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Response from the Author 提交人的答复
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a913823
Eli Friedman
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引用次数: 0
The Political and Economic Logic of the Population Management Regime in China 中国人口管理制度的政治经济逻辑
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a913613
Elaine Sio-ieng Hui
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引用次数: 0
Twitter Diplomacy and China's Strategic Narrative during the Early COVID-19 Crisis 推特外交与中国在 COVID-19 危机初期的战略叙事
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912750
Weiqing Song, Yinyan Ruan, Sibei Sun
Abstract:This article examines Chinese diplomats' use of Twitter during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Although Twitter is blocked in China, Chinese officials use the platform to experiment with new public diplomacy channels and directly communicate with foreign audiences. We argue that China's utilization of Twitter in 2020 functioned as a crisis management and public relations tool and as a mechanism for disseminating a strategic narrative (SN) that articulated foreign policy priorities. To illustrate this, we apply a qualitative content analysis to a selection of tweets from two China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) spokespersons and divided into three stages. In each stage, distinct narrative themes emerge and construct a cohesive SN across three dimensions: issues, role identity, and the international system. This study reveals that China's public diplomacy apparatus effectively reaches global audiences with well-structured narratives but also that this effectiveness remains very limited.
摘要:本文研究了中国外交官在 2020 年 COVID-19 大流行期间使用推特的情况。虽然推特在中国被封锁,但中国官员利用这一平台尝试新的公共外交渠道,并直接与外国受众沟通。我们认为,中国在 2020 年对 Twitter 的使用既是危机管理和公共关系工具,也是传播阐述外交政策优先事项的战略叙事(SN)的机制。为了说明这一点,我们对中国外交部(MFA)两位发言人的部分推文进行了定性内容分析,并将其分为三个阶段。在每个阶段,都会出现不同的叙事主题,并在问题、角色认同和国际体系三个维度上构建出一个具有凝聚力的 SN。本研究揭示了中国的公共外交机制通过结构合理的叙事有效地接触到全球受众,但这种有效性仍然非常有限。
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引用次数: 0
Industrialization in an Age of China Rising: A Tale of Two Chinese Automobile Companies in Malaysia 中国崛起时代的工业化:马来西亚两家中国汽车公司的故事
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912748
Miao Zhang, Guanie Lim
Abstract:This article aims to contribute to the exploration of the ways through which Malaysia—the fourth largest economy in Southeast Asia—has engaged Chinese investment to pursue industrialization. It does so by comparing and contrasting the different approaches by which two of the most important Chinese-financed automobile projects, Chery Automobile's assembly operations in 2008 and Zhejiang Geely's partial acquisition of local producer Proton in 2017, have been embedded into the Malaysian political economy. While Chery Automobile ended up with a conundrum of extremely low local sales, Zhejiang Geely has fostered mutually beneficial partnerships with Proton and its cohort of suppliers that are shaped by the industry's ethnopolitical directives. More recently, Zhejiang Geely has exported an increasingly larger proportion of vehicles from its Malaysian operations. The contrasting fate of these projects illustrates that while they are driven by Chinese money and technological know-how, they are not necessarily Chinese-dominated. It is domestic politics—the establishment of a functional politico-commercial coalition in particular—that matters in shaping the outcome and impact of Chinese investment in Malaysia. More importantly, the paper highlights how foreign direct investment and the supposed (positive and negative) externalities are intimately tied to local factors such as political institutions and ethnocentric directives.
摘要:本文旨在探讨马来西亚--东南亚第四大经济体--吸引中国投资以实现工业化的途径。本文通过比较和对比两个最重要的中资汽车项目--2008 年奇瑞汽车的组装业务和 2017 年浙江吉利对当地生产商宝腾的部分收购--融入马来西亚政治经济的不同方式来实现这一目的。奇瑞汽车最终陷入了当地销量极低的困境,而浙江吉利则与宝腾及其供应商群建立了互惠互利的合作关系,这种合作关系是由行业的民族政治指令所决定的。最近,浙江吉利在马来西亚的汽车出口比例越来越大。这些项目截然不同的命运表明,虽然它们是由中国的资金和技术诀窍推动的,但并不一定是中国主导的。影响中国在马来西亚投资的结果和影响的关键在于国内政治--尤其是建立一个有效的政治-商业联盟。更重要的是,本文强调了外国直接投资和假定的(积极和消极)外部效应如何与政治体制和种族中心主义指令等当地因素紧密联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Stay Useful, Stay Relevant: Singapore's Institutional Diplomacy toward China's Belt and Road Initiative 保持有用,保持相关:新加坡对中国 "一带一路 "倡议的制度外交
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912745
Xianbai Ji
Abstract:Since China unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, few Southeast Asian countries have responded as potently as Singapore. Singapore's distinctive approach toward China is marked by carving out institutional niches within the broad blueprint of the BRI. This strategy is largely in line with the city-state's longstanding foreign policy tradition of making itself useful and relevant from the perspective of major powers. After elaborating on the historical evolution of Sino-Singaporean economic cooperation, I focus on three prominent manifestations of Singapore's institutional diplomacy toward the BRI and Chinese capital more generally, i.e., the establishment of "Infrastructure Asia", forging institutionalized legal partnership deputed to resolve disputes arising from BRI projects, and building a structured management approach to advance connectivity projects in Chongqing. Since Singapore opts for a soft and forward engagement strategy, the BRI has not caused organized local opposition.
