Abstract:Beginning in the late 1970s in China, Deng Xiaoping shifted the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) line from revolution to reform, confining economic reform within the principles of socialism and communist party rule, with the political logic for party rule meant to prevail over the economic logic for economic development. However, as the reform proceeded, the CCP was led to concede to the economic logic. Even though the CCP set the building of a socialist market economy (SME) as the goal of economic reform, the actual reform path traversed not only marketization but also more importantly privatization. Throughout the shareholding reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), conversion of state-owned commercial banks (SOCBs) into stock companies, and the mixed ownership reform (MORs) of SOEs, the CCP had to accept the expansion of privatization for reasons of economic performance, despite the subsequent increase in ideological and political difficulties such would entail for regime identity and party rule, thus generating a political dilemma for the CCP.
{"title":"A Dilemma of Success: The Reform Path of State-Owned Enterprises in China","authors":"Hochul Lee","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Beginning in the late 1970s in China, Deng Xiaoping shifted the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) line from revolution to reform, confining economic reform within the principles of socialism and communist party rule, with the political logic for party rule meant to prevail over the economic logic for economic development. However, as the reform proceeded, the CCP was led to concede to the economic logic. Even though the CCP set the building of a socialist market economy (SME) as the goal of economic reform, the actual reform path traversed not only marketization but also more importantly privatization. Throughout the shareholding reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), conversion of state-owned commercial banks (SOCBs) into stock companies, and the mixed ownership reform (MORs) of SOEs, the CCP had to accept the expansion of privatization for reasons of economic performance, despite the subsequent increase in ideological and political difficulties such would entail for regime identity and party rule, thus generating a political dilemma for the CCP.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"451 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49662089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article considers how a very popular South Korean TV drama, Crash Landing on You, both interprets and produces Korean identity through its imagining of the 'national'. We draw on constructivist literature that explores the biographical parameters of national identity narratives and their significance in global politics to examine changing representations of North Korea on South Korean screens. We analyze Crash Landing as a set of representations that mirror South Korea's construction of Korean national identit(ies), with real-world, sociopolitical consequences. We argue that nostalgic depictions of North Korea on screen situate it as the receptacle of a Korean past characterized by ruralness and intimate community life. In contrast, capitalist (post-)modernity is South Korea's inescapable present, signifying its material victory over the North by virtue of its developmental successes. Finally, reunification is the future-oriented project that unites the divided biographical trajectories of both Koreas but remains materially elusive.
{"title":"K-drama Narrates the National: Korean Identities in Crash Landing on You","authors":"S. Son, Juliette Schwak","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article considers how a very popular South Korean TV drama, Crash Landing on You, both interprets and produces Korean identity through its imagining of the 'national'. We draw on constructivist literature that explores the biographical parameters of national identity narratives and their significance in global politics to examine changing representations of North Korea on South Korean screens. We analyze Crash Landing as a set of representations that mirror South Korea's construction of Korean national identit(ies), with real-world, sociopolitical consequences. We argue that nostalgic depictions of North Korea on screen situate it as the receptacle of a Korean past characterized by ruralness and intimate community life. In contrast, capitalist (post-)modernity is South Korea's inescapable present, signifying its material victory over the North by virtue of its developmental successes. Finally, reunification is the future-oriented project that unites the divided biographical trajectories of both Koreas but remains materially elusive.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"501 - 521"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45951705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gørild Heggelund, K. Rosendal, S. Andresen, E. H. Steindal, Yan Lin, Shuxiao Wang, Haibin Zhang
Abstract:China has undertaken a major shift in its position on mercury as an environmental problem over the last decade and a half. It ratified the Minamata Convention (MC) in 2016 and by doing so has committed to implement the treaty objectives. This article asks: How do we explain China's will and ability to implement its MC obligations? There is little systematic knowledge about the main factors underlying implementation of international mercury objectives in China, hence this article contributes new research on this important topic. We examine the implementation process, focusing on the coal sector and differentiate between indirect effects from other policies and direct efforts to implement obligations. We find that China has moved toward stricter regulation of mercury emissions and direct implementation of the Minamata Convention in the coal sector. However, our study shows that local implementation capacity needs improvement.
