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IJC volume 18 issue 2 Cover and Back matter IJC第18卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000222
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引用次数: 0
Hanoch Dagan and the liberal concept of autonomy Hanoch-Dagan与自由主义自治观
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552321000641
G. Alexander
Scarcely anything these days is said in property circles about autonomy. Much is said about costs and about the structure of property (Smith, 2004; 2012). A few libertarians and Kantians, mainly from our neighbours to the North (Ripstein, 2009; Weinrib, 2012), do discuss independence, but independence is not the same as autonomy. Autonomy and its relationship to property are largely neglected topics. All that changes with the appearance of Hanoch Dagan’s important new book (Dagan, 2021). The greatest achievement of his book is to base property, as both a concept and an institution, on personal autonomy. This is a major contribution not only to property theory, but also to liberal theory in general, and it deserves a wide and diverse audience. There is a long tradition in liberal political and legal thought defining freedom in terms of independence, understood as a constraint on the conduct of others. Dagan departs from this tradition by defining freedom in terms of autonomy:
如今,房地产界几乎没有任何关于自治的言论。关于成本和房地产结构,有很多说法(Smith,2004;2012)。一些自由主义者和康德主义者,主要来自我们北方的邻国(Ripstein,2009;Weinrib,2012),确实讨论过独立,但独立与自治不同。自治及其与财产的关系在很大程度上是被忽视的话题。这一切都随着Hanoch Dagan的重要新书(Dagan,2021)的出现而改变。他的书最大的成就是将财产作为一种概念和制度建立在个人自主的基础上。这不仅是对财产论的重大贡献,也是对一般自由主义理论的重大贡献。它值得广泛而多样的受众。自由主义政治和法律思想有着悠久的传统,将自由定义为独立,被理解为对他人行为的约束。达根背离了这一传统,从自治的角度定义了自由:
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引用次数: 0
Discursive alignment of trafficking, rights and crime control 贩卖人口、权利和犯罪控制的分散协调
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552322000209
M. Pinto
Since the 1990s, human trafficking has become the battleground for competing discourses on human rights and penality. While rights solutions are generally presented as in opposition to crime-control measures, in the context of anti-trafficking interventions, rights-based initiatives and criminal governance are often linked together both discursively and in practice. Drawing on the findings of Discourse Analysis of 120 texts about trafficking, this paper explores how dominant discourses and alternative voices construct the relationship between human rights and penality. It is contended that penality is framed as a crucial tenet of human rights. Dominant discourses (the ‘law enforcement’ and the ‘victims first’ discourses) link human rights to state coercive action, seen as a necessary component of their effectiveness. Alternative voices (the ‘incompatibility’ and the ‘transformative justice’ discourses) reject the appropriateness of penal intervention, but they end up preserving what they denounce.
自20世纪90年代以来,人口贩运已成为关于人权和惩罚的竞争性言论的战场。虽然权利解决方案通常被认为是与犯罪控制措施相反的,但在反贩运干预措施的背景下,基于权利的举措和刑事治理往往在讨论和实践中联系在一起。基于对120篇关于贩卖人口的文本的话语分析,本文探讨了主导话语和替代话语如何构建人权与惩罚之间的关系。有人认为,惩罚是人权的一项重要原则。主导话语(“执法”和“受害者优先”话语)将人权与国家胁迫行动联系起来,被视为其有效性的必要组成部分。另类声音(“不相容”和“变革性正义”话语)拒绝刑事干预的适当性,但他们最终保留了他们所谴责的。
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引用次数: 0
Inclusive education and the law in Ireland 爱尔兰的全纳教育和法律
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1017/s1744552322000180
Muiread Murphy, S. Thompson, David M. Doyle, D. Ferri
By ratifying the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in 2018, Ireland has undertaken inter alia the obligation to implement ‘an inclusive education system at all levels and lifelong learning’, as required by Article 24. However, concerns have been repeatedly expressed about the practice of inclusive education in Ireland in terms of admission policies, funding, school choice and reduced timetabling. This paper investigates whether, and to what extent, the current approach to special educational needs (SEN) in Ireland complies with the aim of ensuring an inclusive educational system in which children with disabilities are valued and empowered. Ireland is an interesting case-study due to its history of marginalisation of children with disabilities and its relatively recent engagement with the concept of inclusive education. By using a socio-legal approach, drawing on qualitative interviews with key stakeholders in education combined with a legal analysis of relevant primary and secondary sources, it examines the current practices relating to the education of children with disabilities in Ireland.
