Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000113
Mariano Sánchez Talanquer
This article analyzes President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) first year in power. It argues that his government is hostage to deep-seated fragilities in the Mexican state apparatus, which are structurally constraining its ability to deliver results. Yet rather than addressing institutional deficiencies, decisions made by the new government have further compromised the state’s weak capabilities. Under the premise of extirpating the old neoliberal order, AMLO has centralized decision-making in the national executive, cultivated personalistic linkages, discarded inherited institutions, and implemented an aggressive fiscal austerity program. These measures have impaired the functioning of the bureaucracy and limited the prospects for greater social inclusion. Fiscal austerity, a quasi-religious moralizing discourse, and an increased reliance on the military for policy implementation mark a conservative turn. Attempts to weaken independent centers of power and AMLO’s propensity to demonize opponents may not escalate into a full authoritarian reversal, but they have eroded the conditions for pluralistic politics and rational public deliberation. Overall, the “Fourth Transformation” has missed opportunities to democratically strengthen the state and lay the groundwork for progressive social change.
{"title":"Mexico 2019: Personalistic Politics and Neoliberalism from the Left","authors":"Mariano Sánchez Talanquer","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000113","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) first year in power. It argues that his government is hostage to deep-seated fragilities in the Mexican state apparatus, which are structurally constraining its ability to deliver results. Yet rather than addressing institutional deficiencies, decisions made by the new government have further compromised the state’s weak capabilities. Under the premise of extirpating the old neoliberal order, AMLO has centralized decision-making in the national executive, cultivated personalistic linkages, discarded inherited institutions, and implemented an aggressive fiscal austerity program. These measures have impaired the functioning of the bureaucracy and limited the prospects for greater social inclusion. Fiscal austerity, a quasi-religious moralizing discourse, and an increased reliance on the military for policy implementation mark a conservative turn. Attempts to weaken independent centers of power and AMLO’s propensity to demonize opponents may not escalate into a full authoritarian reversal, but they have eroded the conditions for pluralistic politics and rational public deliberation. Overall, the “Fourth Transformation” has missed opportunities to democratically strengthen the state and lay the groundwork for progressive social change.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80309292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000106
Indira Palacios-Valladares
A wave of massive, at times violent, protests raged in Chile from October to December of 2019, opening new possibilities for the country’s politics. This paper investigates to what extent these events affected the organization, identity, and strategies of a pivotal actor in the cycle and, for the past two decades, an important driver of domestic political change: the student movement. Based on a qualitative analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with key student movement figures, it argues that, although the events in question were a national turning point, they did not necessarily constitute a critical juncture for the student movement. In explaining this somewhat paradoxical outcome, the paper supports the established view that the transformative impact of protest events on social movements depends on the strength of the movement’s organization and the character of its protest repertoires. In addition, it also highlights that some factors overlooked by the broader social movement literature --including the eventfulness of antecedent mobilization and the locus of protest-mediate the consequences of protest events on the movements involved.
{"title":"Chile's 2019 October Protests and the Student Movement: Eventful Mobilization?","authors":"Indira Palacios-Valladares","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000106","url":null,"abstract":"A wave of massive, at times violent, protests raged in Chile from October to December of 2019, opening new possibilities for the country’s politics. This paper investigates to what extent these events affected the organization, identity, and strategies of a pivotal actor in the cycle and, for the past two decades, an important driver of domestic political change: the student movement. Based on a qualitative analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with key student movement figures, it argues that, although the events in question were a national turning point, they did not necessarily constitute a critical juncture for the student movement. In explaining this somewhat paradoxical outcome, the paper supports the established view that the transformative impact of protest events on social movements depends on the strength of the movement’s organization and the character of its protest repertoires. In addition, it also highlights that some factors overlooked by the broader social movement literature --including the eventfulness of antecedent mobilization and the locus of protest-mediate the consequences of protest events on the movements involved.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77753006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000103
Octávio Amorim Neto, Gabriel Alves Pimenta
{"title":"The First Year of Bolsonaro in Office: Same Old Story, Same Old Song?","authors":"Octávio Amorim Neto, Gabriel Alves Pimenta","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000103","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88276842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000117
Lihuen Nocetto, R. Piñeiro, Fernando Rosenblatt
{"title":"Uruguay 2019: Fin del ciclo progresista y reestructura del sistema de partidos","authors":"Lihuen Nocetto, R. Piñeiro, Fernando Rosenblatt","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000117","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73665007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000118
Adriana Boersner
{"title":"Venezuela 2019: A Tale of Two Presidents","authors":"Adriana Boersner","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020005000118","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85134770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100095
Diego Reynoso, Gonzalo Vronkistinos
En este articulo se estima la posicion de los principales dirigentes provinciales segun su estilo Low (bajo o informal-popular) o High (alto o sobrio-refinado), en la terminologia de Pierre Ostiguy. Para lograr eso se realizo una encuesta en cada una de las provincias a expertos en politica provincial. En total se consultaron a 191 expertos. El trabajo ofrece la estimacion promedio de 117 politicos provinciales, asi como el error estandar de esas estimaciones, y se pone a prueba la hipotesis acerca de que las diferencias en el estilo estan asociadas a la pertenencia a un espacio politico. En otras palabras, que los politicos panperonistas tienden a tener un estilo Low y los no peronistas, y en especial los de Cambiemos, un estilo High.
