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KGB Man: The Cold War's Most Notorious Soviet Agent and the First to Be Exchanged at the Bridge of Spies by Cecil Kuhne 克格勃特工:冷战时期最臭名昭著的苏联特工,也是第一个在间谍桥上交换的特工
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01151
Harvey E. Klehr
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引用次数: 0
Hanoi's Balancing Act: The Vietnamese Communists and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1960–1965 河内的平衡行为:1960-1965年越南共产党与中苏分裂
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01142
L. You
Abstract The split between the Soviet Union and China had a great impact on other Communist countries, including the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, or North Vietnam), under the leadership of the Vietnamese Workers’ Party (VWP). As the rift between the PRC and the Soviet Union intensified, the VWP tried hard to balance between the two Communist powers so that it could focus on the war against the United States and the conquest of the South. Interactions between the DRV, China, and the Soviet Union highlighted the frequently complex nature of relations within the Communist world during the Cold War.
中苏分裂对包括越南工人党领导下的越南民主共和国(简称北越)在内的其他共产主义国家产生了重大影响。随着中华人民共和国和苏联之间的裂痕加剧,越南共产党努力在这两个共产主义大国之间取得平衡,以便将精力集中在对美战争和征服南方上。DRV、中国和苏联之间的互动凸显了冷战期间共产主义世界内部关系的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
China and the Cold War: Introduction 中国与冷战:导论
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_e_01139
Ya-Feng Xia, Zhiyong Liang
Despite problems with archival access and numerous other obstacles, the field of Cold War studies in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has expanded greatly in recent years. Scholars of the Cold War have received generous research funding and have increasingly traveled abroad to do research in other countries’ archives and to participate in international conferences. Since 2010, several new Chinese centers dealing with the history of the Cold War have been established. To familiarize Western scholars with some of the best Cold War scholarship now being produced by Chinese scholars, I have worked with the Journal of Cold War Studies to put out this special issue on “China and the Cold War.” It features six articles from junior and mid-career scholars whose work is representative of the most innovative and illuminating research on the topic by scholars from China.
尽管在档案获取和许多其他障碍方面存在问题,但近年来,中华人民共和国的冷战研究领域已经大大扩展。研究冷战的学者得到了慷慨的研究经费,他们越来越多地到国外去研究其他国家的档案,参加国际会议。自2010年以来,已经建立了几个新的研究冷战历史的中国中心。为了让西方学者熟悉中国学者目前所做的一些最好的冷战研究,我与《冷战研究杂志》合作,出版了这期《中国与冷战》特刊。它收录了来自初级和中期职业学者的六篇文章,这些文章的工作代表了中国学者对该主题最具创新性和启发性的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Cold War Social Science: Transnational Entanglements by Mark Solovey and Christian Dayé, eds. 《冷战社会科学:跨国纠葛》,马克·索洛维、克里斯蒂安·戴耶斯主编。
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01130
N. Gilman
divided the junta’s leadership and veered sharply toward action after Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannides overthrew Papadopoulos in the wake of the crushing of the Polytechnic student uprising in November 1973. When the ultranationalists in the junta plotted a coup for the overthrow of Archbishop Makarios and possible enosis on 15 July 1974, events spiraled out of their control. Turkey invaded the island five days later, the Greek dictatorship collapsed, and Greeks enthusiastically welcomed the restoration of civilian government on 23 July. The U.S. government’s failure to act during the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus inflamed Greek public opinion against Washington for well over a decade. In the concluding chapter the coeditors succinctly highlight the volume’s major contributions and then comment on the shortand longer-term legacies of the authoritarian interlude. Greece left its illiberal period behind and transitioned to a functioning democracy that qualified it for entry into the European Economic Community in 1981. Yet relations with NATO and the United States over the Cyprus imbroglio and Turkey’s challenges to Greek sovereignty in the Aegean remained strained. Overall, the Anastasakis-Lagos volume is a welcome addition to existing scholarship on this dark interlude in Greece’s history. Although all edited volumes face limits and constraints, a more comprehensive profile of the junta could have been constructed with added attention placed on the regime’s attempts to restructure institutions (e.g., elections, plebiscites, constitutions), on the cruelty of the secret police and on the impact of domestic and international resistance organizations.
