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La reforma económica en Cuba tras La aprobación de La nueva Constitución en 2019 2019年通过新宪法后古巴的经济改革
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-28 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000109
Jacqueline Laguardia Martínez
The article evaluates the evolution of the Cuban economic reform embodied in the Guidelines on the Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution. Almost a decade after its approval, we assess progress and shortcomings while pointing out obstacles for the process to advance, together with suggestions on courses of action to continue the reform. After referring to previous attempts of economic change, we analyze the advancement of the Guidelines until 2019, a key year for Cuba since a new Constitution was approved. For this assessment were examined macroeconomic indicators, policy makers’ public discourse and academic papers published by renowned scholars of Cuban economy and society. The analysis of the international situation was considered with an emphasis on Cuba’s condition as Small Island Developing State –a factor that has often been underestimated by policy makers as well as by critics of the Cuban model.
本文评价了《党和革命的经济和社会政策指导方针》所体现的古巴经济改革的演变。在其获得批准近十年后,我们评估进展和缺点,同时指出进程前进的障碍,并就继续改革的行动方针提出建议。在参考了以往的经济改革尝试之后,我们分析了该指导方针在2019年之前的进展,这是古巴新宪法获得批准以来的关键一年。为了进行这项评估,审查了宏观经济指标、决策者的公开讲话和古巴经济和社会领域著名学者发表的学术论文。在审议对国际局势的分析时,重点是古巴作为小岛屿发展中国家的状况,决策者和古巴模式的批评者往往低估了这一因素。
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引用次数: 0
Building or Breaking the Polity? International Intervention, Statebuilding and Reproduction of Crisis in Haiti (2004 – 2019) 建立还是破坏政体?海地危机的国际干预、国家建设和再现(2004 - 2019)
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-28 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000111
M. D. S. Parra
The article aims to investigate the role of the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (Minustah) in the social and political landscape of the country, and howit failed to bring a sustainable contribution for peacebuilding and stabilisation, despite specific positive outcomes, especially for violence reduction and SecuritySector Reform (SSR) during the period of 2006-2010. The intervention in 2004 based on violent coercion and the lack of a peace process and political settlementled the operation to aggravate, instead of treating, the social and political conflicts present in the country, contributing for the (re)production of predatory politicaleconomies, violent contestation and further social and political fragmentation. I propose that this outcome in Haiti, similar to other cases of countries with international interventions, can be better understood with a critical assessment of the peace-as-statebuilding paradigm of international interveners, and its disregard for the local legitimation of peace processes, political settlements and the building of vstate institutions.
本文旨在调查联合国海地稳定特派团(Minustah)在该国社会和政治格局中的作用,以及尽管在2006-2010年期间取得了具体的积极成果,特别是在减少暴力和安全部门改革(SSR)方面,它如何未能为建设和平和稳定做出可持续的贡献。2004年基于暴力胁迫和缺乏和平进程和政治解决的干预加剧了而不是解决了该国现有的社会和政治冲突,助长了掠夺性政治经济的(重新)生产,暴力冲突和进一步的社会和政治分裂。我建议,海地的这一结果,与其他国际干预国家的情况类似,可以通过对国际干预者的和平即国家建设范式的批判性评估,以及对和平进程、政治解决和国家机构建设的地方合法性的无视,来更好地理解。
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引用次数: 1
Nicaragua in 2019: The Surprising Resilience of Authoritarianism in the Aftermath of Regime Crisis 2019年的尼加拉瓜:政权危机后威权主义的惊人韧性
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000114
R. Buben, K. Kouba
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引用次数: 5
The Turbulent End of an Era in Bolivia: Contested Elections, the Ouster of Evo Morales, and the Beginning of a Transition Towards an Uncertain Future 玻利维亚一个时代动荡的结束:有争议的选举,埃沃·莫拉莱斯的下台,以及向不确定未来过渡的开始
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000105
Jonas Wolff
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引用次数: 6
Perú 2019: crisis política y salida institucional
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000116
M. Paredes, D. Encinas
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引用次数: 10
Colombia in 2019: The Paradox of Plenty 2019年的哥伦比亚:富足的悖论
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000107
A. Rettberg
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引用次数: 2
La persistente debilidad institucionaL de Ecuador: Protestas, elecciones y divisiones políticas durante el 2019 厄瓜多尔持续存在的制度弱点:2019年的抗议、选举和政治分歧
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000110
A. Olivares, P. Medina
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引用次数: 6
Austeridad, ideología comprometida y Asamblea proactiva-particularista en Costa Rica, en 2019 2019年哥斯达黎加的紧缩、坚定的意识形态和积极的特殊主义大会
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000108
Juan Muñoz-Portillo
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引用次数: 2
Honduras 2019: persistente inestabilidad económica y social y debilidad institucional 洪都拉斯2019年:持续的经济和社会不稳定和体制薄弱
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000112
C. Rodríguez, Luis Antonio González Tule
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引用次数: 1
Mexico 2019: Personalistic Politics and Neoliberalism from the Left 墨西哥2019:左派的个人主义政治和新自由主义
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000113
Mariano Sánchez Talanquer
This article analyzes President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) first year in power. It argues that his government is hostage to deep-seated fragilities in the Mexican state apparatus, which are structurally constraining its ability to deliver results. Yet rather than addressing institutional deficiencies, decisions made by the new government have further compromised the state’s weak capabilities. Under the premise of extirpating the old neoliberal order, AMLO has centralized decision-making in the national executive, cultivated personalistic linkages, discarded inherited institutions, and implemented an aggressive fiscal austerity program. These measures have impaired the functioning of the bureaucracy and limited the prospects for greater social inclusion. Fiscal austerity, a quasi-religious moralizing discourse, and an increased reliance on the military for policy implementation mark a conservative turn. Attempts to weaken independent centers of power and AMLO’s propensity to demonize opponents may not escalate into a full authoritarian reversal, but they have eroded the conditions for pluralistic politics and rational public deliberation. Overall, the “Fourth Transformation” has missed opportunities to democratically strengthen the state and lay the groundwork for progressive social change.
这篇文章分析了安德列姆斯·曼努埃尔López奥夫拉多尔总统执政的第一年。它认为,他的政府受制于墨西哥国家机器根深蒂固的脆弱性,这种脆弱性从结构上限制了政府取得成果的能力。然而,新政府做出的决定非但没有解决体制上的缺陷,反而进一步损害了政府薄弱的能力。在消灭旧的新自由主义秩序的前提下,奥夫拉多将决策权集中在国家行政部门,培养个人联系,抛弃继承下来的制度,实施激进的财政紧缩计划。这些措施损害了官僚机构的运作,限制了扩大社会包容的前景。财政紧缩、一种准宗教的道德化话语,以及在政策执行上越来越依赖军队,这些都标志着保守派的转向。削弱独立权力中心的企图和奥夫拉多妖魔化对手的倾向可能不会升级为完全的专制逆转,但它们已经侵蚀了多元政治和理性公众审议的条件。总的来说,“第四次转型”错过了民主地加强国家和为渐进式社会变革奠定基础的机会。
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引用次数: 4
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