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Socio-legal instabilities in Ukraine’s wartime Compensation Law for damaged and destroyed residential property 乌克兰战时受损和被毁住宅财产赔偿法的社会法律不稳定性
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/s174455232400020x
Jon Unruh

Laws seeking to resolve war-related problems face a significant dilemma. While the legal establishment in a war-affected country drafts laws based on normative approaches suited to peacetime and stable settings, the civilian population pursues crises livelihoods that are markedly unsuited to compliance with or use of such laws. What emerges are socio-legal instabilities that aggravate instead of resolve wartime problems. With a socio-legal examination of Ukraine’s wartime housing Compensation Law, this article describes six sets of instabilities that compromise the utility of the law and aggravate or create additional problems: (1) the case-by-case approach, (2) administrative and institutional capacities, (3) legal vs. available evidence, (4) the timeframe for claims submission and awareness raising, (5) excluded segments of civil society and (6) prohibitions on selling properties. Approaches from international best practice that may be able to attend to these instabilities are then suggested.

试图解决战争相关问题的法律面临着一个重大的两难问题。当受战争影响国家的法律机构根据适合和平时期和稳定环境的规范方法起草法律时,平民百姓所追求的危机生计却明显不适合遵守或使用这些法律。由此产生的社会法律不稳定性加剧而非解决战时问题。通过对乌克兰战时住房补偿法的社会法律研究,本文描述了六组不稳定因素,它们损害了法律的效用,加剧或制造了额外的问题:(1)个案处理方法,(2)行政和机构能力,(3)法律证据与现有证据,(4)提交索赔和提高认识的时间框架,(5)被排除在外的民间社会,以及(6)禁止出售财产。随后提出了国际最佳实践中可能解决这些不稳定因素的方法。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Judicial Associations in Resisting Rule of Law Backsliding: Hidden Pathways of Protecting Judicial Independence Amidst Rule of Law Decay 司法协会在抵制法治倒退中的作用:在法治衰退中保护司法独立的隐秘途径
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000107
Petra Gyöngyi

Both Hungary and Poland have been in the spotlight regarding their democratic backsliding, with Executives exerting control over supposedly independent pillars of democracy, such as courts or the media. While the concerns about these countries also voiced by leaders of European institutions were similar, the resistance against the systematic erosion of judicial independence comes in different forms. Using comparative longitudinal case study methodology, this article shows that a defining characteristic in the potential, visibility and feasibility of what judges did or could do under the current threats depends on the role judicial associations, understood as representative collegial judicial bodies. More precisely, the format, organisation and operative tools of judicial associations contribute to their influence on prior judicial reforms and their capacity to withstand ongoing efforts in curtailing their independence from political actors. Empirically, the article reviews multiple judicial changes in the 1992–2015 period in both countries and assesses how judicial associations then shaped the divergent responses to recent attempts at limiting judicial independence. The differences in the legal framework, organisation and network reliance explains variance in resistance. Overall, the article broadens the theoretical and empirical framework for studying the role of courts and judges with considerations regarding professional association organisation and co-ordination, as a potential layer of studying judicial resistance.

匈牙利和波兰的民主倒退问题一直备受关注,行政部门对法院或媒体等本应独立的民主支柱实施控制。虽然欧洲各机构的领导人也对这些国家表示了类似的担忧,但抵制系统性侵蚀司法独立的形式却各不相同。本文采用比较纵向案例研究的方法,说明在当前的威胁下,法官所做或能做的事情的潜力、可见度和可行性的一个决定性特征取决于司法协会的作用,司法协会被理解为具有代表性的合议司法机构。更确切地说,司法协会的形式、组织和运作工具有助于它们对先前司法改革的影响,以及它们抵御当前削弱其独立于政治行为者的努力的能力。文章从实证角度回顾了两国在 1992-2015 年间的多次司法改革,并评估了司法协会是如何对近期限制司法独立的尝试做出不同反应的。法律框架、组织和网络依赖的不同解释了抵制的差异。总之,文章拓宽了研究法院和法官角色的理论和实证框架,考虑到了专业协会的组织和协调,将其作为研究司法抵制的一个潜在层面。
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引用次数: 0
Backsliding Democracy and the Slippery Slope of Conceptual Weakness 民主倒退与概念薄弱的滑坡
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000090
Zoltán Fleck

