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Carreras legislativas discretas en contextos de débil institucionalización partidista: Propuesta teórica y evidencia empírica aplicada a la legislatura de Ecuador, 1979-2007 政党制度化薄弱背景下的离散立法职业:1979-2007年厄瓜多尔立法机构的理论建议和经验证据
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000100001
Santiago Basabe-Serrano
This article analyzes the professional careers of legislators who conclude their terms and retire from electoral politics. The study uses a mixed-methods approach, drawing on data from interviews, media reports, secondary source material, and an original database of Ecuadorian legislators’ political careers between 1979 and 2007. Counterintuitively, the findings suggest that nearly half of Ecuadorian deputies have what Schlesinger (1966) termed discreet legislative careers. In addition, the article argues that weak political party institutionalization, understood as the monopolization of candidate selection mechanisms by party leaders, explains this type of political behavior. Following this theoretical argument, which contradicts the theories of electoral connection and political ambition, discreet political careers appear to constitute a pattern of systematic political behavior in some Latin American legislatures. DOI:  http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100001
本文分析了任期结束退出选举政治的立法委员的职业生涯。该研究采用混合方法,从采访、媒体报道、二手资料和厄瓜多尔立法者1979年至2007年政治生涯的原始数据库中提取数据。与直觉相反的是,调查结果表明,近一半的厄瓜多尔议员有施莱辛格(1966)所说的谨慎的立法生涯。此外,本文还认为,弱政党制度化(被理解为政党领导人对候选人选择机制的垄断)解释了这种政治行为。根据这一与选举关系和政治野心理论相矛盾的理论,谨慎的政治生涯似乎构成了一些拉丁美洲立法机构系统政治行为的模式。DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718 - 090 x2018000100001
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引用次数: 8
Un estudio de la disciplina partidista de los diputados españoles en el Congreso 对西班牙国会议员党派纪律的研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000100083
G. Medero, Bernabé Aldeguer Cerdá
This paper analyses relations between political parties, parliamentary groups, and members of the Chamber of Deputies, with the aim of measuring the extent of existing party discipline. Unlike other studies that have examined this issue, the current analysis is not limited to descriptive discussions of disciplinary measures, but uses quantitative tools in order to assess the extent of parliamentary discipline. As a result, we obtain crucial information on the nature of party discipline, the costs and benefits that parliamentarians face when acting individually versus collectively, and the factors that affect levels of cohesion and discipline and how we determine them.   DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100083
本文分析了政党、议会团体和众议院成员之间的关系,目的是衡量现有政党纪律的程度。与审查这一问题的其他研究不同,目前的分析不限于对纪律措施的描述性讨论,而是使用定量工具来评估议会纪律的程度。因此,我们获得了关于党的纪律的性质、议员单独行动与集体行动时所面临的成本和收益、影响凝聚力和纪律水平的因素以及我们如何确定这些因素的关键信息。DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718 - 090 x2018000100083
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引用次数: 0
The Presidential Logic of Government Formation in Latin American Democracies 拉丁美洲民主国家政府形成的总统逻辑
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100025
Victor Araújo, Andréa Freitas, M. Vieira
Is there a relationship between a party’s capacity to influence legislative decision-making and its decision to be part of a government coalition? In this study, we argue that when formal legislative rules are more conducive to actors’ policy preferences, parties have fewer incentives to join the cabinet. To test our analytical model, we analyze 68 governments and 112 cabinets in 12 presidential systems, from 1979 to 2011. Our results indicate that the decision to integrate the cabinet in presidential systems is related to the level of influence parties have on legislative policy formation in Latin American democracies.  DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100025
一个政党影响立法决策的能力与其决定成为联合政府的一部分之间是否存在关系?在本研究中,我们认为当正式立法规则更有利于行为者的政策偏好时,政党加入内阁的动机更少。为了检验我们的分析模型,我们分析了从1979年到2011年12个总统制国家的68个政府和112个内阁。我们的研究结果表明,在总统制中整合内阁的决定与拉丁美洲民主国家政党对立法政策形成的影响程度有关。DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718 - 090 x2018000100025
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引用次数: 1
Explotación y justicia global 剥削与全球正义
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000100105
Rocío Lorca
Through an assessment of the normative implications of economic exploitation, the article seeks to strengthen the thesis that principles of egalitarian distributive justice should apply globally. The existence of an international economic order that produces relations of exploitation demands the application of the standards of an egalitarian distributive justice for two kinds of reasons. First, this is because exploitation must be justified in a similar way and for similar reasons as coercion. Second, this is because the existence of exploitation implies high levels of institutional and economic cooperation and interdependence.   DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100105