{"title":"Espacios políticos y estilo alto-bajo. Un análisis de dirigentes provinciales, a partir de juicios de expertos en Argentina 2015","authors":"Diego Reynoso, Gonzalo Vronkistinos","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100095","url":null,"abstract":"En este articulo se estima la posicion de los principales dirigentes provinciales segun su estilo Low (bajo o informal-popular) o High (alto o sobrio-refinado), en la terminologia de Pierre Ostiguy. Para lograr eso se realizo una encuesta en cada una de las provincias a expertos en politica provincial. En total se consultaron a 191 expertos. El trabajo ofrece la estimacion promedio de 117 politicos provinciales, asi como el error estandar de esas estimaciones, y se pone a prueba la hipotesis acerca de que las diferencias en el estilo estan asociadas a la pertenencia a un espacio politico. En otras palabras, que los politicos panperonistas tienden a tener un estilo Low y los no peronistas, y en especial los de Cambiemos, un estilo High.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83770838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100049
F. Nieto, Fernanda Somouano
The lack of political participation is usually identified with apathy and disenchantment with democracy. However, little has been theorized and studied about the relationship between political participation and other forms of civic involvement, including the possibility that some citizens prefer to participate outside of or at the margins of institutional politics. In this study, we analyze different forms of political and community participation. We begin with the assumption that lack of participation in politics does not necessarily imply lack of citizen’s participation altogether. Based on survey data, we identify types based on different empirical patterns of participation in Mexico. The typological k-means analysis shows that at least four types of participation can be identified: conventional, apathetic, apolitical and hyperactive. Through a multinomial model we examine the bases of this typology.
{"title":"Participar o no participar: análisis tipológico de la participación ciudadana de los mexicanos","authors":"F. Nieto, Fernanda Somouano","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100049","url":null,"abstract":"The lack of political participation is usually identified with apathy and disenchantment with democracy. However, little has been theorized and studied about the relationship between political participation and other forms of civic involvement, including the possibility that some citizens prefer to participate outside of or at the margins of institutional politics. In this study, we analyze different forms of political and community participation. We begin with the assumption that lack of participation in politics does not necessarily imply lack of citizen’s participation altogether. Based on survey data, we identify types based on different empirical patterns of participation in Mexico. The typological k-means analysis shows that at least four types of participation can be identified: conventional, apathetic, apolitical and hyperactive. Through a multinomial model we examine the bases of this typology.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82700333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100001
P. Clerici, F. Cruz, Lara Goyburo
Does a competitive primary generate a damage to parties? Literature emphasizes that the electoral effect could be negative in the Latin American party system. Here we show that a competitive primary affect parties negatively because they lose considerable voters in between the two elections. When factional competition generates friction among candidates, leaders and militants, a negative impact occurs within the political space. This results in the possibility that the candidate who wins the primary receives “friendly fire”.
{"title":"¿Fuego amigo? El desgaste de las primarias competitivas en la provincia de Buenos Aires","authors":"P. Clerici, F. Cruz, Lara Goyburo","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100001","url":null,"abstract":"Does a competitive primary generate a damage to parties? Literature emphasizes that the electoral effect could be negative in the Latin American party system. Here we show that a competitive primary affect parties negatively because they lose considerable voters in between the two elections. When factional competition generates friction among candidates, leaders and militants, a negative impact occurs within the political space. This results in the possibility that the candidate who wins the primary receives “friendly fire”.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78591301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100073
Anita Perricone
There is abundant literature on the outcomes of legal mobilization, although there is no agreement on its effective influence on decision-making. This article explains the outcomes of different uses of legal mobilization by exploring the organizational resources, political and legal opportunities held by a series of actors who mobilized the law during the period under study. Based on the observation of these variables, four uses of legal mobilization are identified: residual by environmental organizations; exclusive by private health insurance affiliates; predominant by the anti-day after pill movement; symbolic by sexual minorities. It is argued that legal mobilization effectively influenced decision-making only when used in a symbolic way.
{"title":"La judicialización de la protesta y sus resultados: una tipología de la movilización legal en el Chile post-transición (1990-2018)","authors":"Anita Perricone","doi":"10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100073","url":null,"abstract":"There is abundant literature on the outcomes of legal mobilization, although there is no agreement on its effective influence on decision-making. This article explains the outcomes of different uses of legal mobilization by exploring the organizational resources, political and legal opportunities held by a series of actors who mobilized the law during the period under study. Based on the observation of these variables, four uses of legal mobilization are identified: residual by environmental organizations; exclusive by private health insurance affiliates; predominant by the anti-day after pill movement; symbolic by sexual minorities. It is argued that legal mobilization effectively influenced decision-making only when used in a symbolic way.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90707493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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