Pub Date : 2021-09-23DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1978172
Chinglen Laishram, Khaikholen Haokip
Abstract This study examined if India’s caste system, a form of social stratification that divides different social groups into ranked categories, moderates the relationship between social capital and life satisfaction. Using data extracted from the International Social Survey Programme’s module on Social Network and Social Resources (N = 909), we conducted Principal Component Analysis and identified two distinct components of social capital – formal and informal. Using Multiple Hierarchical Regression, we examined the relationship between social capital (formal and informal) and life satisfaction, and it was found to be significant. We also found that the relationship is different for different castes. Average life satisfaction was lowest among the middle castes (Other Backward Classes), and not the lower castes (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes). Formal social capital was found to positively contribute to life satisfaction across all the caste categories, but heavy informal social capital was observed to reduce life satisfaction among upper castes.
{"title":"Does Caste-based Social Stratification Moderate the Relationship Between Social Capital and Life Satisfaction? Evidence from India","authors":"Chinglen Laishram, Khaikholen Haokip","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1978172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1978172","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examined if India’s caste system, a form of social stratification that divides different social groups into ranked categories, moderates the relationship between social capital and life satisfaction. Using data extracted from the International Social Survey Programme’s module on Social Network and Social Resources (N = 909), we conducted Principal Component Analysis and identified two distinct components of social capital – formal and informal. Using Multiple Hierarchical Regression, we examined the relationship between social capital (formal and informal) and life satisfaction, and it was found to be significant. We also found that the relationship is different for different castes. Average life satisfaction was lowest among the middle castes (Other Backward Classes), and not the lower castes (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes). Formal social capital was found to positively contribute to life satisfaction across all the caste categories, but heavy informal social capital was observed to reduce life satisfaction among upper castes.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84634045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1978192
Ann-Sofie Grönlund, Malcolm Fairbrother
Abstract The study aims to explore whether gendered family roles in the country of origin and the country of destination explain labor market outcomes for immigrants in Sweden. We examine the assumptions of the source country culture literature—that traditional gender norms in immigrants’ source countries drive women’s employment in the new country—by focusing on gender differences and exploring group- and individual-level mechanisms, notably, that of care responsibilities. Using Swedish register data, comprising more than 660 000 individuals from 110 source countries, we analyze the labor market establishment of immigrant women and men in 2016 with multi-level regressions. Findings show that the gender gap in employment is significantly larger among groups from countries with low female labor force participation. Much of this gap is explained by women’s care responsibilities, both at arrival and through continued fertility after arrival. Thus, even in Sweden, with longstanding policies promoting female employment, immigrant women’s employment is conditioned by the gender-traditionality of their source countries. The findings question the gender-equalizing power of welfare state institutions in the face of increasing immigration. However, education crucially affects the implications of cultural background and fertility. In future research, these mechanisms—including the group-level correlations—should be further explored to better pinpoint the obstacles facing women from traditional countries.
{"title":"No escape from tradition? Source country culture and gendered employment patterns among immigrants in Sweden","authors":"Ann-Sofie Grönlund, Malcolm Fairbrother","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1978192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1978192","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study aims to explore whether gendered family roles in the country of origin and the country of destination explain labor market outcomes for immigrants in Sweden. We examine the assumptions of the source country culture literature—that traditional gender norms in immigrants’ source countries drive women’s employment in the new country—by focusing on gender differences and exploring group- and individual-level mechanisms, notably, that of care responsibilities. Using Swedish register data, comprising more than 660 000 individuals from 110 source countries, we analyze the labor market establishment of immigrant women and men in 2016 with multi-level regressions. Findings show that the gender gap in employment is significantly larger among groups from countries with low female labor force participation. Much of this gap is explained by women’s care responsibilities, both at arrival and through continued fertility after arrival. Thus, even in Sweden, with longstanding policies promoting female employment, immigrant women’s employment is conditioned by the gender-traditionality of their source countries. The findings question the gender-equalizing power of welfare state institutions in the face of increasing immigration. However, education crucially affects the implications of cultural background and fertility. In future research, these mechanisms—including the group-level correlations—should be further explored to better pinpoint the obstacles facing women from traditional countries.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90873039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine how camp management ensures the right to food for elderly refugees in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania. Materials and Methods: The study adopted a mixed method research design. The study target population was 4,080 elderly refugees aged sixty years and above and 21 senior camp managers. Stratified and purposive sampling techniques were used to obtain the sample for the study. Krejicie and Morgani (1970), was used to obtain a sample of 344 elderly respondents and purposive sampling to select 21 senior camp managers. The study used questionnaires and in-depth interview guide to collect primary data. The collected quantitative data was analyzed with the aid of SPSS using descriptive statistics such as mean, standard deviation, frequency and percentage. The qualitative data collected using interview guides was analyzed thematically using content analysis. The results were presented in tables, charts and bars. Results: The study found that most of the elderly refugees involved in the study had no idea what camp management entailed. The study also found that most of the elderly refugees aged 60 years and above in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp Kasulu District in Tanzania were not able to find all the food they would have liked. Further, the study found that satisfactorily nutritional status is paramount so as to meet the dietary needs of the elderly. The study also found that overcrowding in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania was hindering the ability of the camp management to provide the elderly with sufficient food to a very great extent. Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommended that there is need for the camp management in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania to create awareness amongst refugees themselves and humanitarian organizations, and risk assessment and interventions to improve access to an adequate and appropriate diet for the elderly refugees aged 60 years and above.