1973年11月理工学院学生起义被镇压后,迪米特里奥斯·约阿尼德斯准将推翻了帕帕佐普洛斯,导致军政府领导层分裂,并急剧转向行动。1974年7月15日,当军政府中的极端民族主义者策划政变推翻马卡里奥斯大主教和可能的埃诺西斯时,事态失控。五天后,土耳其入侵该岛,希腊独裁政权垮台,希腊人热情欢迎7月23日恢复文官政府。美国政府在土耳其占领塞浦路斯北部期间未能采取行动,这激怒了希腊公众十多年来对华盛顿的反对。在最后一章中,合著者简洁地强调了该卷的主要贡献,然后评论了独裁插曲的短期和长期遗产。希腊摆脱了不自由时期,过渡到一个运作良好的民主国家,使其有资格于1981年加入欧洲经济共同体。然而,在塞浦路斯争端和土耳其对希腊爱琴海主权的挑战上,与北约和美国的关系仍然紧张。总的来说,Anastasakis Lagos的这本书是对希腊历史上这段黑暗插曲的现有研究的一个可喜的补充。尽管所有编辑的卷都面临着限制和制约,但本可以对军政府进行更全面的描述,同时更多地关注该政权重组机构的努力(如选举、公民投票、宪法)、秘密警察的残酷行为以及国内和国际抵抗组织的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Making the Alliance for Progress Serve the Few: U.S. Economic Aid to Cold War Brazil (1961–1964) 建立进步联盟为少数人服务:美国对冷战时期巴西的经济援助(1961-1964)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01125
F. Loureiro
Abstract This article analyzes the aid provided by U.S. and multilateral institutions to Brazilian states during the government of João Goulart in Brazil (1961–1964). Although scholars have long emphasized that John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress employed state-by-state shaped by Cold War goals that helped to destabilize Brazil's political system and to facilitate the advent of a military regime that lasted 21 years, little has been known until now about the amount, characteristics, and impact of these loans. This article presents the first comprehensive list of U.S. dollar loans and cruzeiro grants to Brazilian states during this crucial period of Brazil's history and demonstrates that U.S. aid was strongly guided by political objectives, particularly boosting anti-Communist and pro-U.S. governors for the forthcoming Brazilian presidential elections. Officials in Washington were hoping to keep strategic Brazilian states under U.S. influence in case a military move against Goulart proved necessary.