{"title":"Implementing the Minamata Convention on Mercury: Will China Deliver?","authors":"Gørild Heggelund, K. Rosendal, S. Andresen, E. H. Steindal, Yan Lin, Shuxiao Wang, Haibin Zhang","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:China has undertaken a major shift in its position on mercury as an environmental problem over the last decade and a half. It ratified the Minamata Convention (MC) in 2016 and by doing so has committed to implement the treaty objectives. This article asks: How do we explain China's will and ability to implement its MC obligations? There is little systematic knowledge about the main factors underlying implementation of international mercury objectives in China, hence this article contributes new research on this important topic. We examine the implementation process, focusing on the coal sector and differentiate between indirect effects from other policies and direct efforts to implement obligations. We find that China has moved toward stricter regulation of mercury emissions and direct implementation of the Minamata Convention in the coal sector. However, our study shows that local implementation capacity needs improvement.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"279 - 310"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45150321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines governments' responses to food crises and famines in the nondemocratic world. After the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union, many of the remaining communist countries encountered an unprecedented level of food shortage and economic hardship, which, in turn, expedited or led to regime collapse. However, Cuba and North Korea are striking cases that have managed to survive the extreme situations from the 1990s onward. In this comparative-historical research, I argue that although the two countries implemented different coping strategies in light of domestic food distribution and international aid inducement, similar outcomes are observed in terms of regime survival. Despite the varied strategies, the state-mandated food politics were commonly mobilized through public rationing in these countries during the Cold War. This pre-crisis statecraft effectively disempowered the people, leaving them with a strong dependency on the state food systems and a weak voice of complaint against their governments.
{"title":"Famine and Regime Response in Post-Cold War Communist States: Political Commitment, Food Distribution, and International Aid in Cuba and North Korea","authors":"Jisun Yi","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines governments' responses to food crises and famines in the nondemocratic world. After the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union, many of the remaining communist countries encountered an unprecedented level of food shortage and economic hardship, which, in turn, expedited or led to regime collapse. However, Cuba and North Korea are striking cases that have managed to survive the extreme situations from the 1990s onward. In this comparative-historical research, I argue that although the two countries implemented different coping strategies in light of domestic food distribution and international aid inducement, similar outcomes are observed in terms of regime survival. Despite the varied strategies, the state-mandated food politics were commonly mobilized through public rationing in these countries during the Cold War. This pre-crisis statecraft effectively disempowered the people, leaving them with a strong dependency on the state food systems and a weak voice of complaint against their governments.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"225 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46265820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Although South Korea has elected every president under the same democratic constitution since 1987, it has an ongoing puzzle: why do some presidents personalize their regimes (or at least made an effort to do so) while others remain democratic? To explain this puzzle, this study introduces a novel concept, a "lemon presidency." This is where a democratically elected president engenders a personalized regime that is backed by prejudiced judicial authorities such as courts and prosecutors' offices. South Korea experienced two lemon presidencies under Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye. South Koreans viewed Lee and Park as true representatives of democracy during the 2007 and 2012 presidential elections; however, they turned out to possess an unrealistic sense of superiority and became semi-democratic rulers. They personalized political powers by exploiting their appointment and removal powers. Based on case studies and survey results, this study provides evidence for Lee's and Park's lemon presidencies. The overall analysis of this study envisions another lemon presidency in South Korea's future if voters choose to vote for a grandiose leader.
