Pub Date : 2023-01-19DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2023.2168888
O. Rakhmanov
Abstract This article investigates the sources of economic attitudes of Ukraine’s population based on the 7th wave of the WVS. It examines the utilitarian and sociocultural explanations of variations in the five dichotomies, which reflect pro-capitalist and pro-socialist views on various aspects of economic life. The utilitarian explanation suggests that economic attitudes associated with institutional change are determined primarily by socioeconomic status as a result of adaptation to market transformations. The culturalist explanation suggests that economic attitudes that reflect ethical aspects of economic life depend largely on regional and ethnolinguistic distinctions that were historically inherent in Ukrainian society. The empirical results provide robust support for the utilitarian explanation only in the case of supporting the government/individual responsibility for the provision of citizens. Instead, the socio-cultural explanation is reliable concerning the ethical aspects of economic life (income differentiation, competition assessment, source of success) and manifested itself in the case of attitudes toward private/state property in business and industry.
{"title":"Determinants of economic attitudes in a post-communist society: the case of Ukraine","authors":"O. Rakhmanov","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2023.2168888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2023.2168888","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the sources of economic attitudes of Ukraine’s population based on the 7th wave of the WVS. It examines the utilitarian and sociocultural explanations of variations in the five dichotomies, which reflect pro-capitalist and pro-socialist views on various aspects of economic life. The utilitarian explanation suggests that economic attitudes associated with institutional change are determined primarily by socioeconomic status as a result of adaptation to market transformations. The culturalist explanation suggests that economic attitudes that reflect ethical aspects of economic life depend largely on regional and ethnolinguistic distinctions that were historically inherent in Ukrainian society. The empirical results provide robust support for the utilitarian explanation only in the case of supporting the government/individual responsibility for the provision of citizens. Instead, the socio-cultural explanation is reliable concerning the ethical aspects of economic life (income differentiation, competition assessment, source of success) and manifested itself in the case of attitudes toward private/state property in business and industry.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"36 1","pages":"132 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81067452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-19DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2023.2167381
Panarat Anamwathana, Sawaros Thanapornsangsuth
Abstract The current Thai youth 1 (aged 15–24) have grown up in a time of political change and polarization. In 2020, resentment toward the junta government exploded in student-led protests not only at the university but also at the high-school and middle-school levels. This report provides historical backgrounds and investigates the political, economic, and socio-cultural factors that incited the movement. The objective is to describe the political context and explain this phenomenon based on relevant literature, news reports, and research with Thai high school students.
{"title":"Youth Political Participation in Thailand: A Social and Historical Overview","authors":"Panarat Anamwathana, Sawaros Thanapornsangsuth","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2023.2167381","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2023.2167381","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The current Thai youth 1 (aged 15–24) have grown up in a time of political change and polarization. In 2020, resentment toward the junta government exploded in student-led protests not only at the university but also at the high-school and middle-school levels. This report provides historical backgrounds and investigates the political, economic, and socio-cultural factors that incited the movement. The objective is to describe the political context and explain this phenomenon based on relevant literature, news reports, and research with Thai high school students.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"42 1","pages":"146 - 157"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78715841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-12DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2151765
Nina-Sophie Fritsch, Bernd Liedl
Abstract For many years scholars and politicians discuss the economic importance of the middle income class. Our article contributes to broaden the present state of research by not only examining the structure of the middle class whilst focusing on individual attributes, but by especially taking the role of gender-specific occupational characteristics and country-specific conditions into account. Based on the EU-SILC data 2020 for 17 countries, we analyze which factors affect the structure of the middle income class on the individual, on the occupational and country level. Our findings show that occupational attributes (e.g. part-time rate) prove to be highly relevant in this realm. Moreover, significant gender differences can be observed: women who work in an occupation which is mainly performed by women bear a higher risk of belonging to the lower income class as compared to men.
