Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882
O. Li
Abstract Under conditions of electoral authoritarianism, in what ways do individuals’ dissatisfaction with democracy influence their probability of political action? In the early 2000s, President Vladimir Putin consolidated his power and Russia descended into electoral authoritarianism. In this closed political opportunity structure, through which the government worked to silence political opposition and the global financial crisis caused an economic decline, the conditions for political and economic grievances to arise were plentiful. At the same time, political action by ordinary citizens was possible, though not prevalent. To examine the association between political and economic grievances and ordinary Russians’ political action, I use the five available waves of the European Social Survey 2006 to 2016. Results suggest that political grievance was a driving force of political action in Russia. Dissatisfaction with democracy in Russia motivates non-electoral participation (NEP) but alienates citizens from voting. Models with the interaction between political grievances and the conditions of economic grievance were insightful: when economically advantaged citizens are satisfied with the current regime, they tend to support it through the ballot box. The disconnect between NEP and voting with regard to political grievance suggests the need to better understand how ordinary Russians define and appreciate democracy.
在选举威权主义条件下，个人对民主的不满如何影响其政治行动的概率?21世纪初，弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)总统巩固了自己的权力，俄罗斯陷入了选举威权主义。在这种封闭的政治机会结构中，政府努力压制政治反对派，全球金融危机导致经济衰退，政治和经济不满情绪的出现条件很多。与此同时，普通公民的政治行动是可能的，尽管并不普遍。为了研究政治和经济不满与普通俄罗斯人政治行动之间的关系，我使用了2006年至2016年欧洲社会调查(European Social Survey)的五波可用数据。结果表明，政治不满是俄罗斯政治行动的推动力。对俄罗斯民主的不满激发了非选举参与(NEP)，但疏远了公民投票。政治不满和经济不满之间相互作用的模型很有见地:当经济上有优势的公民对当前政权感到满意时，他们倾向于通过投票箱来支持它。新经济政策和投票在政治不满方面的脱节表明，有必要更好地理解普通俄罗斯人如何定义和欣赏民主。
{"title":"Grievances and political action in Russia during Putin’s rise to power","authors":"O. Li","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Under conditions of electoral authoritarianism, in what ways do individuals’ dissatisfaction with democracy influence their probability of political action? In the early 2000s, President Vladimir Putin consolidated his power and Russia descended into electoral authoritarianism. In this closed political opportunity structure, through which the government worked to silence political opposition and the global financial crisis caused an economic decline, the conditions for political and economic grievances to arise were plentiful. At the same time, political action by ordinary citizens was possible, though not prevalent. To examine the association between political and economic grievances and ordinary Russians’ political action, I use the five available waves of the European Social Survey 2006 to 2016. Results suggest that political grievance was a driving force of political action in Russia. Dissatisfaction with democracy in Russia motivates non-electoral participation (NEP) but alienates citizens from voting. Models with the interaction between political grievances and the conditions of economic grievance were insightful: when economically advantaged citizens are satisfied with the current regime, they tend to support it through the ballot box. The disconnect between NEP and voting with regard to political grievance suggests the need to better understand how ordinary Russians define and appreciate democracy.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"1 1","pages":"304 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89205392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-28DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1919448
Inna Bell
Abstract After 1989, civic activity across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) began to thrive in numerous organizations, some of which were created during the Communist era. Whereas many civil society organizations (CSOs) do not carry the legacy of the Communist past, we know little about how CSOs that were created during Communism survive after 1989: Is their historical legacy a burden to carry and a detriment to their survival? Or can they use that legacy to survive the new tumultuous civic environment? This qualitative case study of three youth and environmental organizations with a Communist past – Pioneer, Brontosaurus, and The Czech Union of Nature Protectors (CUNP) – builds on a synthesis of new institutionalism and regime change theories to investigate how, from 1989 to 2019, CSOs balance the old legacies, such as dealing with Communist history, their continuing dependence on the state, and the radical change in political discourse on voluntarism and CSOs. Case studies reveal that, in adapting to the times, the CSOs did retain some elements of their Communist past but had to obscure other elements of their history from the new actors who regard that legacy unfavorably. Whereas foreign actors do help shape CSO agendas, the state remains the central actor in shaping the post-1989 institutional environment.
