stenberg","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1951598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1951598","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Attending to postwar Chinese-language letters in Indonesia and the Philippines reveals a stronger tendency to write within a discourse of long-distance cultural nationalism than in hybrid or local modes. Omitting cultural nationalist discourses from a view of the corpus risks skewing accounts of Sinophone production, since many authors who write in Chinese have been receptive to ethnic, cultural, and even political appeals from China. This result is also ironic, in that it is specifically production in Chinese (rather than in imperial or archipelagic languages) which is most in tension with the postmodern and postcolonial bent of the Sinophone turn. As an open system for interrogating essentialist definitions of ‘Chineseness’, Sinophone Studies should also accommodate the culturally (and sometimes politically) orthodox ‘Chinese’ strands of Southeast Asian writing. Considering non- or less-hybrid strands of the corpus in turn opens new avenues for understanding the region’s Sinophone cultural production as the result of a rich, politically diverse network with considerable scope for comparative intraregional study.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"24 1","pages":"59 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45704272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-12DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1976612
Yihyun Ryu
ABSTRACT This article demonstrates that the paradoxical configuration of groups supporting multiculturalism in South Korea stems from uniquely Korean experiences of colonialism, territorial division, and modernization. Unlike other societies, conservative political force advocates for multiculturalism and blames nationalism for its intolerance. On the other hand, its political counterparts have lingered on Korean nationalism, often presented as an antipode of multiculturalism. For exploring the antecedents of South Korean multiculturalism that contributed to shaping such configuration, I use the Foucauldian theoretical concept of governmentality and genealogy. Governmentality focuses on the conditions or circumstances under which policy problems are produced and genealogy allows us to trace back to its origin of the discourse, for de-familiarizing and dismantling the widespread perception of South Korean multiculturalism. This article explores how historical and geopolitical conditions have shaped engagement with multiculturalism discourse and how the emergence of post-nationalism laid the foundation for multiculturalism policy.
{"title":"Paradoxical configuration of advocacy groups for multiculturalism discourse in South Korea","authors":"Yihyun Ryu","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1976612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1976612","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article demonstrates that the paradoxical configuration of groups supporting multiculturalism in South Korea stems from uniquely Korean experiences of colonialism, territorial division, and modernization. Unlike other societies, conservative political force advocates for multiculturalism and blames nationalism for its intolerance. On the other hand, its political counterparts have lingered on Korean nationalism, often presented as an antipode of multiculturalism. For exploring the antecedents of South Korean multiculturalism that contributed to shaping such configuration, I use the Foucauldian theoretical concept of governmentality and genealogy. Governmentality focuses on the conditions or circumstances under which policy problems are produced and genealogy allows us to trace back to its origin of the discourse, for de-familiarizing and dismantling the widespread perception of South Korean multiculturalism. This article explores how historical and geopolitical conditions have shaped engagement with multiculturalism discourse and how the emergence of post-nationalism laid the foundation for multiculturalism policy.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"762 - 783"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47209540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-10DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1976613
Pi-Chun Chang
ABSTRACT This study considers Batavia’s first Chinese captain, Souw Beng Kong (1580–1644) as an example of the memory politics of urban Chinese Indonesians in Jakarta. It explores how and why he has been remembered in the contemporary era. While the stereotype of Chinese Indonesians has its roots in the Dutch colonial period, this study takes the Dutch institution of the captain as a framework to examine what is remembered as a way to bind group members together in a shared community of memory. This study argues that remembering Souw represents an implicit but defiant response to a long-standing negative stereotype that the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia are perennially alien outsiders.