{"title":"Who Belongs to the Middle Income Class in Europe? The Role of Gender-Specific Occupational Characteristics in Multi-Level Analyses for 17 European Countries","authors":"Nina-Sophie Fritsch, Bernd Liedl","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2151765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2151765","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For many years scholars and politicians discuss the economic importance of the middle income class. Our article contributes to broaden the present state of research by not only examining the structure of the middle class whilst focusing on individual attributes, but by especially taking the role of gender-specific occupational characteristics and country-specific conditions into account. Based on the EU-SILC data 2020 for 17 countries, we analyze which factors affect the structure of the middle income class on the individual, on the occupational and country level. Our findings show that occupational attributes (e.g. part-time rate) prove to be highly relevant in this realm. Moreover, significant gender differences can be observed: women who work in an occupation which is mainly performed by women bear a higher risk of belonging to the lower income class as compared to men.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"12 6 1","pages":"59 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77578047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-31DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2139936
M. Harwood
Abstract Malta has become the world’s leading country for LGBTIQ rights while also being one of the few places in the world where abortion remains illegal under any circumstance. Building on studies which focus on Latin America, this article analyses why this small EU country has become socially liberal in many aspects while abortion remains taboo with a majority of the population holding anti-abortion views. First, we outline the Maltese political system, a two-party system where single-party governments have enjoyed absolute control over parliamentary business for 60 years and where the Catholic Church is obliged, under the Constitution, to teach what is right and wrong. We then analyze whether issue networks, framing and timing provide an adequate framework within which to explain this difference in public policy before concluding on the short-term prospects of Malta changing its ban on abortion, especially as political support remains for the ban to be incorporated into the constitution.
{"title":"Malta’s Political Conundrum: Europe’s Leading Country for LGBTIQ Rights and the Ban on Abortion","authors":"M. Harwood","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2139936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2139936","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Malta has become the world’s leading country for LGBTIQ rights while also being one of the few places in the world where abortion remains illegal under any circumstance. Building on studies which focus on Latin America, this article analyses why this small EU country has become socially liberal in many aspects while abortion remains taboo with a majority of the population holding anti-abortion views. First, we outline the Maltese political system, a two-party system where single-party governments have enjoyed absolute control over parliamentary business for 60 years and where the Catholic Church is obliged, under the Constitution, to teach what is right and wrong. We then analyze whether issue networks, framing and timing provide an adequate framework within which to explain this difference in public policy before concluding on the short-term prospects of Malta changing its ban on abortion, especially as political support remains for the ban to be incorporated into the constitution.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"62 1","pages":"83 - 101"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86735208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2134614
Marin Hennig, Bastian Laier
Abstract Research has identified several factors that affect life satisfaction. The role of the state in this context, however, has been considered in only a few studies. Analyses of the relationships between national policies and life satisfaction have shown that the welfare state functions as a “resource giver” in creating inequalities in people’s quality of life. For this reason, we studied whether and how the effects of social resources on life satisfaction differ from country to country. Applying a multilevel analysis, we examined the resources embedded in networks and personal resources at one level as well as macro-information regarding the welfare state at another level. To this end, we used data from 27 countries drawn from the 2017 Social Networks Module of the International Social Survey Program and the United Nations Human Development Index. The results show that 7.4% of overall variance is at the country level. This can be partly explained by perceived inequality in a country, which we constructed for each country based on individual respondent data. Furthermore, in random-slopes analyses, we find evidence for country-specific effects of one of our central variables, goal attainment.