This article discusses the thin socio-legal conceptualisation of the rule of law in Hungary. Employing a culturalist perspective, it first shows how the rule of law had a thin foundation prior to the Second World War in this country. Then, the contribution demonstrates how, contrary to previous understandings, even in the most advanced stages of rule of law building in Hungary, in the early 1990s, the resulting concept had been thin mainly focusing on institutional guarantees and legal certainty. The remaining part of the contribution then critically discusses whether and to what extent it is possible to use backsliding to frame the ongoing legal changes in Hungary.

本文讨论了匈牙利法治在社会法律概念上的薄弱环节。文章采用文化主义视角,首先说明了第二次世界大战之前该国的法治基础是如何薄弱的。然后,文章证明了与以往的理解相反,即使在 20 世纪 90 年代初匈牙利法治建设的最先进阶段,法治概念也是薄弱的,主要集中在制度保障和法律确定性上。然后,文章的其余部分批判性地讨论了是否以及在多大程度上可以利用倒退来框定匈牙利正在进行的法律变革。
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引用次数: 0
Hidden rule of law discontinuities: A theoretical framework for studying rule of law backsliding 隐藏的法治不连续性:研究法治倒退的理论框架
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000077
Hans Petter Graver, Petra Gyöngyi

This introduction develops a theoretical framework for understanding authoritarian backsliding against the backdrop of existing historical and European socio-legal scholarship. It introduces a number of key distinctions to better understand socio-legal variance among autocratisation. Specifically, it highlights the distinction between authoritarian backsliding and complete breakdown of judicial independence and human rights

Authoritarian backsliding is an aggravated form of rule of law decay, where functioning of key rule of law institutions comes under direct threat and it is mostly observable in the contemporary Central and Eastern European context. This differs from historical instances of authoritarian turn referring to the complete breakdown of judicial independence and human rights, characterised by the politicisation of courts as a mainly historical phenomenon. The differentiation and their socio-legal implications is crucial for developing a roadmap to identify different forms of autocratisation and their different contexts (actors, institutional and political context) that need to be considered when addressing rule of law decay in Europe, both at the national and supranational levels. Ultimately, this general overview also offers the possibility to identify and address latent discontinuities in rule of law development at both the supranational and national levels. Identification of such latent discontinuities is of importance when assessing the risks involved in the introduction of emergency measures to combat perceived threats to the state and the society.

本导论以现有的历史和欧洲社会法律学术研究为背景,建立了一个理解专制倒退的理论框架。它介绍了一些关键的区别,以更好地理解专制之间的社会法律差异。专制倒退是法治衰落的一种加剧形式,主要法治机构的运作受到直接威胁,这在当代中欧和东欧背景下最为明显。这不同于历史上的专制倒退,后者指的是司法独立和人权的彻底崩溃,其特点是法院政治化,这主要是一种历史现象。这种区别及其社会法律影响对于制定一个路线图以确定不同形式的专制化及其不同背景(行为者、制度和政治背景)至关重要,在欧洲国家和超国家层面解决法治衰落问题时需要考虑这些因素。最终,这一总体概述也为识别和解决超国家和国家层面法治发展中潜在的不连续性提供了可能性。在评估为消除对国家和社会的明显威胁而采取紧急措施所涉及的风险时,识别这种潜在的不连续性非常重要。
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引用次数: 0
Fault Lines in the Rule of Law: Europe’s Present and the Presence of its Past 法治的断层线:欧洲的现在及其过去的存在
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000089
Stephen Skinner

