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Los silencios de la tortura en Chile 智利酷刑的沉默
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-03-26 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100115
José G. Santos Herceg
El presente texto busca mostrar que el silencio tuvo y tiene un papel central en el fenomeno de la tortura en Chile. Callan las autoridades dictatoriales sobre su ocurrencia, callan los perpetradores directos y callan todos los que estan en el “pacto de silencio”, asi como tambien los que se benefician de ella. Calla el torturador cuando esta interrogando con el objeto de extremar el terror, pero calla tambien la victima que no delata. Calla el sobreviviente que no consigue articular un relato sobre lo vivido, calla todo el mundo aterrorizado ante la amenaza de ser torturado. Callan, finalmente las autoridades transicionales que buscan poner un punto final a la investigacion sobre un pasado doloroso.
这篇文章试图表明沉默在智利的酷刑现象中发挥了中心作用。独裁当局对其发生保持沉默,直接肇事者保持沉默,所有遵守“沉默协议”的人保持沉默,以及那些从中受益的人保持沉默。酷刑者在审讯时保持沉默,以达到极端恐怖的目的,但受害者也保持沉默,不透露。沉默的幸存者无法表达他的经历,沉默的每个人都害怕被折磨的威胁。最后,过渡当局试图结束对痛苦过去的调查,保持沉默。
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引用次数: 1
Trusting the Dependent Judiciary: Evidence From Ecuador 信任依赖的司法机构:来自厄瓜多尔的证据
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000120
Paula Armendáriz
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引用次数: 0
Elección de gobernadores regionales en Chile: escenarios de cambio en las relaciones intergubernamentales. 智利地区州长选举:政府间关系的变化情景。
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000101
E. Montecinos
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引用次数: 5
Militantes partidistas y participación de alta intensidad: evidencia desde el caso brasileño 政党激进分子和高强度参与:来自巴西案例的证据
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000300489
Pedro Floriano Ribeiro, Oswaldo E. do Amaral
The literature on political parties has indicated a decline in the levels of party membership in established democracies. The few studies on Latin America show impressive membership figures, but they say nothing about profile and motivations of these individuals. Relying on original data from the first survey undertaken exclusively with party members in Brazil, this article describes the activists’ profiles and explains the determinants of high-intensity participation. The findings show that activists are older, have a higher socioeconomic status, and present positive attitudes about participation. The multivariate analysis indicates that high-intensity participation is anchored in collective incentives, cognitive resources, and the perception of political efficacy. Brazil’s political parties have an internal life and grassroots activities, which contradicts the traditional view of them.
有关政党的文献表明,在成熟的民主国家,党员人数有所下降。关于拉丁美洲的少数研究显示了令人印象深刻的会员数字,但它们没有说明这些人的概况和动机。这篇文章基于巴西党员首次独家调查的原始数据,描述了活动家的概况,并解释了高强度参与的决定因素。调查结果显示,积极分子年龄较大,社会经济地位较高,对参与持积极态度。多变量分析表明,高强度参与与集体激励、认知资源和政治效能感知有关。巴西的政党有自己的内部生活和基层活动,这与传统的观点相矛盾。
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引用次数: 1
Posneoliberalismo y después: el centro relativo del sistema político y el ascenso de la marea celeste en el espejo de la política exterior de Argentina y Chile 后新自由主义及其后:政治体系的相对中心和阿根廷和智利外交政策镜子中天潮的上升
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000300435
María Elena Lorenzini, Gisela Pereyra Doval
El objetivo del articulo es interpelar los giros a la izquierda ocurridos en la primera decada del siglo XXI y, a la derecha, en la segunda. Para ello aplicamos el abordaje utilizado por Coppedge (1997, 2000) y construimos un mapa politico de Sudamerica. El vehiculo empirico seleccionado es la politica exterior de Argentina y Chile, cuyo analisis nos permite corroborar, o no, los desplazamientos del centro relativo del sistema politico (CRSP). Asi, hallamos que el sistema politico regional se ubico en una posicion de centro, mostrando un sobredimensionamiento de los giros politicos en la produccion academica reciente. En los sistemas politicos mas estables, la politica exterior no mostro cambios, mientras que en aquellos sistemas que atravesaron ciclos de signo diverso, la politica exterior experimento modificaciones de diversa intensidad.