爱尔兰于2018年批准了《联合国残疾人权利公约》(CRPD),根据第24条的要求,除其他外,爱尔兰还承担了在各级实施“包容性教育体系和终身学习”的义务。然而,人们一再对爱尔兰在录取政策、资金、学校选择和减少时间表方面的包容性教育表示关切。本文调查了爱尔兰目前针对特殊教育需求(SEN)的方法是否以及在多大程度上符合确保包容性教育系统的目标,在该系统中,残疾儿童受到重视和授权。爱尔兰是一个有趣的案例研究,因为该国残疾儿童被边缘化的历史,以及该国相对较新的包容性教育概念。通过使用社会法律方法,借鉴对教育主要利益攸关方的定性访谈,结合对相关小学和中学资料的法律分析,研究了目前与爱尔兰残疾儿童教育有关的做法。
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引用次数: 2
Women and self-defence: an empirical and doctrinal analysis 妇女与自卫:实证和理论分析
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000131
Rachel McPherson
Abstract The problem of women's access to self-defence has been internationally recognised. This paper presents original empirical data on women's use of self-defence in practice alongside critical feminist analysis of the requirements of self-defence under Scots law. The empirical findings confirm that women are rarely successful with self-defence at trial level and the doctrinal analysis further demonstrates that self-defence does not adequately reflect women's experience of violence, especially sexual violence, and instead continues to reflect male experiences of (public) violence. It is intended that this research will form part of a larger developing evidence base, the type of which has been called for (Fitz-Gibbon and Vannier, 2017) and can be used to support reform in this area. As such, it represents a significant contribution to socio-legal work that has considered the issue of women's access to criminal defences.
摘要妇女获得自卫权的问题已得到国际承认。本文提供了关于女性在实践中使用自卫的原始经验数据,以及对苏格兰法律下自卫要求的批判性女权主义分析。实证研究结果证实,妇女很少在审判阶段成功地进行自卫,理论分析进一步表明,自卫并没有充分反映妇女的暴力经历,特别是性暴力,而是继续反映男性的(公共)暴力经历。这项研究将成为一个更大的发展中的证据库的一部分,这种证据库已经被要求(Fitz-Gibbon和Vannier,2017),并可用于支持这一领域的改革。因此,它对考虑妇女获得刑事辩护问题的社会法律工作作出了重大贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Race-making, religion and rights in the post-colony: unmasking the pathogen in assembling a Hindu nation 后殖民时代的种族制造、宗教和权利:揭露印度教国家形成过程中的病原体
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000155
R. Kapur
Abstract This paper intervenes in critical socio-legal/post-colonial scholarship on human rights directed at how religion is constitutive of race and shapes who and what is regarded as ‘human’ and entitled to rights. It focuses on the Indian post-colony and legal persecution of the Tablighi Jamaat, a global, quietest Islamic movement, by the Hindu Right government during the Covid pandemic. It analyses how religion structures race in Hindu nationalist discourse to transform the Muslim into a perpetual outsider and an existential and epistemic threat to the Hindu nation and rights of the Hindu racial majority. The discussion connects to the epistemic anxiety generated by the alternative worldviews presented by this racialised ‘Other’ that shape legal consciousness and rights interventions globally. In complicating how anti-Muslim racism and Islamophobia are integral to the transnational histories of race and race-making, the analysis triggers a rethinking of human rights interventions and the epistemological closures they enact.