{"title":"Defiant memories in confronting the Chinese stereotype in Indonesia: the politics of memory of Souw Beng Kong","authors":"Pi-Chun Chang","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1976613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1976613","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study considers Batavia’s first Chinese captain, Souw Beng Kong (1580–1644) as an example of the memory politics of urban Chinese Indonesians in Jakarta. It explores how and why he has been remembered in the contemporary era. While the stereotype of Chinese Indonesians has its roots in the Dutch colonial period, this study takes the Dutch institution of the captain as a framework to examine what is remembered as a way to bind group members together in a shared community of memory. This study argues that remembering Souw represents an implicit but defiant response to a long-standing negative stereotype that the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia are perennially alien outsiders.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"24 1","pages":"93 - 107"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43426565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-06DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1976059
Qi Zhang, Yang Cuo
ABSTRACT Drawing on an examination of Chinese language textbooks for Tibetan ethnic students in the Tibet Autonomous Region of mainland China, this study scrutinises the representation of Tibetan images and the official attitude towards Tibet embedded in the textbooks. Using multimodal discourse analysis (MDA), the paper investigates how government perceptions of Tibet are constructed through the co-deployment of visual and textual semiotic resources in Chinese language textbooks. This study suggests an overall positive attitude towards Tibet shown in the textbooks. However, the references to Tibet or Tibetans are usually situated as topics of the ‘past’, which indicates a sense of their being uncivilised or backwards. The positive yet stereotyped portrayal of Tibet is in line with national identity construction to ensure a unified nation-state. This study examines both text and image in textbooks in order to understand state ideologies and official attitudes towards a minority group.
{"title":"A multimodal approach to attitudes towards Tibet in Chinese language textbooks","authors":"Qi Zhang, Yang Cuo","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1976059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1976059","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on an examination of Chinese language textbooks for Tibetan ethnic students in the Tibet Autonomous Region of mainland China, this study scrutinises the representation of Tibetan images and the official attitude towards Tibet embedded in the textbooks. Using multimodal discourse analysis (MDA), the paper investigates how government perceptions of Tibet are constructed through the co-deployment of visual and textual semiotic resources in Chinese language textbooks. This study suggests an overall positive attitude towards Tibet shown in the textbooks. However, the references to Tibet or Tibetans are usually situated as topics of the ‘past’, which indicates a sense of their being uncivilised or backwards. The positive yet stereotyped portrayal of Tibet is in line with national identity construction to ensure a unified nation-state. This study examines both text and image in textbooks in order to understand state ideologies and official attitudes towards a minority group.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"741 - 761"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44225113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-12DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2021.1951596
Myat The-Thitsar
ABSTRACT Language policies play a major role in ethnic conflict because they affect the right of speakers to choose and use their preferred language(s), and help determine courses of action to maintain, assert or defend such rights. There has been insufficient analysis on the role of social media, particularly Facebook, in strengthening or undermining the survival of minority languages and collective identity in multi-ethnic countries. This paper uses Myanmar as a case study to demonstrate the extent to which Facebook language policies influence language use practices of minorities in Myanmar. While Facebook’s selection of Burmese as a ‘Facebook language’ has privileged the use of Myanmar’s majority language at the expense of its minority languages, it has simultaneously provided opportunities for ethnic minorities to preserve and promote their languages and cultures.
{"title":"Empowering or endangering minorities? Facebook, language, and identity in Myanmar","authors":"Myat The-Thitsar","doi":"10.1080/14631369.2021.1951596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2021.1951596","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Language policies play a major role in ethnic conflict because they affect the right of speakers to choose and use their preferred language(s), and help determine courses of action to maintain, assert or defend such rights. There has been insufficient analysis on the role of social media, particularly Facebook, in strengthening or undermining the survival of minority languages and collective identity in multi-ethnic countries. This paper uses Myanmar as a case study to demonstrate the extent to which Facebook language policies influence language use practices of minorities in Myanmar. While Facebook’s selection of Burmese as a ‘Facebook language’ has privileged the use of Myanmar’s majority language at the expense of its minority languages, it has simultaneously provided opportunities for ethnic minorities to preserve and promote their languages and cultures.","PeriodicalId":45296,"journal":{"name":"Asian Ethnicity","volume":"23 1","pages":"718 - 740"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14631369.2021.1951596","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43073369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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