This article critically examines the significance of the relationship between past and present for understanding liberal democratic values in the European context. The article starts by reflecting on the terms used to evaluate the apparent decline in the rule of law in Europe, including ‘backsliding’. It argues that these terms are indicative of a conceptual framework of analysis that includes a temporal dimension but is only partly historical, demonstrating a presentist focus and a perception of the past as a separate period. The article links this perception with the conceptual construction of the rule of law itself, as well as national and transnational narratives about it, which evoke Europe’s non-democratic past as a definitional point of reference that is distinct from the present. Using examples of the legacies of Europe’s dark legal past, the article highlights the artificial nature of this distinction for a range of systems with differing historical experiences. The article argues that interpreting the past in terms of segmented and sequential temporal periods is conceptually contestable and it draws on the philosophy of history to show how the past can instead be understood to have ‘sedimentary’ layers and to endure over time. Ultimately, the article argues that the relationship between law’s past and law’s present needs to be reconceptualised in terms of metaphorical ‘fault lines’ in the rule of law, to acknowledge the potentially disruptive effects of history and to facilitate a critical reimagining of the rule of law’s theoretical and factual foundations.

本文批判性地探讨了过去与现在之间的关系对于理解欧洲自由民主价值观的意义。文章首先反思了用于评价欧洲法治明显衰退的术语,包括 "倒退"。文章认为,这些术语表明,分析的概念框架包含时间维度,但只是部分历史维度,显示出一种现在主义的关注点,并将过去视为一个独立的时期。文章将这种观念与法治本身的概念构建以及有关法治的国家和跨国叙事联系起来,这些叙事唤起了欧洲非民主的过去,将其作为有别于现在的定义参照点。文章以欧洲黑暗的法律历史遗留问题为例,强调了这种区分对于具有不同历史经历的一系列制度的人为性质。文章认为,以分割和连续的时间段来解释过去在概念上是有争议的,文章借鉴历史哲学来说明如何将过去理解为具有 "沉积 "层并随着时间的推移而延续。最后,文章认为法律的过去与法律的现在之间的关系需要从法治中隐喻的 "断层 "角度来重新认识,以承认历史潜在的破坏性影响,并促进对法治的理论和事实基础进行批判性的重新想象。
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引用次数: 0
Legislating for the future: situated health and embodied justice 为未来立法:情景健康与体现正义
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000168
Michael Thomson, Beth Goldblatt
In response to the short-term political cycles that govern law-making, there is growing international attention to the obligations owed to future generations. Within the diverse approaches there is often a single, temporally defined inequality; that is, between now and a depleted future. While inequality is imagined between generations, these generations are often constructed as homogenous. This elides not just contemporary inequalities, but that these injustices are caused by historically rooted inequalities that current planetary threats are likely to deepen. In response, we centre health inequalities which illustrate the complex temporalities and structural causes of inequalities. We argue for a focus on eco-social and embodied generations to better understand – and respond to – inequalities past, present and future. We apply this focus to the Capabilities Approach as an example of the work needed to better articulate what is owed to present and future generations to secure justice and inform future-oriented law-making.