1989年后，中欧和东欧(CEE)的公民活动开始在众多组织中蓬勃发展，其中一些组织是在共产主义时代创建的。尽管许多公民社会组织(cso)没有继承共产主义过去的遗产，但我们对在共产主义时期创建的公民社会组织如何在1989年之后存活下来知之甚少:它们的历史遗产是否成为一种负担，是否不利于它们的生存?或者他们能利用这些遗产在新的动荡的城市环境中生存下来吗?本文对三个具有共产主义历史的青年和环境组织——先锋、雷龙和捷克自然保护联盟(The Czech Union of Nature Protectors)——进行定性案例研究，以新制度主义和政权更迭理论为基础，研究1989年至2019年，公民社会组织如何平衡旧遗产，如处理共产主义历史、他们对国家的持续依赖，以及关于自愿主义和公民社会组织的政治话语的根本变化。案例研究表明，在适应时代的过程中，民间社会组织确实保留了其共产主义过去的一些元素，但不得不掩盖其历史中的其他元素，使其不受新参与者的欢迎。尽管外国角色确实帮助塑造了公民社会组织的议程，但在塑造1989年后的制度环境方面，国家仍然是核心角色。
{"title":"Is the past a burden or a boon? The struggle for survival of communist-era youth and nature protection organizations in the Czech Republic, 1989–2019","authors":"Inna Bell","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1919448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1919448","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract After 1989, civic activity across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) began to thrive in numerous organizations, some of which were created during the Communist era. Whereas many civil society organizations (CSOs) do not carry the legacy of the Communist past, we know little about how CSOs that were created during Communism survive after 1989: Is their historical legacy a burden to carry and a detriment to their survival? Or can they use that legacy to survive the new tumultuous civic environment? This qualitative case study of three youth and environmental organizations with a Communist past – Pioneer, Brontosaurus, and The Czech Union of Nature Protectors (CUNP) – builds on a synthesis of new institutionalism and regime change theories to investigate how, from 1989 to 2019, CSOs balance the old legacies, such as dealing with Communist history, their continuing dependence on the state, and the radical change in political discourse on voluntarism and CSOs. Case studies reveal that, in adapting to the times, the CSOs did retain some elements of their Communist past but had to obscure other elements of their history from the new actors who regard that legacy unfavorably. Whereas foreign actors do help shape CSO agendas, the state remains the central actor in shaping the post-1989 institutional environment.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"36 1","pages":"260 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81036061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1919442
Sami H. Miaari, N. Khattab, V. Kraus, Y. Yonay
Abstract This article investigates the relationships between ethnicity, class, and prospects of educational success. For this purpose, we compared the effects of family socio-economic characteristics on children's educational attainment in four ethno-religious groups in Israel (Muslim, Christian, and Druze Palestinians; Jews). Information from the 1995 census on the households with at least one child born in the cohort of 1975-1985 is matched with Ministry of Education records on all those who achieved matriculation certificates and academic degrees between 1995 and 2012. The results show that the educational outcomes of Christian and Druze children are less dependent on their family characteristics compared to Muslim and Jewish children. We suggest that the disadvantage of Palestinian schools in a Jewish-dominated state is offset by the tougher competition Jewish children from disadvantaged strata face in schools attended by those from affluent strata. Family background is more important for academic degrees than for the matriculation certificate. Furthermore, the education and occupation of mothers and fathers both have an equally important impact on child outcomes.
{"title":"Ethnic Capital and Class Reproduction: Comparing the Impact of Socio-Economic Status on Children's Educational Attainment Across Ethno-Religious Groups in Israel","authors":"Sami H. Miaari, N. Khattab, V. Kraus, Y. Yonay","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1919442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1919442","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the relationships between ethnicity, class, and prospects of educational success. For this purpose, we compared the effects of family socio-economic characteristics on children's educational attainment in four ethno-religious groups in Israel (Muslim, Christian, and Druze Palestinians; Jews). Information from the 1995 census on the households with at least one child born in the cohort of 1975-1985 is matched with Ministry of Education records on all those who achieved matriculation certificates and academic degrees between 1995 and 2012. The results show that the educational outcomes of Christian and Druze children are less dependent on their family characteristics compared to Muslim and Jewish children. We suggest that the disadvantage of Palestinian schools in a Jewish-dominated state is offset by the tougher competition Jewish children from disadvantaged strata face in schools attended by those from affluent strata. Family background is more important for academic degrees than for the matriculation certificate. Furthermore, the education and occupation of mothers and fathers both have an equally important impact on child outcomes.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"2 1","pages":"171 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75000447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-19DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1910431
T. Kern, Dahla Opitz
Abstract This report focuses on the discursive opportunity structure of Fridays for Future in the United States and Germany. We will show that the movement's frame resonance relies strongly on the differential receptivity of both countries' political and communicative institutions for the findings of climate science. The first part presents how climate science shapes the framing of Fridays for Future. The second part explores the influence of climate science on the regime of political knowledge production and the mass media.
