Pub Date : 2019-11-26DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2005000100003
Alfredo Rehren, M. Fernández
Resumen Este articulo intenta llenar un vacio en el conocimiento de la evolucion de la disciplina desde su temprano inicio en la decada de los 60. Para hacerlo, analiza las publicaciones de revistas ya establecidas, la produccion de tesis de postgrado y el volumen y tipo de proyectos de investigacion emprendidos con recursos publicos desde los 80. Examinando los campos tradicionales de especializacion en la disciplina -teoria politica, relaciones internacionales, instituciones politicas, comportamiento politico, politicas publicas e historia politica- los autores concluyen que, en una disciplina crecientemente institucionalizada, existe un desequilibrio en su desarrollo y productividad entre los diferentes campos de especialidad como tambien al interior de ellos, donde existe una relacion desigual entre publicaciones, tesis de postgrado y proyectos de investigacion.
{"title":"La evolución de la ciencia política en Chile: un análisis exploratorio (1980-2000)","authors":"Alfredo Rehren, M. Fernández","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2005000100003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2005000100003","url":null,"abstract":"Resumen Este articulo intenta llenar un vacio en el conocimiento de la evolucion de la disciplina desde su temprano inicio en la decada de los 60. Para hacerlo, analiza las publicaciones de revistas ya establecidas, la produccion de tesis de postgrado y el volumen y tipo de proyectos de investigacion emprendidos con recursos publicos desde los 80. Examinando los campos tradicionales de especializacion en la disciplina -teoria politica, relaciones internacionales, instituciones politicas, comportamiento politico, politicas publicas e historia politica- los autores concluyen que, en una disciplina crecientemente institucionalizada, existe un desequilibrio en su desarrollo y productividad entre los diferentes campos de especialidad como tambien al interior de ellos, donde existe una relacion desigual entre publicaciones, tesis de postgrado y proyectos de investigacion.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"30 1","pages":"40-55"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72752009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-24DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200391
Dimitris V. Pantoulas, Jennifer McCoy
Venezuela’s descent into the abyss deepened in 2018. Half of the country’s GDP has been lost in the last five years; poverty and income inequality have deepened, erasing the previous gains from the earlier years of the Bolivarian Revolution. Significant economic reforms failed to contain the hyperination, and emigration accelerated to reach three million people between 2014 and 2018, ten percent of the population. Politically, the government of Nicolas Maduro completed its authoritarian turn following the failed Santo Domingo dialogue in February, and called for an early election in May 2018. Maduro’s victory amidst a partial opposition boycott and international condemnation set the stage for a major constitutional clash in January 2019, when the world was divided between acknowledging Maduro’s second term or an opposition-declared interim president, Juan Guaido.
{"title":"Venezuela: un equilibrio inestable","authors":"Dimitris V. Pantoulas, Jennifer McCoy","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200391","url":null,"abstract":"Venezuela’s descent into the abyss deepened in 2018. Half of the country’s GDP has been lost in the last five years; poverty and income inequality have deepened, erasing the previous gains from the earlier years of the Bolivarian Revolution. Significant economic reforms failed to contain the hyperination, and emigration accelerated to reach three million people between 2014 and 2018, ten percent of the population. Politically, the government of Nicolas Maduro completed its authoritarian turn following the failed Santo Domingo dialogue in February, and called for an early election in May 2018. Maduro’s victory amidst a partial opposition boycott and international condemnation set the stage for a major constitutional clash in January 2019, when the world was divided between acknowledging Maduro’s second term or an opposition-declared interim president, Juan Guaido.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"199 1","pages":"391-408"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75633519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-24DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200367
Erica Townsend-Bell
Uruguay faced significant headwinds in 2018. The Frente Amplio is confronting a slowing economy, and its most challenging election yet. Overall, economic growth is positive, but reduced from the previous year; inflation, unemployment, and the deficit are above target rates. After the loss of a deputy in 2016, the Frente returned to a strong legislative efficiency rate in 2018. However, the party remains vexed by President Tabare Vazquez’s ever lower approval rating, which dipped to a nadir of 30% by year’s end. The party’s challenges are extensive. Economic stagnation, low presidential approval ratings, a slim parliamentary majority, and disaffected voters fuse to create substantial unpredictability for the 2019 elections and the country’s future political configuration.
{"title":"Uruguay en el 2018: un año de señales mixtas y preguntas abiertas","authors":"Erica Townsend-Bell","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200367","url":null,"abstract":"Uruguay faced significant headwinds in 2018. The Frente Amplio is confronting a slowing economy, and its most challenging election yet. Overall, economic growth is positive, but reduced from the previous year; inflation, unemployment, and the deficit are above target rates. After the loss of a deputy in 2016, the Frente returned to a strong legislative efficiency rate in 2018. However, the party remains vexed by President Tabare Vazquez’s ever lower approval rating, which dipped to a nadir of 30% by year’s end. The party’s challenges are extensive. Economic stagnation, low presidential approval ratings, a slim parliamentary majority, and disaffected voters fuse to create substantial unpredictability for the 2019 elections and the country’s future political configuration.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"11 1","pages":"367-390"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74412112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-24DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200265
Kate Brannum
Guatemalan politics were dominated in 2018 by political strife between the Jimmy Morales administration and the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). The most pressing issues in Guatemala continue to be corruption and the weakness of the rule-of-law. The year began with but guarded optimism that CICIG could continue its work despite worries about the President’s commitment to democracy, but ended with a constitutional crisis that threatened CICIG’s work in Guatemala. With general elections approaching in 2019, democracy in Guatemala hangs in the balance. However, at the end of 2018, the makeup of the election was still in doubt and Guatemala was in a constitutional crisis that has not been resolved.