本文介入了批判性的社会法律/后殖民时期的人权学术研究,研究宗教如何构成种族,如何塑造谁和什么被视为“人”并有权享有权利。它重点讲述了印度右翼政府在新冠疫情期间对全球最安静的伊斯兰运动“塔布利扎瓦特”(Tablighi Jamaat)的后殖民地和法律迫害。它分析了宗教如何在印度教民族主义话语中构建种族,将穆斯林转变为一个永久的局外人,以及对印度教民族和印度教多数种族权利的存在和认知威胁。讨论与这种种族化的“他者”所呈现的另类世界观所产生的认知焦虑有关,这种世界观在全球范围内塑造了法律意识和权利干预。在将反穆斯林种族主义和伊斯兰恐惧症如何融入种族和种族制造的跨国历史的过程中,这一分析引发了对人权干预及其实施的认识论封闭的重新思考。
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引用次数: 0
The opportunity and limitation of legal mobilisation for social struggles: a view from the Argentinian factory recuperation movement 社会斗争的法律动员的机会和限制:来自阿根廷工厂恢复运动的观点
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000106
J. Meakin
Abstract This paper examines the tension between law's opportunity to deliver social transformation and the normative limitations that shape its effectiveness as a tool of social struggle. The role of law's normative limitations on legal mobilisation strategies, or the effect of entrenched social interests on permissible legal claims, has not been properly conceptualised in legal mobilisation scholarship. In response, this paper presents a conceptual framework that comprehends the opportunity and limitation of legal mobilisation as caught in the tension between the interpretive opportunity to redetermine legal meaning and the normative deficit inherent to this task. By re-engaging with the theoretical underpinnings of legal mobilisation, we will evaluate the potential for certain types of social transformation using law and revisit the rationale for strategic legal action. We will bring together our conceptual treatment of legal mobilisation with a sobering analysis of the Argentinian factory recuperation movement's mobilisation of legal demands. The movement's relative success in confronting the legal system's commitment to private property rights and winning protections for worker co-operatives presents an opportunity to learn about the effective potential of legal strategy and the extent to which it can be used to confront the normative commitments of a legal system.
本文考察了法律提供社会转型的机会和规范限制之间的紧张关系,这些限制塑造了法律作为社会斗争工具的有效性。法律的规范性限制对法律动员战略的作用,或根深蒂固的社会利益对允许的法律主张的影响,在法律动员学术中没有得到适当的概念化。作为回应,本文提出了一个概念框架,该框架理解了法律动员的机会和限制,因为它陷入了重新确定法律意义的解释机会和这项任务固有的规范性缺陷之间的紧张关系。通过重新参与法律动员的理论基础,我们将评估使用法律进行某些类型的社会转型的潜力,并重新审视战略法律行动的基本原理。我们将把我们对法律动员的概念性处理与对阿根廷工厂恢复运动动员法律要求的清醒分析结合起来。这场运动相对成功地对抗了法律体系对私有产权的承诺,并为工人合作社赢得了保护,这为我们提供了一个机会,让我们了解法律战略的有效潜力,以及它在多大程度上可以用来对抗法律体系的规范性承诺。
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引用次数: 0
Legal consciousness and migration: towards a research agenda 法律意识与移民:走向一个研究议程
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000118
A. Güdük, Ellen Desmet
Abstract This paper reviews scholarship regarding migrants’ legal consciousness. After discussing the personal, geographic and methodological scope of the reviewed studies, the conceptualisation of legal consciousness is examined in light of evolutions in general legal consciousness studies. Thereafter, factors emerging as shaping migrants’ legal consciousness are analytically clustered at four levels: individual characteristics, relational factors, cultural dynamics, and public policies and discourse. Future research on legal consciousness could shift its gaze towards understudied migrant groups as well as places. We suggest being more explicit regarding the conceptualisation of dimensions of what is ‘legal’ and of ‘consciousness’, and adopting a pluralist approach to law. The analytical grouping of the factors impacting migrants’ legal consciousness may serve as a useful reference point for future research and facilitate a more comprehensive appraisal of the various dynamics shaping migrants’ legal consciousness.