{"title":"\"Trust Science!\" Institutional Conditions of Frame Resonance in the United States and Germany: The Case of Fridays for Future","authors":"T. Kern, Dahla Opitz","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1910431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1910431","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This report focuses on the discursive opportunity structure of Fridays for Future in the United States and Germany. We will show that the movement's frame resonance relies strongly on the differential receptivity of both countries' political and communicative institutions for the findings of climate science. The first part presents how climate science shapes the framing of Fridays for Future. The second part explores the influence of climate science on the regime of political knowledge production and the mass media.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"58 1","pages":"249 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77877423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-14DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1910429
O. Zelinska
Abstract Social movements aim to change society, but whether they actually cause change is difficult for researchers to assess. A social constructionist approach can add to the understanding of social movement outcomes by allowing the activists themselves to define these consequences. I demonstrate the utility of this approach with a qualitative study of the social movement actors who attempted to change their society through Euromaidan in Ukraine. The movement in Kyiv grew into a nation-wide contention in which local Maidan actors issued their own demands to authorities. The larger consequence was the resignation of the President and new elections, followed by a military conflict in the east of the country. To examine the outcomes of Maidans from the participants’ point of view, I used primary documents issued by protest assemblies in 2013-2014 to select four local communities as case studies and, in 2018, held 24 interviews with 33 Maidan activists, representatives of local authorities, and observers. My findings suggest that local Maidans resulted in a rotation of local elites, but also in shifts of the receptiveness of local authorities to public opinion. These changes, however, mostly did not spread, which is due to the military conflict that ensued immediately after Maidan.
{"title":"How Social Movement Actors Assess Social Change: An Exploration of the Consequences of Ukraine’s Local Maidan Protests","authors":"O. Zelinska","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1910429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1910429","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Social movements aim to change society, but whether they actually cause change is difficult for researchers to assess. A social constructionist approach can add to the understanding of social movement outcomes by allowing the activists themselves to define these consequences. I demonstrate the utility of this approach with a qualitative study of the social movement actors who attempted to change their society through Euromaidan in Ukraine. The movement in Kyiv grew into a nation-wide contention in which local Maidan actors issued their own demands to authorities. The larger consequence was the resignation of the President and new elections, followed by a military conflict in the east of the country. To examine the outcomes of Maidans from the participants’ point of view, I used primary documents issued by protest assemblies in 2013-2014 to select four local communities as case studies and, in 2018, held 24 interviews with 33 Maidan activists, representatives of local authorities, and observers. My findings suggest that local Maidans resulted in a rotation of local elites, but also in shifts of the receptiveness of local authorities to public opinion. These changes, however, mostly did not spread, which is due to the military conflict that ensued immediately after Maidan.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"47 1","pages":"284 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87009666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1881872
S. Bülbül
Abstract Current study investigates the gender gap in academic promotions in Turkey taking a new perspective on the widely established existence of gender inequality in academia. The dataset includes the eight most-prominent research universities in Turkey and the nature of the ‘glass ceiling’ is explored by looking at the gendered distributions of: (1) academic seats -indicating academic performances, and (2) coauthorship patterns concerning genders. Findings suggest that there is gender disparity in academic performances as well as in academic promotions. In addition, gender is found to be a significant factor in explaining the current situation in academic ranks and subtle discrimination practices may exist instead of overt discrimination practices as it is also suggested in previous studies. In sum, results show two main points: (1) There is evidence of gender gap in academic promotions in Turkey, (2) A new variable –cross gender coauthorship- for glass ceiling research may provide further insight about the issue.