这篇文章的目的是质疑21世纪头十年发生的向左和向右的转变。因此,我们提出了一种新的方法,通过这种方法,我们可以确定拉丁美洲的政治格局。本文分析了阿根廷和智利的外交政策,并对其进行了分析,以证实或不证实政治体系相对中心(CRSP)的变化。因此,我们发现区域政治体系处于中心位置,在最近的学术成果中显示出政治转向的过度维度。在最稳定的政治体系中,外交政策没有变化,而在经历了不同信号周期的体系中,外交政策经历了不同强度的变化。
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引用次数: 2
La coherencia ideológico-programática de los partidos políticos en Chile y México: ¿en qué medida y por qué las ubicaciones de los parlamentarios coinciden con el contenido de los programas electorales? 智利和墨西哥政党的意识形态和纲领一致性:议员的位置在多大程度上以及为什么与选举纲领的内容一致?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000300459
A. A. Martínez-Hernández, Nicolás Miranda Olivares
La investigacion desarrolla una propuesta metodologica para el estudio de la coherencia ideologico-programatica de los partidos politicos. El texto disena herramientas para el analisis espacial de distancia entre la ideologia formal del partido, expresada por el programa electoral, y las posiciones ideologicas que los representantes legislativos otorgan a sus organizaciones partidistas. Para ello, se analizan los partidos de Chile y Mexico, con la intencion de determinar las diferencias entre los partidos politicos y las coaliciones en distintos sistemas. La investigacion concluye que las coaliciones y partidos ubicados ideologicamente a la derecha de la escala, son menos coherentes que los ubicados a la izquierda, lo que es mas evidente en contextos de gobiernos de coalicion.
本研究的目的是研究政党的意识形态和计划一致性。本文提出了一种方法来分析政党的正式意识形态与立法代表赋予其政党组织的意识形态立场之间的距离。本文对智利和墨西哥的政党进行了分析,以确定不同制度下政党和联盟之间的差异。该研究得出的结论是,在意识形态上位于量表右侧的联盟和政党比位于量表左侧的联盟和政党更不连贯,这在联合政府的背景下更明显。
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引用次数: 0
Después de la delegación: la retracción de la autonomía legislativa del Poder Ejecutivo en Argentina 代表团之后:阿根廷行政部门立法自治的撤销
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000300411
Ernesto Calvo, P. Clerici
In this article, we introduce readers to a new concept, Executive Decoupling, which describes a statistical decline in the capacity of the Executive to modify existing legislation by decree. In contrast with Bureaucratic Delegation models, which consider legislative encroachment by the Executive as a contextual event and the result of conflict among the different branches of the government, we show that increased statutory density restrains the ability of the Executive to legislate by decree. The motive is an increase in interdependence between legislative jurisdictions, some of which connect with issues that are restricted to the President. As the citation network of existing legislation expands, increased interdependence between jurisdictions prevents the executive from innovating in contiguous normative issue areas.
在本文中,我们向读者介绍了一个新概念,行政脱钩,它描述了行政部门通过法令修改现有立法的能力在统计上的下降。与将行政部门的立法侵犯视为上下文事件和政府不同分支之间冲突的结果的官僚授权模型相反,我们表明,法定密度的增加限制了行政部门通过法令立法的能力。其动机是立法管辖区之间相互依赖的增加,其中一些与仅限于总统的问题有关。随着现有立法的引用网络的扩大,司法管辖区之间的相互依存关系的增加阻碍了行政部门在连续的规范问题领域进行创新。
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引用次数: 0
Poder e influencia en contextos de prohibición de reelección consecutiva: el caso de la Cámara de Diputados de México 禁止连续连任背景下的权力与影响:以墨西哥众议院为例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000300517
Carlos Vázquez Ferrel, Alejandro Díaz Domínguez
Party leaders seek candidates with the technical competence and career trajectories necessary to allow them to negotiate the legislative process, as well as to collaborate with the party leadership in relation to the coordination of both inter- and intra-party affairs. Using data from three legislative cycles of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies (2009 to 2016), we seek to explain the parliamentary actions of legislators in relation to characteristics such as their gender, mode of election, prior experience, and educational, legislative and partisan backgrounds. The objective is to identify some of the determinants of institutional power in a sui generis congress conditioned by the use of a mixed electoral system and a prohibition on consecutive reelection. The findings show that partisan leadership opportunities in the legislative branch tend to favor male legislators, those elected from party lists (as opposed to those elected by local majorities), those with previous legislative and partisan experience, and those whose political trajectories have seen them advance from the local to the national level.