{"title":"Democracy and South Korea's Lemon Presidency","authors":"Seung-Whan Choi","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Although South Korea has elected every president under the same democratic constitution since 1987, it has an ongoing puzzle: why do some presidents personalize their regimes (or at least made an effort to do so) while others remain democratic? To explain this puzzle, this study introduces a novel concept, a \"lemon presidency.\" This is where a democratically elected president engenders a personalized regime that is backed by prejudiced judicial authorities such as courts and prosecutors' offices. South Korea experienced two lemon presidencies under Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye. South Koreans viewed Lee and Park as true representatives of democracy during the 2007 and 2012 presidential elections; however, they turned out to possess an unrealistic sense of superiority and became semi-democratic rulers. They personalized political powers by exploiting their appointment and removal powers. Based on case studies and survey results, this study provides evidence for Lee's and Park's lemon presidencies. The overall analysis of this study envisions another lemon presidency in South Korea's future if voters choose to vote for a grandiose leader.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"311 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49624548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Scholars have found that election interference by a foreign power can increase political partisanship in a targeted state and can be an effective tool for throwing weight behind a candidate. We know less about how domestic political actors respond to election interference and how this affects the intervener's strategies over time. Since Taiwan held its first direct presidential election in 1996, China has used numerous tactics to influence Taiwan's elections. Taiwan's political parties have adapted to China's interference, with targeted candidates campaigning on election interference, and non-targeted candidates seeking to play a mediating role with Beijing. In response, China's tactics have shifted: the broad threats of earlier elections have been replaced with narrowly targeted efforts to mobilize Beijing-friendly segments of Taiwan's population.
{"title":"Strategic Responses to Chinese Election Interference in Taiwan's Presidential Elections","authors":"K. Wilson","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Scholars have found that election interference by a foreign power can increase political partisanship in a targeted state and can be an effective tool for throwing weight behind a candidate. We know less about how domestic political actors respond to election interference and how this affects the intervener's strategies over time. Since Taiwan held its first direct presidential election in 1996, China has used numerous tactics to influence Taiwan's elections. Taiwan's political parties have adapted to China's interference, with targeted candidates campaigning on election interference, and non-targeted candidates seeking to play a mediating role with Beijing. In response, China's tactics have shifted: the broad threats of earlier elections have been replaced with narrowly targeted efforts to mobilize Beijing-friendly segments of Taiwan's population.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"255 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49569960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:With its nuclear provocations and missile launches, North Korea has been viewed as a major impediment to building a cooperative security order in East Asia. What is puzzling, however, is that it is North Korea that has sparked a range of regional initiatives from South Korean governments. What is the role of North Korea in South Korea's search for a new regional order in East Asia? Does the nature of inter-Korean relations affect the types of regionalism sought by South Korean governments? To address these questions, I examine the scope and priorities of the regional initiatives led by the four South Korean presidents in the past two decades. I argue that the nature of inter-Korean relations and the foreign policy orientation of South Korean leaders in power explain the different types of regionalism pursued by South Korean governments.
{"title":"Envisioning Regional Order: Inter-Korean Relations and Varieties of Regionalism in South Korea","authors":"I. Cho","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:With its nuclear provocations and missile launches, North Korea has been viewed as a major impediment to building a cooperative security order in East Asia. What is puzzling, however, is that it is North Korea that has sparked a range of regional initiatives from South Korean governments. What is the role of North Korea in South Korea's search for a new regional order in East Asia? Does the nature of inter-Korean relations affect the types of regionalism sought by South Korean governments? To address these questions, I examine the scope and priorities of the regional initiatives led by the four South Korean presidents in the past two decades. I argue that the nature of inter-Korean relations and the foreign policy orientation of South Korean leaders in power explain the different types of regionalism pursued by South Korean governments.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"24 9","pages":"343 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41261972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Since the traditional central planning system virtually collapsed in the 1990s, growth of marketization has become the most prominent feature of the North Korean economy. In this article, we evaluate the development of de facto and de jure marketization of the 2000s in three dimensions of price liberalization, privatization, and financial system development. Accordingly, we construct a marketization index using the survey results of North Korean refugees and expert evaluations of the North Korean economy. The marketization level generally increased over the years despite the unfavorable foreign and domestic environments such as international sanctions and the anti-market polices of the mid-2000s. Among the three evaluation categories, price liberalization has advanced the most, whereas financial system development has developed the least. In particular, de facto privatization has rapidly expanded since Kim Jong Un came into power. However, from the economic reform perspective, the overall institutionalization level of the informal economy in North Korea still remains low compared to those of former socialist economies.