{"title":"Glass ceiling in academia revisited: evidence from the higher education system of Turkey","authors":"S. Bülbül","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1881872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1881872","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Current study investigates the gender gap in academic promotions in Turkey taking a new perspective on the widely established existence of gender inequality in academia. The dataset includes the eight most-prominent research universities in Turkey and the nature of the ‘glass ceiling’ is explored by looking at the gendered distributions of: (1) academic seats -indicating academic performances, and (2) coauthorship patterns concerning genders. Findings suggest that there is gender disparity in academic performances as well as in academic promotions. In addition, gender is found to be a significant factor in explaining the current situation in academic ranks and subtle discrimination practices may exist instead of overt discrimination practices as it is also suggested in previous studies. In sum, results show two main points: (1) There is evidence of gender gap in academic promotions in Turkey, (2) A new variable –cross gender coauthorship- for glass ceiling research may provide further insight about the issue.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"5 1","pages":"87 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72838302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2020.1856541
Lydia Repke, Brita Dorer
Abstract To challenge the commonly made assumption in cross-national survey projects that close translation yields more comparable data than adaptation, we implemented a translation experiment in the CROss-National Online Survey Panel. The English source questionnaire was split into three batches of 20 items each and was translated by three translation teams into Estonian and three teams into Slovene. The teams received specific instructions on how to translate each batch (either closely or adaptively) so that, by design, the teams translated two batches following one approach and one following the other approach. Respondents in the two countries (Estonia and Slovenia) were randomly assigned to three distinct questionnaire versions based on the same source questionnaire, each consisting of translations by all three teams and including close and adaptive translations. We developed an analytical framework to assess the translation potential of the source items (i.e., all theoretically possible translations of a specific item) and the actual translation scores (i.e., the degree of closeness vs. adaptiveness of a specific translation). We show that some items are more sensitive to the wording (small linguistic changes result in a different response behavior) while others are more robust (the meaning of the concept is retained despite linguistic changes).
{"title":"Translate Wisely! An Evaluation of Close and Adaptive Translation Procedures in an Experiment Involving Questionnaire Translation","authors":"Lydia Repke, Brita Dorer","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2020.1856541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2020.1856541","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract To challenge the commonly made assumption in cross-national survey projects that close translation yields more comparable data than adaptation, we implemented a translation experiment in the CROss-National Online Survey Panel. The English source questionnaire was split into three batches of 20 items each and was translated by three translation teams into Estonian and three teams into Slovene. The teams received specific instructions on how to translate each batch (either closely or adaptively) so that, by design, the teams translated two batches following one approach and one following the other approach. Respondents in the two countries (Estonia and Slovenia) were randomly assigned to three distinct questionnaire versions based on the same source questionnaire, each consisting of translations by all three teams and including close and adaptive translations. We developed an analytical framework to assess the translation potential of the source items (i.e., all theoretically possible translations of a specific item) and the actual translation scores (i.e., the degree of closeness vs. adaptiveness of a specific translation). We show that some items are more sensitive to the wording (small linguistic changes result in a different response behavior) while others are more robust (the meaning of the concept is retained despite linguistic changes).","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"50 1","pages":"135 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73966219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-19DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1881870
Yinxuan Huang, Lei Wang
Abstract China’s rapid modernization has generated a vibrant online community over the past 20 years. While there is an established body of work on the impact of traditional media on political opinion in China, the patterns and political impact of media engagement among tens of millions of Chinese ‘netizens’ remain under-researched. Using data from the 2015 Chinese Netizens Attitudes Survey, this paper attempts to ameliorate this issue. The results of latent class analysis suggested that most Chinese netizens tend to be active followers of social media and to display low levels of interest in state media. We found that respondents in the online survey were overall much more critical of political institutions on different levels comparing to existing findings based on offline surveys. Those netizens who were strongly attached to social media appeared to be significantly less likely to advocate authoritarian, collectivist, and nationalistic values and to display much lower levels of political trust, whereas the opposite was true of those who were strongly attached to state media. These findings suggest that social media serves as an incubator for critical political reviews and liberal values in China’s online communities, challenging the influence of traditional state-sanctioned media.