本文综述了关于移民法律意识的学术研究。在讨论了所审查研究的个人、地理和方法论范围后,结合一般法律意识研究的演变,对法律意识的概念化进行了审查。此后,形成移民法律意识的因素被分析聚集在四个层面:个人特征、关系因素、文化动态以及公共政策和话语。未来对法律意识的研究可能会将目光转向研究不足的移民群体和地方。我们建议对什么是“法律”和“意识”的维度进行更明确的概念化,并对法律采取多元化的方法。对影响移民法律意识的因素进行分析分组,可以为未来的研究提供有用的参考点,并有助于更全面地评估影响移民法律观念的各种动态。
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引用次数: 0
In or against the state? Hospitality and hostility in homelessness charities and deportation practice 支持还是反对国家?无家可归者慈善机构和驱逐出境做法中的好客和敌意
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000015
R. Dobson, S. Turnbull
Abstract This paper examines how deportation became a solution to rough sleeping in pre-Brexit England. It identifies relationships between the social regulation of vulnerable and marginalised adults, contemporary governance arrangements and bordering practices characteristic of Britain's ‘hostile environment’. Drawing on media reports and grey organisational literature, the focus of discussion is events across 2015–2018 in which three London-based charities were criticised for working with the Home Office to deport homeless migrants under its European Economic Area Administrative Removal policy. The overall tenor of criticism was that collaboration with the government compromised the organisations’ independence and charitable missions and aims. This diminished their capacity to both advocate for vulnerable adults and effectively challenge oppressive state practices. The paper observes how state and nonprofit relations structure institutional and socio-legal responses to marginalised and ‘othered’ adults through commissioning and contracting mechanisms. It demonstrates that the social and legal control of homeless migrants may be differently constituted by institutions delivering services in relation to citizenship, vulnerability and marginalisation. This analysis incorporates a broader appraisal of institutional motivations, values and beliefs in social welfare delivery, including the historic role of charitable agencies in the criminalisation of social welfare users. Taken together, the paper offers an interdisciplinary critique of the relationships between border control, neoliberal governance and the sociocultural and historic construction of homeless migrants.
摘要本文探讨了在英国脱欧前,驱逐出境如何成为解决露宿问题的方法。它确定了弱势和边缘化成年人的社会监管、当代治理安排和英国“敌对环境”特有的边缘做法之间的关系。根据媒体报道和灰色组织文献,讨论的焦点是2015-2018年期间的事件,三家总部位于伦敦的慈善机构因与内政部合作,根据其欧洲经济区行政搬迁政策驱逐无家可归的移民而受到批评。批评的总体基调是,与政府的合作损害了这些组织的独立性以及慈善使命和目标。这削弱了他们为弱势成年人辩护和有效挑战压迫性国家做法的能力。本文观察了国家和非营利关系如何通过委托和契约机制,构建对边缘化和“另类”成年人的制度和社会法律回应。它表明,对无家可归移民的社会和法律控制可能因提供公民身份、脆弱性和边缘化服务的机构而有所不同。该分析纳入了对社会福利提供中的制度动机、价值观和信仰的更广泛评估,包括慈善机构在将社会福利使用者定罪方面的历史作用。总之,本文对边境管制、新自由主义治理与无家可归移民的社会文化和历史建设之间的关系进行了跨学科的批判。
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引用次数: 2
Exorcism and children: balancing protection and autonomy in the legal framework 驱魔与儿童:法律框架中保护与自主的平衡
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1744552322000052
Javier García Oliva
Abstract This paper examines the current legal framework in relation to minors who are the recipients of exorcism. Such individuals are ordinarily doubly marginalised, by virtue of their membership of a minority religious or cultural community and their disempowered position as children. This piece aims to assess whether the current arrangements strike an appropriate balance between respecting personal and collective autonomy, as well as protecting vulnerable young people, paying particular attention to the impact of their intersectional position and multiple marginalising factors at play. It seeks to define exorcism and emphasise the very diverse settings in which it arises within twenty-first-century England and Wales. It examines proposals being made for a blanket prohibition in relation to children, considering both the desirability and viability of a ban. It also highlights that exorcism is not the only context in which religious minors will find themselves in a position of multiple marginalisation, and explores what debates in this area might reveal about the wider operation of Article 9 and the ECHR.
摘要本文探讨了目前有关未成年人驱魔的法律框架。由于这些人属于少数宗教或文化社区,并且作为儿童处于无权地位,因此他们通常受到双重排斥。这篇文章旨在评估当前的安排是否在尊重个人和集体自主权之间取得了适当的平衡,以及保护弱势青年,特别注意他们的交叉地位和多重边缘化因素的影响。它试图定义驱魔,并强调它在21世纪英格兰和威尔士出现的非常多样化的环境。它审查了正在提出的全面禁止涉及儿童的建议,同时考虑到禁止的可取性和可行性。它还强调,驱魔不是宗教未成年人发现自己处于多重边缘化地位的唯一背景,并探讨了这一领域的辩论可能揭示第9条和《欧洲人权公约》的更广泛运作。
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引用次数: 1
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International Journal of Law in Context
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