{"title":"Social Resources and Life Satisfaction: Country-Specific Effects?","authors":"Marin Hennig, Bastian Laier","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2134614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2134614","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Research has identified several factors that affect life satisfaction. The role of the state in this context, however, has been considered in only a few studies. Analyses of the relationships between national policies and life satisfaction have shown that the welfare state functions as a “resource giver” in creating inequalities in people’s quality of life. For this reason, we studied whether and how the effects of social resources on life satisfaction differ from country to country. Applying a multilevel analysis, we examined the resources embedded in networks and personal resources at one level as well as macro-information regarding the welfare state at another level. To this end, we used data from 27 countries drawn from the 2017 Social Networks Module of the International Social Survey Program and the United Nations Human Development Index. The results show that 7.4% of overall variance is at the country level. This can be partly explained by perceived inequality in a country, which we constructed for each country based on individual respondent data. Furthermore, in random-slopes analyses, we find evidence for country-specific effects of one of our central variables, goal attainment.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"78 1","pages":"36 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90458944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-26DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2115672
Katalin Füzér
Abstract This paper suggests that a combination of varieties of capitalism (VoC) and entrepreneurial ecosystem (EE) approaches is not only capable of revealing that there is a broader variety of entrepreneurship than currently offered in the literature but also that certain types of entrepreneurship are transnationally interdependent. Historically embedding the case of illiberal Hungary, the paper discusses several models of entrepreneurship via the scholarship of Iván Szelényi, a neoclassical comparative sociologist of social, political and economic transformations in the former Soviet bloc. Szelényi’s contributions span from studying Socialist entrepreneurship of the 1970s and 1980s to investigating transformations in two post-Socialist contexts, first, the post-1990 area when neoliberal transnational entrepreneurship coexisted with domestic neo-patrimonial entrepreneurship, and second, the post-2010 epoch when illiberal transnational entrepreneurship is intertwined with domestic neo-prebendal entrepreneurship. The paper offers conclusions for entrepreneurship research in two respects: first, it underscores the relevance of the transnational dimension, second it puts emphasis on the importance of a more nuanced understanding of agency in the ream of political coordination exercised by political classes in structuring opportunities and constraints both for domestic as well as for transnational entrepreneurship.
{"title":"Varieties of Entrepreneurship on Europe’s Periphery: Illiberal Hungary in Historical Context","authors":"Katalin Füzér","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2115672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2115672","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper suggests that a combination of varieties of capitalism (VoC) and entrepreneurial ecosystem (EE) approaches is not only capable of revealing that there is a broader variety of entrepreneurship than currently offered in the literature but also that certain types of entrepreneurship are transnationally interdependent. Historically embedding the case of illiberal Hungary, the paper discusses several models of entrepreneurship via the scholarship of Iván Szelényi, a neoclassical comparative sociologist of social, political and economic transformations in the former Soviet bloc. Szelényi’s contributions span from studying Socialist entrepreneurship of the 1970s and 1980s to investigating transformations in two post-Socialist contexts, first, the post-1990 area when neoliberal transnational entrepreneurship coexisted with domestic neo-patrimonial entrepreneurship, and second, the post-2010 epoch when illiberal transnational entrepreneurship is intertwined with domestic neo-prebendal entrepreneurship. The paper offers conclusions for entrepreneurship research in two respects: first, it underscores the relevance of the transnational dimension, second it puts emphasis on the importance of a more nuanced understanding of agency in the ream of political coordination exercised by political classes in structuring opportunities and constraints both for domestic as well as for transnational entrepreneurship.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"58 1","pages":"325 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84055205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-26DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2115683
Cristian L. Paredes, K. Navarrete
Abstract A vast literature suggests that fear of crime represents a socially significant dimension of violence in different research settings. However, fear of crime has been insufficiently studied in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. These countries comprise the Northern Triangle, a region significantly affected by the pervasiveness of criminal gangs, and very high levels of violence. In this study, we aim to identify vulnerable populations in the region by examining differences in fear of assault or robbery in the neighborhood by different levels of perceived gang activity in neighborhoods, sex, age, and ethno-racial characteristics using survey data. We find evidence of a direct association between fear of assault or robbery and the perception of gang activity in neighborhoods. We also find that women, people aged 30 and over, dark-skinned individuals, and individuals who self-identify as indigenous have greater risks of feeling unsafe in the Northern Triangle. These findings should be useful as evidence to problematize any potential designation of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras as safe destinations –an anti-immigration strategy promoted by the Trump administration– according to the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees antidiscrimination criteria.