{"title":"Political Values and Political Trust in the Digital Era: How Media Engagement Divides Chinese Netizens","authors":"Yinxuan Huang, Lei Wang","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1881870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1881870","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China’s rapid modernization has generated a vibrant online community over the past 20 years. While there is an established body of work on the impact of traditional media on political opinion in China, the patterns and political impact of media engagement among tens of millions of Chinese ‘netizens’ remain under-researched. Using data from the 2015 Chinese Netizens Attitudes Survey, this paper attempts to ameliorate this issue. The results of latent class analysis suggested that most Chinese netizens tend to be active followers of social media and to display low levels of interest in state media. We found that respondents in the online survey were overall much more critical of political institutions on different levels comparing to existing findings based on offline surveys. Those netizens who were strongly attached to social media appeared to be significantly less likely to advocate authoritarian, collectivist, and nationalistic values and to display much lower levels of political trust, whereas the opposite was true of those who were strongly attached to state media. These findings suggest that social media serves as an incubator for critical political reviews and liberal values in China’s online communities, challenging the influence of traditional state-sanctioned media.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"3 8 1","pages":"197 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86562545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-03DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1881871
J. Asomah
Abstract The private media are often seen as a part of the corrupt network, particularly in developing countries considered corrupt. Using Giddens’s theory of structuration and data from in-depth semi-structured interviews, this article addresses a key question: What motivates some Ghanaian private media to expose political corruption? I argue that human agency and structural conditions are important in understanding whether the private media tackle political corruption. Whether the private media choose to expose political corruption depends on democratic freedoms, journalistic professionalism, financial considerations, personal experience, and political interests among different agents, including media owners, journalists, politicians, and business owners. The findings indicate that unless media owners and journalists are determined to address political corruption, the enabling structural conditions for the performance of media watchdog functions are meaningless. This study suggests that agents and, for that matter, human beings are not machines programmed to act only in certain ways based on structural conditions in which they are embedded. This article makes significant contributions to the literature in the fields of media, corruption, political science, and sociology.
{"title":"What Motivates Some Ghanaian Private Media To Expose Political Corruption?","authors":"J. Asomah","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1881871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1881871","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The private media are often seen as a part of the corrupt network, particularly in developing countries considered corrupt. Using Giddens’s theory of structuration and data from in-depth semi-structured interviews, this article addresses a key question: What motivates some Ghanaian private media to expose political corruption? I argue that human agency and structural conditions are important in understanding whether the private media tackle political corruption. Whether the private media choose to expose political corruption depends on democratic freedoms, journalistic professionalism, financial considerations, personal experience, and political interests among different agents, including media owners, journalists, politicians, and business owners. The findings indicate that unless media owners and journalists are determined to address political corruption, the enabling structural conditions for the performance of media watchdog functions are meaningless. This study suggests that agents and, for that matter, human beings are not machines programmed to act only in certain ways based on structural conditions in which they are embedded. This article makes significant contributions to the literature in the fields of media, corruption, political science, and sociology.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":"14 1","pages":"433 - 450"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84969690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-29DOI: 10.20431/2349-0381.0801002
S. Ssali, A. Namaganda, R. Bisaso
Purpose: Universities have responded to sexual harassment by putting in place formalized reporting processes through which victims can seek redress. Despite these processes, victims seldom invoke the grievance handling mechanisms that are enshrined in university sexual harassment policies. This study therefore sought to investigate why the vice is grossly under reported. Given the asymmetrical relationship between students and faculty as well as the gendered position of female students, this study specifically focused on why female undergraduate students seldom reported faculty perpetrated sexual harassment. Methodology: The study was carried out at a large public university in East Africa, was purely qualitative and involved 42 participants who included students, members of faculty and university administrators. The data was analyzed thematically Findings: These indicated that institutional and social cultural barriers coupled with power asymmetries and financial inadequacy play a role in the non-reporting of sexual harassment amongst female university students. Unique contribution to policy and practice: These findings are beneficial to universities especially as they seek to revise their existing sexual harassment policies. University managers ought to ensure that complaint handlers are well positioned to fairly handle sexual harassment complaints. This may help victims to build trust in the grievance handling mechanisms thus encouraging them to report the vice
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