本文分析了1961-1964年jo奥·古拉特(jo o Goulart)执政期间美国和多边机构对巴西各州的援助。尽管学者们长期以来一直强调,约翰·f·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)的“进步联盟”(Alliance for Progress)采用了冷战目标形成的逐国政策,帮助破坏了巴西政治体系的稳定,并促成了一个持续了21年的军事政权的出现,但迄今为止,人们对这些贷款的数量、特征和影响知之甚少。本文首次介绍了在巴西历史上这一关键时期向巴西各州提供的美元贷款和克鲁塞罗赠款的综合清单,并表明美国的援助受到政治目标的强烈指导,特别是促进反共和亲美。为即将到来的巴西总统选举做准备。华盛顿的官员们希望,如果有必要对古拉特采取军事行动,将巴西的战略州置于美国的影响之下。
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引用次数: 1
Destination Elsewhere: Displaced Persons and Their Quest to Leave Postwar Europe by Ruth Balint 《其他地方的目的地:流离失所者及其离开战后欧洲的探索》,Ruth Balint著
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01126
Antoine Burgard
all stem
所有的阀杆
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引用次数: 1
Degrees of Difficulty: How Women's Gymnastics Rose to Prominence and Fell from Grace by Georgia Cervin 难度:女子体操如何脱颖而出
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01137
John A. Soares
Scholars interested in the role of sports in the Cold War will be intrigued by Degrees of Difficulty, Georgia Cervin’s book about women’s artistic gymnastics. Cervin is herself a former “international gymnast.” Much of the book deals with issues of greater interest to sport historians, ranging from the origins of the sport and its adaptation for women, to the heartbreaking and infuriating details about the abuse of gymnasts that caused the sport such scandal and agony in recent years. Yet Degrees of Difficulty also addresses the intersection of gymnastics and politics in the Cold War, with Cervin promising to challenge “what we know about the Cold War and international relations throughout this period” (p. 4). Among the stars here are Czechoslovakia’s Věra Čáslavská, who became an international celebrity in the 1960s with her gold medal performances and her beauty, to say nothing of her wedding to a fellow Czechoslovak Olympian during the Olympics in October 1968, two months after the Prague Spring had been crushed by Soviet troops. The USSR’s own Olga Korbut became the pig-tailed darling of the 1972 Olympics in part because of her effusive, emotional approach, which was so unlike the robotic demeanor common in elite East-bloc athletes. In 1976, the young Romanian Nadia Comaneci achieved fame across the Cold War divide, despite her robotic demeanor, when she posted the sport’s first perfect score at the Montreal Olympics. Gymnastics diplomacy sometimes served the purposes of the Soviet Union, which generally dominated the sport, but often the story was more complicated. On the medal stand in Mexico City, Čáslavská turned her head down and away during the playing of the USSR’s national anthem to protest the Soviet invasion of her homeland. The Soviet-Romanian rivalry in the 1970s and 1980s saw many outbursts of protest, especially from Romanian coach Bela Karolyi, often stemming from his unhappiness over the judging, which suffered from pro-Soviet bias and corruption. Cervin skillfully shows how all of this went beyond simple division along Cold War ideological lines. Even the Soviet star Korbut sometimes caused problems for Kremlin officials. In the afterglow of Munich, she and her Soviet gymnastics teammates toured the United States, including a White House visit with President Richard Nixon. Cervin credits this trip for helping to create the favorable diplomatic environment for the summit meeting between Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev in Washington in June 1973. More troubling for Soviet officials, Korbut’s emotionalism made her popular in the West but
对体育在冷战中的作用感兴趣的学者们会对乔治亚·塞尔文关于女子艺术体操的书《难度》感兴趣。塞尔文本人曾是“国际体操运动员”。这本书的大部分内容都涉及体育历史学家更感兴趣的问题,从这项运动的起源及其对女性的适应,到近年来导致这项运动如此丑闻和痛苦的体操运动员虐待的令人心碎和愤怒的细节。然而,《难度度》也谈到了冷战中体操和政治的交叉点,塞尔文承诺挑战“我们对这一时期冷战和国际关系的了解”(第4页)。这里的明星包括捷克斯洛伐克的VŞraČáslavská,她在20世纪60年代凭借金牌表演和美貌成为国际名人,更不用说1968年10月,布拉格之春被苏联军队镇压两个月后,她在奥运会期间与一位捷克斯洛伐克奥运选手的婚礼了。苏联自己的奥尔加·科尔布特成为1972年奥运会的猪尾巴宠儿,部分原因是她热情、感性的态度,这与东方精英运动员常见的机器人风度截然不同。1976年,年轻的罗马尼亚选手纳迪亚·科马内奇在蒙特利尔奥运会上创造了这项运动的第一个完美成绩,尽管她有着机器人般的风度,但她还是在冷战期间一举成名。体操外交有时符合苏联的目的,苏联通常主导着这项运动,但故事往往更复杂。在墨西哥城的颁奖台上,恰斯拉夫斯卡在演奏苏联国歌时低着头,抗议苏联入侵她的祖国。在20世纪70年代和80年代的苏罗对抗中,爆发了许多抗议,尤其是罗马尼亚教练贝拉·卡洛伊,这往往源于他对裁判的不满,因为裁判存在亲苏偏见和腐败。塞尔文巧妙地展示了这一切是如何超越冷战意识形态的简单分歧的。就连苏联明星科尔布特有时也会给克里姆林宫官员带来麻烦。在慕尼黑的余晖中,她和她的苏联体操队友们参观了美国,其中包括与理查德·尼克松总统一起访问白宫。塞尔文认为这次访问为尼克松和勃列日涅夫1973年6月在华盛顿举行的首脑会议创造了有利的外交环境。更令苏联官员不安的是,科尔布特的情感主义使她在西方很受欢迎,但