为了应对制约法律制定的短期政治周期,国际社会日益关注对子孙后代的义务。在各种不同的方法中,往往存在一种单一的、时间上定义的不平等,即现在与枯竭的未来之间的不平等。在想象世代之间不平等的同时,这些世代往往被构建为同质的。这不仅忽略了当代的不平等,也忽略了这些不公正是由历史上根深蒂固的不平等造成的,而当前的地球威胁很可能会加深这些不平等。对此,我们以健康不平等为中心,说明了不平等的复杂时间性和结构性原因。我们主张关注生态-社会和体现世代,以更好地理解--并应对--过去、现在和未来的不平等。我们将这一重点应用于 "能力方法",以此为例说明需要开展哪些工作来更好地阐明对当代人和后代人的责任,以确保正义并为面向未来的法律制定提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
The league of nations as an imperial assemblage: coloniality, indirect rule and the actualization of ‘International Law’ 作为帝国集合体的国际联盟:殖民主义、间接统治和 "国际法 "的现实化
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000144
Ahmed Raza Memon
In this article, I reconceptualise the League of Nations as an Imperial Assemblage that embeds and is embedded by coloniality. Relying on the return to the League’s historisisation by Third World Approaches to International Law, I argue that we can understand the League as a governance body that works across scales of international, transnational and local actors, processes and structures to reiterate coloniality within the mandated territories. I utilise Deleuzian notions of assemblage alongside the concept of ‘coloniality’ within the literature of decolonial theory within International Relations and Sociology to show how the work of the League’s various actors, processes and structures across different scales made, actualised and evolved the laws on Forced Labour and Slavery from 1925 to 1932 in the inter-war era with a particular focus on Mandate Territories B and C.
在这篇文章中,我将国际联盟重新概念化为一个帝国集合体,它嵌入了殖民主义,也被殖民主义所嵌入。根据《第三世界国际法方法》对国联历史化的回归,我认为我们可以将国联理解为一个治理机构,它跨越国际、跨国和地方行为体、进程和结构的尺度,在授权领土内重申殖民性。我利用德勒兹的集合概念以及国际关系和社会学中的非殖民化理论文献中的 "殖民性 "概念,来说明国联的各种行为者、过程和结构在不同范围内的工作是如何制定、实现和发展战时1925年至1932年的强迫劳动和奴隶制法律的,并特别关注委任统治地B和C。
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引用次数: 0
The social construction of childhood: is a minimum age of marriage attainable in plural societies? 童年的社会建构:在多元社会中能否实现最低结婚年龄?
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-09-06 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552324000181
Julie Ada Tchoukou
This paper explores the way in which childhood is socially constructed in the context of child marriage regulation. Despite extreme social and cultural diversity, there is a core ideology in UN human rights instruments, around which official versions of childhood pivot. International law recommends setting the minimum age of marriage at 18years. This article problematizes the progressively depoliticizing effects of a seemingly neutral regulatory drive at the heart of the UN’s promotion of a standardized construction of childhood. The immediate purpose of this article is not to offer solutions to child marriage, but to bring together some elements that may form a basis for understanding the way in which conceptions of childhood are contextually constructed. My hope is that a familiarity with these social perceptions will help to explain the present struggle and resistance to apply universal rights constructions of childhood to non-western societies.
本文探讨了童婚法规背景下社会建构童年的方式。尽管社会和文化具有极大的多样性,但联合国人权文书中有一个核心思想,官方版本的童年都是围绕这个核心思想展开的。国际法建议将最低结婚年龄定为 18 岁。这篇文章对联合国推动童年标准化建设的核心--看似中立的监管驱动力所产生的逐步去政治化的影响提出了质疑。本文的直接目的不是为童婚问题提供解决方案,而是汇集一些要素,为理解童年概念的构建方式奠定基础。我希望,对这些社会观念的了解将有助于解释目前在非西方社会中应用普遍儿童权利概念的斗争和阻力。
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引用次数: 0
‘Route Causes’ and Consequences of Irregular (Re-)Migration: Vulnerability as an Indicator of Future Risk in Refugee Law 非正常(再)移徙的 "路线原因 "和后果:难民法中作为未来风险指标的脆弱性
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-03-26 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552323000344
Maja Grundler