摘要:自 2013 年中国提出 "一带一路 "倡议以来,很少有东南亚国家像新加坡这样积极响应。新加坡与众不同的对华策略是在 "一带一路 "倡议的宏伟蓝图中开辟制度空间。这一战略在很大程度上符合新加坡长期以来的外交政策传统,即从大国的角度出发,让自己变得有用和相关。在阐述了中新经济合作的历史演变之后,笔者将重点放在新加坡对金砖倡议和中国资本的制度外交的三个突出表现上,即建立 "亚洲基础设施"(Infrastructure Asia)、建立制度化的法律伙伴关系以解决金砖倡议项目中出现的争端,以及建立结构化的管理方法以推进重庆的互联互通项目。由于新加坡选择软性和前瞻性的参与战略,金砖倡议并未引起当地有组织的反对。
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引用次数: 0
How Chinese Capital Exacerbates Structural Violence: Externalization, Extraction, and Reaffirmation against Ethnic Minorities in the Global South 中国资本如何加剧结构性暴力?针对全球南部少数民族的外部化、榨取和重申
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912749
A. Camba, Stefanie Kam
Abstract:How does Chinese capital exacerbate structural violence against ethnic minorities in host countries? While a growing number of works examine the effects of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and non-BRI Chinese projects, these works focus on economic effects, political impacts, or negative socioenvironmental ramifications on communities. However, there has yet to be work on the specific relationship between Chinese capital and ethnic relations in the host country. In the form of major BRI and non-BRI projects, we suggest that Chinese capital acts as an external stimulus that gives ethnic coalitions, which often comprise host country elites who represent the majority ethnic groups, the power to design and finance large-scale ventures. We argue that three mechanisms, particularly externalization, extraction, and reaffirmation, exacerbate structural violence against ethnic minorities. Through field research, analysis of government documents, and literature review, the cases of the Philippines, Pakistan, and Myanmar illustrate our argument. The shadow case of Xinjiang strengthens our argument as well.
摘要:中国资本如何加剧东道国针对少数民族的结构性暴力?越来越多的著作研究了 "一带一路 "倡议(BRI)和非 "一带一路 "倡议的中国项目的影响,这些著作主要关注经济影响、政治影响或对社区造成的负面社会环境影响。然而,还没有关于中国资本与东道国民族关系之间具体关系的研究。我们认为,在重大的金砖四国和非金砖四国项目中,中国资本作为一种外部刺激,赋予了民族联盟(通常由代表多数民族的东道国精英组成)设计和资助大型项目的权力。我们认为,外部化、榨取和重申这三种机制加剧了针对少数民族的结构性暴力。通过实地调查、政府文件分析和文献综述,菲律宾、巴基斯坦和缅甸的案例说明了我们的论点。新疆的影子案例也加强了我们的论点。
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引用次数: 0
Book Symposium on Eli Friedman 伊莱-弗里德曼新书研讨会
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912752
Jamie Doucette, Elaine Sio-ieng Hui, Eli Friedman
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Social Reproduction and the Vicissitudes of 'Surplus Population' 社会生育政治与 "过剩人口 "的变迁
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a913612
Jamie Doucette
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引用次数: 0
China's Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar: Governance and State-Society Implications 中国在缅甸的 "一带一路 "倡议:治理与国家-社会影响
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912747
Angela Tritto, Roger Lee Huang
Abstract:Sino-Myanmar relations entail a complex and deep-rooted web of connections linking state and non-state actors with state and private capital. Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in 2019, this article argues that Chinese investments in Myanmar have exacerbated the precarious state-societal relations. Our argument is based on three interconnected reasons: the lack of engagement and corporate social responsibility in Chinese projects, China's engagement with Myanmar's Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and the large presence of Chinese capital in the country's informal and often illicit economy. Such dynamics have increased the anti-China sentiment and heightened frictions in an already fragmented political and economic situation. As a result, contrary to China's "win-win" claims, Belt and Road Inititative projects have not contributed to equitable socioeconomic developments but have exacerbated state-society tensions. We conclude by considering the implications of the 2021 coup d'état, its impact on Sino-Myanmar relations, and the prospects for BRI implementation.
摘要:中缅关系是一张复杂而根深蒂固的关系网,将国家和非国家行为体与国家和私人资本联系在一起。本文基于 2019 年开展的定性实地调查,认为中国在缅甸的投资加剧了岌岌可危的国家-社会关系。我们的论点基于三个相互关联的原因:中国项目缺乏参与性和企业社会责任;中国与缅甸少数民族武装组织(EAOs)的接触;以及中国资本在缅甸非正规且往往是非法经济中的大量存在。这些动态因素加剧了缅甸的反华情绪,并加剧了本已四分五裂的政治和经济局势中的摩擦。因此,与中国的 "双赢 "主张相反,"一带一路 "倡议项目不仅没有促进公平的社会经济发展,反而加剧了国家与社会之间的紧张关系。最后,我们将探讨 2021 年政变的意义、其对中缅关系的影响以及 "一带一路 "倡议的实施前景。
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引用次数: 0
Special Session Introduction China's Rise in Asia: China-Host Country Interactions and Transformations 特别会议介绍 中国在亚洲的崛起:中国与东道国的互动与变革
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/apr.2023.a912744
A. Camba, Guanie Lim, Victoria Chonn Ching
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引用次数: 0
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