通过对经济剥削的规范含义的评估,本文试图加强平等分配正义原则应适用于全球的论点。产生剥削关系的国际经济秩序的存在要求应用平等主义的分配正义标准,原因有两种。首先,这是因为剥削必须以与强迫类似的方式和理由来证明是正当的。第二,这是因为剥削的存在意味着高度的体制和经济合作以及相互依存。DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718 - 090 x2018000100105
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引用次数: 1
El apoyo a la democracia en los parlamentos latinoamericanos. Análisis del demócrata ambivalente 支持拉丁美洲议会的民主。矛盾民主党人的分析
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2018000100051
Asbel Bohigues
Previous studies of support for democracy have emphasized the views of the populace. By contrast, this article analyzes the profile of Latin American legislative elites who do not support democracy unconditionally: the ambivalent democrats. Although several studies have analyzed the role of elites in democratic processes, the nature and importance of ambivalent democrats remains poorly understood. Thus, this analysis, without ignoring context or differences between countries, examines the characteristic values and attitudes of those deputies who, under certain circumstances, would support authoritarian governments. Results show that, contrary to literature’s statements, ambivalent democrats are not strongly radical, distrustful, or intolerant. DOI:  http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2018000100051
以前关于支持民主的研究强调的是民众的观点。与此相反,本文分析了不无条件支持民主的拉美立法精英的形象:矛盾的民主主义者。尽管有几项研究分析了精英在民主进程中的作用,但人们对矛盾民主派的性质和重要性仍然知之甚少。因此,这一分析在不忽视背景或国家间差异的情况下,审查了在某些情况下会支持专制政府的代表的特有价值和态度。结果表明,与文献的陈述相反,矛盾的民主主义者并不强烈激进、不信任或不宽容。DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718 - 090 x2018000100051
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引用次数: 1
Policy Windows for Foreign Policy Shifts in Latin American and Caribbean States 拉丁美洲和加勒比国家外交政策转变的政策窗口
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2018000300459
I. Sposito
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引用次数: 1
Latin America in Theories of Territorial Rights 领土权利理论中的拉丁美洲
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300737
A. Kolers
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引用次数: 1
Las poblaciones callampa como expresión del derecho de necesidad callampa人口是必要权利的表达
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300755
A. Mancilla
My aim in this article is to discuss the formation of poblaciones callampa (shanty towns) in Chile during the second half of the twentieth century (especially between 1950 and 1970), as an expression of the right of necessity of thousands of homeless persons. I suggest that this social phenomenon is the germ of the consequent tomas de sitio (illegal encampments), where the requisites to take part were “to be poor, to have children, three sticks and a flag.” The individual right of necessity is the foundation of the formal claims of politically-organized groups looking for a permanent place to live that fulfills minimal criteria of social justice. Although the argument is focused on the specific case of the Chilean callampas, I suggest that the same logic may be applied to other cases of precarious, illegal settlements in Latin America and worldwide.
我在这篇文章中的目的是讨论20世纪下半叶(特别是1950年至1970年之间)智利棚户区的形成,作为成千上万无家可归者的必需品的表达。我认为这种社会现象是后来的tomas de sitio(非法营地)的根源,在那里参加的必要条件是“贫穷,有孩子,三根棍子和一面旗帜”。个人的生存权是有政治组织的群体寻求一个满足社会正义最低标准的永久居住地的正式主张的基础。虽然这一论点集中在智利卡兰帕斯的具体案例上,但我认为,同样的逻辑可能适用于拉丁美洲和全世界其他不稳定的非法定居点的案例。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: land claims in Latin America 导言:拉丁美洲的土地索赔
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300711
A. Mancilla, Christian Barry
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引用次数: 0
Politización y confianza en los medios de comunicación: Argentina durante el kirchnerismo 政治化与媒体信任:基什内尔主义时期的阿根廷
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300635
Germán Lodola, Philip Kitzberger
To what extent did media politicization linked to “new left” governments in Latin America affect media trust? Using individual level data in Argentina, where the government-multimedia conflict was intense, we examine the impact of three political variables: sophistication, preferences, and issues. We find that persons who identified as kirchneristas express less trust, while government voters evaluate media outlets considering presidential performance. In contrast to public opinion in the US, conservatives reveal higher levels of trust. Moreover, individual attributes linked to political sophistication are negatively correlated with media trust, while victims of crime manifest lower levels of credibility. These results have implications for the study of media politics, and the role of elites’ frames and rhetoric in shaping individual perceptions about mass media.
拉丁美洲与“新左派”政府相关的媒体政治化在多大程度上影响了媒体信任?使用阿根廷的个人层面数据,在那里政府与多媒体的冲突是激烈的,我们检查了三个政治变量的影响:复杂性,偏好和问题。我们发现,被认为是基什内尔支持者的人表达的信任较少,而政府选民评估媒体时考虑的是总统的表现。与美国的公众舆论相比,保守派表现出更高的信任度。此外,与政治老练相关的个人属性与媒体信任呈负相关,而犯罪受害者表现出较低的可信度。这些结果对媒体政治的研究以及精英的框架和修辞在塑造个人对大众媒体的看法方面的作用具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 3
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