{"title":"Guatemala 2018: frente a una encrucijada constitucional","authors":"Kate Brannum","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200265","url":null,"abstract":"Guatemalan politics were dominated in 2018 by political strife between the Jimmy Morales administration and the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). The most pressing issues in Guatemala continue to be corruption and the weakness of the rule-of-law. The year began with but guarded optimism that CICIG could continue its work despite worries about the President’s commitment to democracy, but ended with a constitutional crisis that threatened CICIG’s work in Guatemala. With general elections approaching in 2019, democracy in Guatemala hangs in the balance. However, at the end of 2018, the makeup of the election was still in doubt and Guatemala was in a constitutional crisis that has not been resolved.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"10 1","pages":"265-284"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82137794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-24DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200129
Ana Margheritis
2018 was a rocky year for Argentina. Economic instability put it on the brink of crisis again and eroded the government’s credibility. This article provides an analysis of the main social, political and economic events affecting Argentina’s domestic politics and foreign policy. It accounts for selected issues, with an emphasis on changes in public policies and implications for the upcoming years. The argumentative thread focuses on the consequences of Argentina’s being haunted by the spectre of another debacle. Within changes in public policies, the focus is on the end of a gradual approach to structural changes and initiatives related to population and human mobility across borders—a policy area that has required increasing attention and resources of late.
{"title":"Argentina 2018: acechada por la inestabilidad una vez más","authors":"Ana Margheritis","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000200129","url":null,"abstract":"2018 was a rocky year for Argentina. Economic instability put it on the brink of crisis again and eroded the government’s credibility. This article provides an analysis of the main social, political and economic events affecting Argentina’s domestic politics and foreign policy. It accounts for selected issues, with an emphasis on changes in public policies and implications for the upcoming years. The argumentative thread focuses on the consequences of Argentina’s being haunted by the spectre of another debacle. Within changes in public policies, the focus is on the end of a gradual approach to structural changes and initiatives related to population and human mobility across borders—a policy area that has required increasing attention and resources of late.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"9 1","pages":"129-146"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76578582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-27DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000100049
P. Navia, Lucas Perelló
In 2010, Sebastian Pinera (2010-2014) became the first rightwing President of Chile after the dictatorship. His approval fluctuated significantly, experiencing an overall downward decline. Under favorable economic conditions, declining presidential approval must be explained by things other than economic vote. Using logistic regression models and predicted probabilities based on presidential approval polls, we test four hypotheses on the determinants of approval for Pinera: a punishment vote against the Concertacion, support tied to economic performance, issue-based support, and the cost of ruling. There is evidence in support of each of the four hypotheses. Although voting for Pinera might have been a one-night stand, economic vote determinants and, to a lesser extent, issue salience and the cost of ruling explain presidential approval under Pinera.
{"title":"Aventuras de una noche y compromisos de largo plazo. Aprobación presidencial de Sebastián Piñera en Chile, 2009-2014","authors":"P. Navia, Lucas Perelló","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2019000100049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2019000100049","url":null,"abstract":"In 2010, Sebastian Pinera (2010-2014) became the first rightwing President of Chile after the dictatorship. His approval fluctuated significantly, experiencing an overall downward decline. Under favorable economic conditions, declining presidential approval must be explained by things other than economic vote. Using logistic regression models and predicted probabilities based on presidential approval polls, we test four hypotheses on the determinants of approval for Pinera: a punishment vote against the Concertacion, support tied to economic performance, issue-based support, and the cost of ruling. There is evidence in support of each of the four hypotheses. Although voting for Pinera might have been a one-night stand, economic vote determinants and, to a lesser extent, issue salience and the cost of ruling explain presidential approval under Pinera.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"150 1","pages":"49-73"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2019-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86139840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-02DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300429
David Sulmont
This paper analyzes the importance of programmatic differences between political parties in guiding electoral choices among voters. Even in circumstances of low party system institutionalization and high electoral volatility, citizens can differentiate politicians’ different programmatic stances on controversial issues and decide their vote according to their own preferences. Using the Peruvian presidential elections of 2016 as a case study, the study analyzed the relevance of three political dimensions and attitudes for electoral choice: left- wing orientations; attitudes toward government intervention in the economy (“economic statism”); and attitudes toward the discretional use of political power in government (“firm hand”).