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引用次数: 0
The Indochinese Communist Party's Unfinished Revolution of 1945 and the Origins of Vietnam's 30-Year Civil War
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01120
Pierre Asselin
Abstract This article examines the genesis and outcomes of the so-called August Revolution undertaken by the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) in 1945. Drawing on Vietnamese archival materials and ICP resolutions, instructions, and assessments, the article shows that the revolution did not culminate in ICP dominance of Vietnamese politics and that Chinese Nationalist occupation authorities in northern Vietnam were neither cordial nor obliging toward the government established by Ho Chi Minh after he declared Vietnam's independence on 2 September 1945. The so-called bourgeois revolution Ho and the ICP instigated that summer faced insurmountable challenges, including domestic fracturing and contestation, that precluded its swift completion. The August Revolution that inspired Ho's declaration of independence marked the beginning of a bloody internal struggle for power in Vietnam, not its culmination.
摘要本文考察了1945年印度支那共产党发动的所谓八月革命的起源和结果。根据越南的档案材料和国际比较项目的决议、指示和评估,这篇文章表明,革命并没有以ICP在越南政治中的主导地位而告终,中国在越南北部的国民党占领当局对胡志明在1945年9月2日宣布越南独立后建立的政府既不友好也不顺从。何和当年夏天发起的所谓资产阶级革命和国际比较项目面临着难以克服的挑战,包括国内的分裂和争论,这阻碍了它的迅速完成。促使何宣布独立的八月革命标志着越南内部权力斗争的血腥开始,而不是高潮。
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引用次数: 0
The Sino-Soviet Alliance: An International History by Austin Jersild 《中苏联盟:国际史》奥斯汀·杰西尔德著
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01136
Ya-Feng Xia
Rust argues that the United States overplayed the salience of Communist ideology in international relations while downplaying the history, people, and politics of individual states. U.S. officials in the 1950s tended to reduce the complexity of relations within and among foreign countries to a zero-sum game in which a country was either lost to or won from an international Communist conspiracy efficiently directed by the Soviet Union (p. 18). This challenged Phnom Penh’s overarching security concerns, which had developed independent of global Cold War imperatives and were instead focused on the local rivalry with Saigon and Bangkok. The Eisenhower administration’s reluctance to oppose South Vietnam’s plotting against Sihanouk, whose neutralist tint was deemed less pertinent to U.S. interests, was in agreement with Washington’s desire to maintain Saigon as “a strong anti-Communist bastion in Southeast Asia” (p. 200). Therefore, Cambodia and United States seemed to have reached an impasse in which visions of neutrality and independence from below clashed with the seemingly all-engulfing zero-sum calculus from above. Rust’s book is a valuable, well-researched, and lucidly written case study demonstrating the pitfalls that can develop in diplomatic relations between a superpower and a small state when local imperatives and global interests are mismatched. The added value Rust provides to our understanding of the Cold War’s spread into locales hitherto thought of as insignificant is that it puts similar experiences in perspective. As I read Rust’s findings with rapt interest, I could not help but draw parallels with my earlier study of the Soviet Union’s involvement in the Horn of Africa. The Soviet Union, like the United States, had to deal with rival local actors that almost invariably put their own narrowly defined interests above and before vague and broadly drawn global prerogatives, more often than not managing to elevate the status of their localized cleavages into international crises. Although Rust’s new book may not add much in the way of novel interpretations of the studied period—for that, see Kenton Clymer’s The United States and Cambodia 1870– 1969: From Curiosity to Confrontation (RoutledgeCurzon, 2004) and The United States and Cambodia, 1969–2000: A Troubled Relationship (RoutledgeCurzon, 2004)—it undoubtedly enriches our knowledge by offering clear and concise analysis of primary material that will interest not only students of Indochina but also those who seek to develop a wider understanding of center-periphery relations during the Cold War.