{"title":"CAMP MANAGEMENT AND THE RIGHT TO FOOD FOR ELDERLY REFUGEES: A CASE STUDY OF NYARUGUSU REFUGEE CAMP, KASULU DISTRICT IN TANZANIA","authors":"Deockary Massawe, P. Mbaro, Wilkister Milimu","doi":"10.47604/ijs.1358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/ijs.1358","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine how camp management ensures the right to food for elderly refugees in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania. \u0000Materials and Methods: The study adopted a mixed method research design. The study target population was 4,080 elderly refugees aged sixty years and above and 21 senior camp managers. Stratified and purposive sampling techniques were used to obtain the sample for the study. Krejicie and Morgani (1970), was used to obtain a sample of 344 elderly respondents and purposive sampling to select 21 senior camp managers. The study used questionnaires and in-depth interview guide to collect primary data. The collected quantitative data was analyzed with the aid of SPSS using descriptive statistics such as mean, standard deviation, frequency and percentage. The qualitative data collected using interview guides was analyzed thematically using content analysis. The results were presented in tables, charts and bars. \u0000Results: The study found that most of the elderly refugees involved in the study had no idea what camp management entailed. The study also found that most of the elderly refugees aged 60 years and above in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp Kasulu District in Tanzania were not able to find all the food they would have liked. Further, the study found that satisfactorily nutritional status is paramount so as to meet the dietary needs of the elderly. The study also found that overcrowding in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania was hindering the ability of the camp management to provide the elderly with sufficient food to a very great extent. \u0000Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommended that there is need for the camp management in Nyarugusu Refugee Camp, Kasulu District in Tanzania to create awareness amongst refugees themselves and humanitarian organizations, and risk assessment and interventions to improve access to an adequate and appropriate diet for the elderly refugees aged 60 years and above.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76344764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-04DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1946947
Joshua K. Dubrow
Abstract This special issue of the International Journal of Sociology explores political voice in Europe from qualitative and quantitative methods. Political voice is the expression of interests in the political sphere and refers to both participation and representation. The four papers of this special issue feature recent work from political sociologists at the Graduate School for Social Research, Polish Academy of Sciences and include case studies of the Czech Republic, Ukraine, and Russia, and a cross-national study of Europe. Taken together, these studies explore how voice operates in authoritarian and democratic regimes, and transitions between them.
{"title":"Guest Editor's Introduction: Political Voice in Europe","authors":"Joshua K. Dubrow","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1946947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1946947","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This special issue of the International Journal of Sociology explores political voice in Europe from qualitative and quantitative methods. Political voice is the expression of interests in the political sphere and refers to both participation and representation. The four papers of this special issue feature recent work from political sociologists at the Graduate School for Social Research, Polish Academy of Sciences and include case studies of the Czech Republic, Ukraine, and Russia, and a cross-national study of Europe. Taken together, these studies explore how voice operates in authoritarian and democratic regimes, and transitions between them.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79151093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-04DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1939945
O. Lavrinenko
Abstract To explain protest potential, the Structural Cognitive Model (SCM) suggests (i) a multi-level interaction between economic and political contexts (“structure”) and individual-level social psychological factors (“cognitive”) such that (ii) macro-level factors can amplify or dampen individual and group protest potential. This model has few cross-national tests because many of the cognitive concepts it suggests are not available in the major international survey projects. This paper explores the possibilities to test SCM with the European Values Study (33 countries, 2017–2018). I explain protest potential as a result of, at the macro level, economic inequality and the degree to which the Political Opportunity Structure is open or closed. Individual-level factors include economic structural disadvantage and being both politically interested and organizationally embedded. Cognitive factors include external political efficacy and internal social efficacy. I find that external political efficacy is sensitive to the political context and internal social efficacy is not. These results suggest that, to test SCM, the distinction between external political efficacy and internal social efficacy is essential because they have different relationships with the economic and political contexts. Overall, I find that the European Values Study can be used to explore SCM in cross-national perspective.