党的领导人寻求具有必要的技术能力和职业轨迹的候选人,使他们能够谈判立法程序,并与党的领导层合作协调党际和党内事务。利用墨西哥众议院三个立法周期(2009年至2016年)的数据,我们试图解释立法者的议会行为与性别、选举方式、先前经验以及教育、立法和党派背景等特征有关。其目的是查明在采用混合选举制度和禁止连续连任的特殊国会中体制权力的一些决定因素。调查结果显示,立法部门的党派领导机会倾向于男性立法者,那些从政党名单中选出的人(而不是由地方多数选出的人),那些以前有立法和党派经验的人,以及那些政治轨迹从地方晋升到国家一级的人。
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引用次数: 0
Dimensiones discursivas en torno al voto electrónico 关于电子投票的论述维度
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-11-26 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2007000200006
F. D. Monte
The implementation of electronic voting in electoral administration has generated different opinions and ideas about its impact in the quality of democracy. As it has happened with many new technologies, some people see electronic voting as the breakdown of the representative democracy, whereas others consider it the beginning of a new era: digital democracy. This article identifies the two general forms in which it is found nowadays: the electronic voting machine and the e-vote. The dimensions that converge in the present debate are comparatively studied: the quality of democracy, new information technologies and electoral administration. An framework analysis is proposed to understand both the discourse positions on the implementation of electronic voting within a pessimistic-optimistic continuum and its actual potentialities in electoral administration. Finally, the political and social elements to be considered in the implementation of electronic voting are signaled. The article presents electronic voting as a mere instrument in electoral administration which may help to improve the quality of democracy as long as the context and conditions of the country where it is used are permeable to the potentialities of new technologies.
在选举管理中实施电子投票,对其对民主质量的影响产生了不同的意见和想法。正如许多新技术所发生的那样,一些人认为电子投票是代议制民主的崩溃,而另一些人则认为它是一个新时代的开始:数字民主。本文确定了目前发现的两种一般形式:电子投票机和电子投票。比较地研究了当前辩论中集中的几个方面:民主的质量、新信息技术和选举管理。本文提出了一个框架分析,以理解在悲观-乐观连续体中实施电子投票的话语立场及其在选举管理中的实际潜力。最后,指出了在实施电子投票时应考虑的政治和社会因素。这篇文章认为电子投票只是选举管理的一种工具,只要使用电子投票的国家的背景和条件能够渗透到新技术的潜力中,它可能有助于提高民主的质量。
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引用次数: 7
Movilización de recursos y redes sociales en los neopopulismos: Hipótesis de trabajo para el caso chileno 新民粹主义中的资源动员和社会网络:智利案例的工作假设
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-11-26 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2003000100004
Emmanuelle Barozet
En este documento, presentamos el marco analitico y las hipotesis de trabajo de una investigacion en curso, acerca de la emergencia y el desarrollo del liderazgo politico de Joaquin Lavin, candidato a la Presidencia en 1999 y alcalde de Santiago Centro, y Jorge Soria, alcalde de Iquique, dos casos de liderazgo populista en Chile, uno nacional y otro local, poniendo un especial enfasis en el analisis de las redes sociales en las cuales se sustentan. Alejandonos de los enfoques institucionalistas y enfocandonos en su base social, consideramos que las adhesiones o simpatias que suscitan este tipo de liderazgos descansan en la instrumentalizacion de vinculos sociales rutinarios, tanto verticales como horizontales y tanto formales como informales, estructurados mediante redes duraderas, en especial en los sectores populares
在本文中,我们介绍hipotesis analitico和框架内正在进行的调查工作,对应急Joaquin钢厂的政治领导才能发展,总统候选人在1999年圣地亚哥市长,市长和豪尔赫·索里Iquique中心、两起领导的民粹主义在智利,一个国家、一个地方、一个特别强调社会网络分析的支持。Alejandonos institucionalistas办法和enfocandonos在其社会基础,我们认为这种liderazgos引起的加入或simpatias休息在vinculos instrumentalizacion、社会,无论是纵向还是横向包括正式和非正式的结构化,并通过基层部门,特别是在持久
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引用次数: 18
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Revista De Ciencia Politica
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