鲁斯特认为,美国在国际关系中夸大了共产主义意识形态的重要性,同时淡化了个别国家的历史、人民和政治。20世纪50年代,美国官员倾向于将外国内部和之间关系的复杂性降低为零和游戏,在这种游戏中,一个国家要么输给了苏联有效指挥的国际共产主义阴谋,要么从中获胜(第18页)。这挑战了金边的总体安全关切,该关切是独立于全球冷战的需要而发展起来的,而是集中在当地与西贡和曼谷的竞争上。艾森豪威尔政府不愿反对南越对西哈努克的阴谋,西哈努克人的中立主义色彩被认为与美国的利益不太相关,这与华盛顿希望将西贡维持为“东南亚强大的反共堡垒”的愿望一致(第200页)。因此,柬埔寨和美国似乎陷入了僵局,在这种僵局中,来自下层的中立和独立愿景与来自上层的似乎包罗万象的零和计算发生了冲突。鲁斯特的书是一本有价值、研究充分、写得清晰的案例研究,展示了当地方需要和全球利益不匹配时,超级大国和小国之间的外交关系可能会出现的陷阱。《铁锈》为我们理解冷战蔓延到迄今为止被认为微不足道的地区提供了附加值,它将类似的经历放在了正确的角度。当我饶有兴趣地阅读鲁斯特的发现时,我忍不住将其与我早期对苏联参与非洲之角的研究相提并论。与美国一样,苏联不得不与当地的敌对行为者打交道,这些行为者几乎总是将自己狭隘的利益置于模糊和广泛的全球特权之上,往往会设法将其局部分裂的地位提升为国际危机。尽管鲁斯特的新书可能没有对所研究的时期进行太多新颖的解读——为此,参见肯顿·克莱默的《1870-1969年的美国和柬埔寨:从好奇到对抗》(RoutledgeCurzon,2004)和《美国和柬埔寨》,1969年至2000年:一种麻烦的关系(RoutlledgeCurzon,2004年)-它通过对主要材料进行清晰简洁的分析,无疑丰富了我们的知识,这些材料不仅会引起中印学生的兴趣,也会引起那些寻求对冷战期间的中西方关系有更广泛理解的学生的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Eisenhower & Cambodia: Diplomacy, Covert Action and the Origins of the Second Indochina War by William J. Rust
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01135
Radoslav Yordanov
of time when Truman and Stalin found themselves helping to midwife Israel’s longawaited moment. In mid-1949, however, as the Cold War came into full bloom and Stalin pursued a murderously anti-Semitic campaign in the USSR, the Soviet regime turned vehemently against Israel. That dismal turn of events stood in notable contrast to the remarkable story that preceded it. This is a first-rate book and deserves a wide readership.
杜鲁门和斯大林发现自己帮助促成了以色列期待已久的时刻。然而,在1949年中期,随着冷战的全面爆发,斯大林在苏联进行了一场残酷的反犹太主义运动,苏联政权转而强烈反对以色列。这一令人沮丧的转折与之前的精彩故事形成了鲜明对比。这是一本一流的书,值得广大读者阅读。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Cold War Studies
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