{"title":"Gang Activity in the Neighborhood: Fear of Assault or Robbery in the Northern Triangle","authors":"Cristian L. Paredes, K. Navarrete","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2115683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2115683","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A vast literature suggests that fear of crime represents a socially significant dimension of violence in different research settings. However, fear of crime has been insufficiently studied in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. These countries comprise the Northern Triangle, a region significantly affected by the pervasiveness of criminal gangs, and very high levels of violence. In this study, we aim to identify vulnerable populations in the region by examining differences in fear of assault or robbery in the neighborhood by different levels of perceived gang activity in neighborhoods, sex, age, and ethno-racial characteristics using survey data. We find evidence of a direct association between fear of assault or robbery and the perception of gang activity in neighborhoods. We also find that women, people aged 30 and over, dark-skinned individuals, and individuals who self-identify as indigenous have greater risks of feeling unsafe in the Northern Triangle. These findings should be useful as evidence to problematize any potential designation of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras as safe destinations –an anti-immigration strategy promoted by the Trump administration– according to the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees antidiscrimination criteria.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"368 1","pages":"1 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82736980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-17DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2109891
Zoltán Grünhut, Á. Bodor, Dávid Erát
Abstract The article examines the values of individual entrepreneurs in the European context. From among the various available value theories, it applies Shalom H. Schwartz’s framework of Basic Human Values. Schwartz distinguishes 10 values that are dynamically interrelated with each other along several shared dimensions. Two main dimensions (self-centered and collective) and four categories (openness to change, self-enhancement, conservation, self-transcendence) of values can thus be distinguished. The empirical part of the study starts with a cluster analysis to differentiate entrepreneurial groups according to the relative importance of self-centered values, before turning to values with collective connotations in order to draw more comprehensive profiles of the identified clusters. One of the main findings of this study is that more than two-thirds of Eastern European entrepreneurs cannot be characterized by normatively framed entrepreneurial value preferences—they are actually entrepreneurs without entrepreneurship.
摘要本文考察了欧洲背景下个体企业家的价值观。在各种可用的价值理论中，它应用了Shalom H. Schwartz的基本人类价值框架。施瓦茨区分了10种价值观，它们在几个共享的维度上相互动态关联。由此可以区分出价值观的两个主要维度(自我中心和集体)和四个类别(开放变革、自我提升、保守、自我超越)。研究的实证部分从聚类分析开始，根据自我中心价值观的相对重要性来区分创业群体，然后转向具有集体内涵的价值观，以绘制更全面的识别集群概况。这项研究的一个主要发现是，超过三分之二的东欧企业家不能用规范框架的企业家价值偏好来描述——他们实际上是没有企业家精神的企业家。
{"title":"Value patterns of entrepreneurs in Europe: does the legacy of the transition still matter?","authors":"Zoltán Grünhut, Á. Bodor, Dávid Erát","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2109891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2109891","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article examines the values of individual entrepreneurs in the European context. From among the various available value theories, it applies Shalom H. Schwartz’s framework of Basic Human Values. Schwartz distinguishes 10 values that are dynamically interrelated with each other along several shared dimensions. Two main dimensions (self-centered and collective) and four categories (openness to change, self-enhancement, conservation, self-transcendence) of values can thus be distinguished. The empirical part of the study starts with a cluster analysis to differentiate entrepreneurial groups according to the relative importance of self-centered values, before turning to values with collective connotations in order to draw more comprehensive profiles of the identified clusters. One of the main findings of this study is that more than two-thirds of Eastern European entrepreneurs cannot be characterized by normatively framed entrepreneurial value preferences—they are actually entrepreneurs without entrepreneurship.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"233 1","pages":"352 - 369"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75801208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-29DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2099615
Egidio Riva, M. Lucchini, Sem Vandekerckhove
Abstract This article, which draws on three waves (2005, 2010, 2015) of the European Working Conditions Survey, examines the nature and prevalence of different job types in a representative sample of employees in 30 European countries (N = 59,839) and investigates their change over time. Using self-organizing map, sampled employees were first grouped into seven job types, based on similar job features in the following dimensions: physical environment, work intensity, working time quality, social environment, skill and discretion, and earnings and prospects. Subsequently, the resulting job types were validated by linear regression models on outcomes that are indicative of job quality, such as well-being and job satisfaction. Finally, space-time variations in the distribution of job types were explored using a two-stage formulation model that contrasted universalistic and institutional explanations of change. Results indicate that three clusters of countries could be distinguished, which only partially fit into existing regime classifications: i) the Northern cluster (Scandinavian countries); ii) the Central and Western cluster (Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Germany, Austria, Slovenia, Estonia, but also the UK, Ireland and Malta); and iii) the Southern and Eastern cluster (Mediterranean countries including Cyprus and Turkey, the former socialist EU member states, Latvia, and Lithuania). These clusters present specific patterns of change in the distribution of job types that are more closely related to the change in the national economic situation and the employment structure than to institutional variation.