States’ bordering practices force individuals to undertake dangerous migratory journeys and put them at risk of severe human rights violations. Yet, irregular arrivals who are found not to be at risk of serious harm in their countries of origin are perceived as voluntary migrants and are therefore assumed not to be in need of protection. This article employs the concept of vulnerability to challenge the idea that both the initial and subsequent dangerous migratory journeys are undertaken voluntarily. Based on an analysis of trafficking-based asylum claims from the UK and Germany, the article shows that both re-trafficking and irregular re-migration result from vulnerabilities which converge to preclude reintegration in the country of origin and access to livelihood options. While some of these vulnerabilities are likely to be present at the time of the initial dangerous journey already, the article pays particular attention to ‘consequential vulnerabilities’ brought about by previous migration experiences. It then introduces the concept of ‘route causes’ of irregular re-migration to describe factors which heighten the risk of re-migrating irregularly and therefore establish a risk on return related to harm experienced during irregular migration, rather than in the country of origin. Thus, the article shows that the vulnerability concept informs the future risk analysis in refugee law and argues that, just like a risk of re-trafficking, a risk of irregular re-migration could form the basis of an asylum claim.

各国的边境做法迫使个人进行危险的移徙旅行,使他们的人权面临严重侵犯的风险。然而,那些在原籍国没有受到严重伤害风险的非正常移民却被视为自愿移民,因此被认为不需要保护。本文采用脆弱性的概念来质疑最初和随后的危险移民旅程都是自愿进行的观点。基于对英国和德国基于人口贩运的庇护申请的分析,文章表明,再次人口贩运和非正常再移民都是由脆弱性造成的,这些脆弱性共同阻碍了他们重新融入原籍国并获得谋生选择。虽然其中一些脆弱性可能在最初的危险旅程中就已存在,但文章特别关注以往移民经历所带来的 "间接脆弱性"。然后,文章引入了非正常再移民的 "路径原因 "概念,以描述加剧非正常再移民风险的因素,从而确定回国风险与非正常移民期间而非在原籍国遭受的伤害有关。因此,这篇文章表明,脆弱性概念为难民法中未来的风险分析提供了信息,并认为,与再次被贩运的风险一样,非正常再移民的风险也可以构成庇护申请的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Environmentally Induced Displacement: When (Ecological) Vulnerability Turns into Resilience (and Asylum) 环境引起的流离失所:当(生态)脆弱性转变为复原力(和庇护)时
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-03-26 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552323000368
Francesca Ippolito

This article aims to reflect on ‘ecological vulnerability’ – which makes evident the relationship, flows and interactions between the human being/body and the environment/non-human world – as applied in the context of environmentally induced migration. In particular, the dual role of the law vis-à-vis environmentally displaced migrants as a generator and exacerbator of their vulnerability as well as potential antidote, valuable for attaining protection, will be highlighted. Namely, on one hand, the analysis will show how a lack of conceptualisation of the notion to understand the spatial and temporal patterns of climate change-related migration, as well as its consequences for societal well-being, contributes to generate and exacerbate the vulnerability of that category of migrants. On the other hand, the critical understanding of vulnerability, as developed in some recent legal reasoning of international and national jurisdictions, will be proposed as a key element for ensuring the resilience of both environmental migrants and the law itself, for both virtuously expanding traditional asylum norms and flexibilising access to international protection for those migrants.

本文旨在对 "生态脆弱性 "进行反思--"生态脆弱性 "体现了人类/身体与环境/非人类世界之间的关系、流动和相互作用--并将其应用于由环境引起的移民问题中。特别要强调的是,法律对因环境问题而流离失所的移民所起的双重作用,既是造成和加剧其脆弱性的因素,也是潜在的解毒剂,对实现保护具有重要价值。也就是说,一方面,分析将表明,缺乏对与气候变化有关的移徙的空间和时间模式及其对社会福祉的影响的概念化理解,是如何导致和加剧这类移徙者的脆弱性的。另一方面,将提出对脆弱性的批判性理解,这种理解在最近一些国际和国家司法管辖区的法律推理中得到了发展,它将成为确保环境移民和法律本身复原力的关键因素,既能良性扩展传统的庇护规范,又能灵活地为这些移民提供国际保护。
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引用次数: 0
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