{"title":"Exploring Protest in Europe with a Multi-Level Cross-National Test of the Structural Cognitive Model","authors":"O. Lavrinenko","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1939945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1939945","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract To explain protest potential, the Structural Cognitive Model (SCM) suggests (i) a multi-level interaction between economic and political contexts (“structure”) and individual-level social psychological factors (“cognitive”) such that (ii) macro-level factors can amplify or dampen individual and group protest potential. This model has few cross-national tests because many of the cognitive concepts it suggests are not available in the major international survey projects. This paper explores the possibilities to test SCM with the European Values Study (33 countries, 2017–2018). I explain protest potential as a result of, at the macro level, economic inequality and the degree to which the Political Opportunity Structure is open or closed. Individual-level factors include economic structural disadvantage and being both politically interested and organizationally embedded. Cognitive factors include external political efficacy and internal social efficacy. I find that external political efficacy is sensitive to the political context and internal social efficacy is not. These results suggest that, to test SCM, the distinction between external political efficacy and internal social efficacy is essential because they have different relationships with the economic and political contexts. Overall, I find that the European Values Study can be used to explore SCM in cross-national perspective.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74786968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-02DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1925409
Mung Khie Tsen, Manli Gu, Chee Meng Tan, S. Goh
Abstract It is commonly agreed, flexible work arrangements (FWA) could bring many benefits to both employees and employers. With the increased prevalence of team-based work structures, collaborative jobs with limited independence may also limit the advantages of FWA. This research is designed to investigate the moderating effect of perceived work independence in the relationship between different flexible work arrangements (flex time, flex leave, and working from home) and turnover intention. Mixed-effect modeling analysis is done using data collected from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) Work Orientation 2015, which consists of 35 nationally representative samples with a total number of 16, 920 responses. The results show that perceived job independence significantly moderates the relationship between flexible work arrangements and turnover intention. Employees who perceived their jobs as highly independent have a lower turnover intention when flex time, flex leave or working from home were used, while interdependent employees who work from home and uses flex time may have greater intention to leave. The results conclude that providing FWA alone is not enough to retain talents in organizations. Employees will stay in the same organization when their jobs, simultaneously, are designed to allow some sole control over their work content.
{"title":"Effect of Flexible Work Arrangements on Turnover Intention: Does Job Independence Matter?","authors":"Mung Khie Tsen, Manli Gu, Chee Meng Tan, S. Goh","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1925409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1925409","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is commonly agreed, flexible work arrangements (FWA) could bring many benefits to both employees and employers. With the increased prevalence of team-based work structures, collaborative jobs with limited independence may also limit the advantages of FWA. This research is designed to investigate the moderating effect of perceived work independence in the relationship between different flexible work arrangements (flex time, flex leave, and working from home) and turnover intention. Mixed-effect modeling analysis is done using data collected from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) Work Orientation 2015, which consists of 35 nationally representative samples with a total number of 16, 920 responses. The results show that perceived job independence significantly moderates the relationship between flexible work arrangements and turnover intention. Employees who perceived their jobs as highly independent have a lower turnover intention when flex time, flex leave or working from home were used, while interdependent employees who work from home and uses flex time may have greater intention to leave. The results conclude that providing FWA alone is not enough to retain talents in organizations. Employees will stay in the same organization when their jobs, simultaneously, are designed to allow some sole control over their work content.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74108061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-26DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1939946
C. Mclean
Abstract This article examines the development of anti-transgender debates within the United Kingdom, which have gained traction due to proposed amendments to the country’s Gender Recognition Act (GRA). A group of determined lobby groups, taking their lead from like-minded organizations in the United States, has protested vigorously against the proposed changes to the GRA, especially with respect to “single-sex spaces”. As a result of this furor, the lives of transgender people have become the subject of open debate. Trans people now see their legitimacy questioned, and their ability to access services increasingly being placed under the microscope. This article argues that the literature on radicalization – developed in response to domestic terrorism – can explain these developments. UK lobby groups are successfully pushing a radical agenda to deny the basic rights of trans people, and are doing so under the cover of “free speech” – a sacrosanct element of life in Anglo-Saxon countries.