{"title":"Space-Time Variations in Job Types: A Tale of “Three Europes”","authors":"Egidio Riva, M. Lucchini, Sem Vandekerckhove","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2099615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2099615","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article, which draws on three waves (2005, 2010, 2015) of the European Working Conditions Survey, examines the nature and prevalence of different job types in a representative sample of employees in 30 European countries (N = 59,839) and investigates their change over time. Using self-organizing map, sampled employees were first grouped into seven job types, based on similar job features in the following dimensions: physical environment, work intensity, working time quality, social environment, skill and discretion, and earnings and prospects. Subsequently, the resulting job types were validated by linear regression models on outcomes that are indicative of job quality, such as well-being and job satisfaction. Finally, space-time variations in the distribution of job types were explored using a two-stage formulation model that contrasted universalistic and institutional explanations of change. Results indicate that three clusters of countries could be distinguished, which only partially fit into existing regime classifications: i) the Northern cluster (Scandinavian countries); ii) the Central and Western cluster (Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Germany, Austria, Slovenia, Estonia, but also the UK, Ireland and Malta); and iii) the Southern and Eastern cluster (Mediterranean countries including Cyprus and Turkey, the former socialist EU member states, Latvia, and Lithuania). These clusters present specific patterns of change in the distribution of job types that are more closely related to the change in the national economic situation and the employment structure than to institutional variation.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"40 1","pages":"420 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81544572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-22DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2022.2101084
Alberto Gherardini, Giovanni Amerigo Giuliani
Abstract This article investigates the electoral behavior of post-Fordist social classes between the beginning of the 2000s and the end of the 2010s in eight Western countries, focusing particularly on the vote for the mainstream Left. More specifically, the work answers three research questions. How has social stratification changed in the countries analyzed? How have the post-Fordist social groups voted in the last two decades, and how has their support for the Left changed? What kinds of class coalitions supporting Left parties have now emerged, and how stable are they? The empirical analysis shows that the electoral behavior of post-Fordist social groups varies considerably according to the welfare regime considered. The comparative analysis also points out that Left-wing parties have taken different paths in response to the change of social stratification.
{"title":"What Class, What Vote? Post-Fordist Social Groups, Class Coalitions and the Mainstream Left","authors":"Alberto Gherardini, Giovanni Amerigo Giuliani","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2022.2101084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2022.2101084","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the electoral behavior of post-Fordist social classes between the beginning of the 2000s and the end of the 2010s in eight Western countries, focusing particularly on the vote for the mainstream Left. More specifically, the work answers three research questions. How has social stratification changed in the countries analyzed? How have the post-Fordist social groups voted in the last two decades, and how has their support for the Left changed? What kinds of class coalitions supporting Left parties have now emerged, and how stable are they? The empirical analysis shows that the electoral behavior of post-Fordist social groups varies considerably according to the welfare regime considered. The comparative analysis also points out that Left-wing parties have taken different paths in response to the change of social stratification.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"78 1","pages":"448 - 475"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89916447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：