{"title":"Measuring North Korean Marketization: An Index Approach","authors":"S. Jung, Moon-soo Yang, Byung-Yeon Kim","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Since the traditional central planning system virtually collapsed in the 1990s, growth of marketization has become the most prominent feature of the North Korean economy. In this article, we evaluate the development of de facto and de jure marketization of the 2000s in three dimensions of price liberalization, privatization, and financial system development. Accordingly, we construct a marketization index using the survey results of North Korean refugees and expert evaluations of the North Korean economy. The marketization level generally increased over the years despite the unfavorable foreign and domestic environments such as international sanctions and the anti-market polices of the mid-2000s. Among the three evaluation categories, price liberalization has advanced the most, whereas financial system development has developed the least. In particular, de facto privatization has rapidly expanded since Kim Jong Un came into power. However, from the economic reform perspective, the overall institutionalization level of the informal economy in North Korea still remains low compared to those of former socialist economies.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"195 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44471333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Factors for geopolitical conflict and power balance still exist potently in intra-regional politics in Northeast Asia. The role of a third country that could increase the possibility of creating an international regime as an institution is important. In the past, Mongolia did not receive a lot of attention in intra-regional or regional political affairs, as its military and economy were weak compared to other countries in the region. However, despite being a landlocked country surrounded by both China and Russia, Mongolia has used its geographical position strategically as a neutral state that can contribute positively to regional cooperation in Northeast Asia and proactively has proposed a constructive role and function for itself. As Mongolia aligns itself to the national interests of its regional neighbors and creates possibilities for regional cooperation, it is seeking a new role in Northeast Asia.
{"title":"The Role of Mongolia in Multilateral Security Cooperation in Twenty-First Century Northeast Asia: Relevance of the 'Ulaanbaatar Dialogue (UBD)' Initiative","authors":"Jaehyuk Jang, Kisung Kim","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Factors for geopolitical conflict and power balance still exist potently in intra-regional politics in Northeast Asia. The role of a third country that could increase the possibility of creating an international regime as an institution is important. In the past, Mongolia did not receive a lot of attention in intra-regional or regional political affairs, as its military and economy were weak compared to other countries in the region. However, despite being a landlocked country surrounded by both China and Russia, Mongolia has used its geographical position strategically as a neutral state that can contribute positively to regional cooperation in Northeast Asia and proactively has proposed a constructive role and function for itself. As Mongolia aligns itself to the national interests of its regional neighbors and creates possibilities for regional cooperation, it is seeking a new role in Northeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"377 - 400"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44680105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines the evolution of China-ASEAN environmental and energy cooperation since the 2010s with a focus on changes following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It shows that over the past decade China and ASEAN have actively expanded cooperative frameworks and mechanisms in the domain of environmental protection as part of their comprehensive approach to sustainable development, particularly regarding energy projects. Nonetheless, the implementation record in their energy cooperation, that is, the lion’s share of BRI projects in Southeast Asia, remains unsustainable and contradicts with their shared “green” policy discourse. The article examines factors from both sides of China and ASEAN that contribute to this disconnect and explains why China’s own accomplishments in renewable energy development fail to spill over to Southeast Asia. These findings have implications for China’s impact on global governance and its leadership role in the Global South.
{"title":"Talking Green, Building Brown: China-ASEAN Environmental and Energy Cooperation in the BRI Era","authors":"Jessica C. Liao","doi":"10.1353/apr.2022.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the evolution of China-ASEAN environmental and energy cooperation since the 2010s with a focus on changes following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It shows that over the past decade China and ASEAN have actively expanded cooperative frameworks and mechanisms in the domain of environmental protection as part of their comprehensive approach to sustainable development, particularly regarding energy projects. Nonetheless, the implementation record in their energy cooperation, that is, the lion’s share of BRI projects in Southeast Asia, remains unsustainable and contradicts with their shared “green” policy discourse. The article examines factors from both sides of China and ASEAN that contribute to this disconnect and explains why China’s own accomplishments in renewable energy development fail to spill over to Southeast Asia. These findings have implications for China’s impact on global governance and its leadership role in the Global South.","PeriodicalId":45424,"journal":{"name":"Asian Perspective","volume":"46 1","pages":"21 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47764403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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