{"title":"The Growth of the Anti-Transgender Movement in the United Kingdom. The Silent Radicalization of the British Electorate","authors":"C. Mclean","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1939946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1939946","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the development of anti-transgender debates within the United Kingdom, which have gained traction due to proposed amendments to the country’s Gender Recognition Act (GRA). A group of determined lobby groups, taking their lead from like-minded organizations in the United States, has protested vigorously against the proposed changes to the GRA, especially with respect to “single-sex spaces”. As a result of this furor, the lives of transgender people have become the subject of open debate. Trans people now see their legitimacy questioned, and their ability to access services increasingly being placed under the microscope. This article argues that the literature on radicalization – developed in response to domestic terrorism – can explain these developments. UK lobby groups are successfully pushing a radical agenda to deny the basic rights of trans people, and are doing so under the cover of “free speech” – a sacrosanct element of life in Anglo-Saxon countries.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85578493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-18DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1937778
Riccardo Ladini, Ferruccio Biolcati, F. Molteni, A. Pedrazzani, C. Vezzoni
Abstract When analyzing the relationship between individual religiosity and attitudes toward immigration, empirical research often leads to contrasting findings. By focusing on contemporary Italy, our contribution aims to provide evidence of two opposite effects that religiosity can exert on attitudes toward immigration. On the one hand, belonging to a religious community is expected to reinforce a social identity, leading to negative attitudes toward outgroups. On the other hand, religious commitment implies adhering to religious teachings which promote altruistic values, such as the acceptance of others. Since the two hypotheses pertain to different dimensions of religiosity, we propose to use a typology combining affiliation and church attendance, so that the two hypotheses can be tested as complementary. The first evidence we provide to support the hypotheses analyzes parallel survey data coming from the European Social Survey (ESS), the European Values Study (EVS), and the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). In particular, we point out that non-religious and highly religious people show more positive attitudes toward immigration than affiliated individuals with low religious commitment. Moreover, data from the 2018 ISSP module “Religion IV”, which includes more specific measures of religious identity and commitment, lend further support to our expectations.
{"title":"The multifaceted relationship between individual religiosity and attitudes toward immigration in contemporary Italy","authors":"Riccardo Ladini, Ferruccio Biolcati, F. Molteni, A. Pedrazzani, C. Vezzoni","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1937778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1937778","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When analyzing the relationship between individual religiosity and attitudes toward immigration, empirical research often leads to contrasting findings. By focusing on contemporary Italy, our contribution aims to provide evidence of two opposite effects that religiosity can exert on attitudes toward immigration. On the one hand, belonging to a religious community is expected to reinforce a social identity, leading to negative attitudes toward outgroups. On the other hand, religious commitment implies adhering to religious teachings which promote altruistic values, such as the acceptance of others. Since the two hypotheses pertain to different dimensions of religiosity, we propose to use a typology combining affiliation and church attendance, so that the two hypotheses can be tested as complementary. The first evidence we provide to support the hypotheses analyzes parallel survey data coming from the European Social Survey (ESS), the European Values Study (EVS), and the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). In particular, we point out that non-religious and highly religious people show more positive attitudes toward immigration than affiliated individuals with low religious commitment. Moreover, data from the 2018 ISSP module “Religion IV”, which includes more specific measures of religious identity and commitment, lend further support to our expectations.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90072525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882
O. Li
Abstract Under conditions of electoral authoritarianism, in what ways do individuals’ dissatisfaction with democracy influence their probability of political action? In the early 2000s, President Vladimir Putin consolidated his power and Russia descended into electoral authoritarianism. In this closed political opportunity structure, through which the government worked to silence political opposition and the global financial crisis caused an economic decline, the conditions for political and economic grievances to arise were plentiful. At the same time, political action by ordinary citizens was possible, though not prevalent. To examine the association between political and economic grievances and ordinary Russians’ political action, I use the five available waves of the European Social Survey 2006 to 2016. Results suggest that political grievance was a driving force of political action in Russia. Dissatisfaction with democracy in Russia motivates non-electoral participation (NEP) but alienates citizens from voting. Models with the interaction between political grievances and the conditions of economic grievance were insightful: when economically advantaged citizens are satisfied with the current regime, they tend to support it through the ballot box. The disconnect between NEP and voting with regard to political grievance suggests the need to better understand how ordinary Russians define and appreciate democracy.