{"title":"¿Existe el voto programático en elecciones con un sistema de partidos políticos débil? Un análisis de las elecciones presidenciales peruanas de 2016","authors":"David Sulmont","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300429","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the importance of programmatic differences between political parties in guiding electoral choices among voters. Even in circumstances of low party system institutionalization and high electoral volatility, citizens can differentiate politicians’ different programmatic stances on controversial issues and decide their vote according to their own preferences. Using the Peruvian presidential elections of 2016 as a case study, the study analyzed the relevance of three political dimensions and attitudes for electoral choice: left- wing orientations; attitudes toward government intervention in the economy (“economic statism”); and attitudes toward the discretional use of political power in government (“firm hand”).","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"42 1","pages":"429-457"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2018-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82418558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-02DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300485
D. Lorenzo, Flavia Carbonell Bellolio
This work adapts the traditional methodology of dissent analysis for approaching to the judicial behavior of the Chilean Supreme Court between 2009 and 2013, particularly its Third Section. Although the high proportion of unanimous decisions (90% of the total) and the huge workload (500 cases per judge) generate limitations, our analysis finds robust coalitions in an environment of variability with over 10 different compositions per year in the same court. Within this period, the behavior of the court seems dominated by the coalition of justices Pierry, Carreno and Araneda, who form the majority when the court splits. Regarding the dissenting justices, the first part of the period features an opposition with Brito, and the second with Munoz. Whereas both justices appear in a solitary position as the minority, Pierry seems to behave as a “median justice.”
{"title":"Buscando al “juez mediano”: estudio sobre la formación de coaliciones en la tercera sala de la Corte Suprema","authors":"D. Lorenzo, Flavia Carbonell Bellolio","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300485","url":null,"abstract":"This work adapts the traditional methodology of dissent analysis for approaching to the judicial behavior of the Chilean Supreme Court between 2009 and 2013, particularly its Third Section. Although the high proportion of unanimous decisions (90% of the total) and the huge workload (500 cases per judge) generate limitations, our analysis finds robust coalitions in an environment of variability with over 10 different compositions per year in the same court. Within this period, the behavior of the court seems dominated by the coalition of justices Pierry, Carreno and Araneda, who form the majority when the court splits. Regarding the dissenting justices, the first part of the period features an opposition with Brito, and the second with Munoz. Whereas both justices appear in a solitary position as the minority, Pierry seems to behave as a “median justice.”","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"70 1","pages":"485-505"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2018-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75225806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-02DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300507
J. Mañalich
The paper offers a reading of the section of the The Metaphysics of Morals in which Kant advances a secular conception of the legitimation of legal punishment, based upon the postulation of a (meta-)principle of respect as normative premise. On this basis, the precise meaning of the characterization of penal law as a “categorical imperative” is addressed, as well as the status of the “right of retribution” as standard for the commensuration of punishment. In this way, the paper seeks to undermine the linkage of Kant’s conception with the leitmotiv of a metaphysical realization of justice, as well as its interpretation as a version of a mixed theory, which would allegedly combine a deterrence goal with a mere side-constraint of desert-based proportionality.
{"title":"Respeto y Retribución: la pena jurídica en La metafísica de las costumbres","authors":"J. Mañalich","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2018000300507","url":null,"abstract":"The paper offers a reading of the section of the The Metaphysics of Morals in which Kant advances a secular conception of the legitimation of legal punishment, based upon the postulation of a (meta-)principle of respect as normative premise. On this basis, the precise meaning of the characterization of penal law as a “categorical imperative” is addressed, as well as the status of the “right of retribution” as standard for the commensuration of punishment. In this way, the paper seeks to undermine the linkage of Kant’s conception with the leitmotiv of a metaphysical realization of justice, as well as its interpretation as a version of a mixed theory, which would allegedly combine a deterrence goal with a mere side-constraint of desert-based proportionality.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"1 1","pages":"507-526"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2018-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82936581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-16DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000200259
Teresa Castro, P. Brenner
In 2017, Cuba prepared itself for a momentous change that was coming in 2018: the first time in 59 years that a Castro would not be leading the government. No one expects Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez, whom the National Assembly elected as Cuba’s president in April 2018, to chart a course dramatically different from the one President Raul Castro had established. However, given the economic, demographic, and international political challenges Cuba faced in 2017, the year had to be viewed as the end of an era. Change is inevitable in order to sustain the Cuban Revolution. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000200259
{"title":"Cuba 2017: the end of an era","authors":"Teresa Castro, P. Brenner","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2018000200259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2018000200259","url":null,"abstract":"In 2017, Cuba prepared itself for a momentous change that was coming in 2018: the first time in 59 years that a Castro would not be leading the government. No one expects Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez, whom the National Assembly elected as Cuba’s president in April 2018, to chart a course dramatically different from the one President Raul Castro had established. However, given the economic, demographic, and international political challenges Cuba faced in 2017, the year had to be viewed as the end of an era. Change is inevitable in order to sustain the Cuban Revolution. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000200259","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"33 1","pages":"259-279"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2018-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78343401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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