在选举威权主义条件下，个人对民主的不满如何影响其政治行动的概率?21世纪初，弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)总统巩固了自己的权力，俄罗斯陷入了选举威权主义。在这种封闭的政治机会结构中，政府努力压制政治反对派，全球金融危机导致经济衰退，政治和经济不满情绪的出现条件很多。与此同时，普通公民的政治行动是可能的，尽管并不普遍。为了研究政治和经济不满与普通俄罗斯人政治行动之间的关系，我使用了2006年至2016年欧洲社会调查(European Social Survey)的五波可用数据。结果表明，政治不满是俄罗斯政治行动的推动力。对俄罗斯民主的不满激发了非选举参与(NEP)，但疏远了公民投票。政治不满和经济不满之间相互作用的模型很有见地:当经济上有优势的公民对当前政权感到满意时，他们倾向于通过投票箱来支持它。新经济政策和投票在政治不满方面的脱节表明，有必要更好地理解普通俄罗斯人如何定义和欣赏民主。
{"title":"Grievances and political action in Russia during Putin’s rise to power","authors":"O. Li","doi":"10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2021.1930882","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Under conditions of electoral authoritarianism, in what ways do individuals’ dissatisfaction with democracy influence their probability of political action? In the early 2000s, President Vladimir Putin consolidated his power and Russia descended into electoral authoritarianism. In this closed political opportunity structure, through which the government worked to silence political opposition and the global financial crisis caused an economic decline, the conditions for political and economic grievances to arise were plentiful. At the same time, political action by ordinary citizens was possible, though not prevalent. To examine the association between political and economic grievances and ordinary Russians’ political action, I use the five available waves of the European Social Survey 2006 to 2016. Results suggest that political grievance was a driving force of political action in Russia. Dissatisfaction with democracy in Russia motivates non-electoral participation (NEP) but alienates citizens from voting. Models with the interaction between political grievances and the conditions of economic grievance were insightful: when economically advantaged citizens are satisfied with the current regime, they tend to support it through the ballot box. The disconnect between NEP and voting with regard to political grievance suggests the need to better understand how ordinary Russians define and appreciate democracy.","PeriodicalId":45362,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89205392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-28DOI: 10.1080/00207659.2021.1919448
Inna Bell
Abstract After 1989, civic activity across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) began to thrive in numerous organizations, some of which were created during the Communist era. Whereas many civil society organizations (CSOs) do not carry the legacy of the Communist past, we know little about how CSOs that were created during Communism survive after 1989: Is their historical legacy a burden to carry and a detriment to their survival? Or can they use that legacy to survive the new tumultuous civic environment? This qualitative case study of three youth and environmental organizations with a Communist past – Pioneer, Brontosaurus, and The Czech Union of Nature Protectors (CUNP) – builds on a synthesis of new institutionalism and regime change theories to investigate how, from 1989 to 2019, CSOs balance the old legacies, such as dealing with Communist history, their continuing dependence on the state, and the radical change in political discourse on voluntarism and CSOs. Case studies reveal that, in adapting to the times, the CSOs did retain some elements of their Communist past but had to obscure other elements of their history from the new actors who regard that legacy unfavorably. Whereas foreign actors do help shape CSO agendas, the state remains the central actor in shaping the post-1989 institutional environment.
1989年后，中欧和东欧(CEE)的公民活动开始在众多组织中蓬勃发展，其中一些组织是在共产主义时代创建的。尽管许多公民社会组织(cso)没有继承共产主义过去的遗产，但我们对在共产主义时期创建的公民社会组织如何在1989年之后存活下来知之甚少:它们的历史遗产是否成为一种负担，是否不利于它们的生存?或者他们能利用这些遗产在新的动荡的城市环境中生存下来吗?本文对三个具有共产主义历史的青年和环境组织——先锋、雷龙和捷克自然保护联盟(The Czech Union of Nature Protectors)——进行定性案例研究，以新制度主义和政权更迭理论为基础，研究1989年至2019年，公民社会组织如何平衡旧遗产，如处理共产主义历史、他们对国家的持续依赖，以及关于自愿主义和公民社会组织的政治话语的根本变化。案例研究表明，在适应时代的过程中，民间社会组织确实保留了其共产主义过去的一些元素，但不得不掩盖其历史中的其他元素，使其不受新参与者的欢迎。尽管外国角色确实帮助塑造了公民社会组织的议程，但在塑造1989年后的制度环境方面，国家仍然是核心角色。
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