Balint’s sensible attention to DPs’ intimacies and to “all the drama and the mystery of human relations” (p. 146) makes Destination Elsewhere a necessary read for historians of twentieth-century state-building, migration, refugees, gender, and family. Her close reading of personal histories will also be of interest to any social scientist who, “confronted with figures in the millions . . . wishes to understand individual experience” (p. 9).
{"title":"The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures by Francesca Orsini, Neelam Srivastava, and Laetitia Zecchini, eds.","authors":"Stephan Delbos","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01127","url":null,"abstract":"Balint’s sensible attention to DPs’ intimacies and to “all the drama and the mystery of human relations” (p. 146) makes Destination Elsewhere a necessary read for historians of twentieth-century state-building, migration, refugees, gender, and family. Her close reading of personal histories will also be of interest to any social scientist who, “confronted with figures in the millions . . . wishes to understand individual experience” (p. 9).","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"210-212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46627085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
dimension of U.S. global hegemony and political ambitions in the context of the Cold War, as Nicolas Dirks and I recently explained in The Cambridge History of America and the World, vol. 4 (Cambridge University Press, 2021). Still, the authors are right to point out that the significance of U.S.-led or sponsored work often changed when it moved across national borders and into dialogue with local political and social scientific research contexts. Many U.S. social scientists were themselves well aware of this, often producing their work in partnership with local social scientists who were not just passive recipients of American social science but would instead actively shape the thinking of their U.S. partners—as was the case with the anthropologist Charles Wagley, who collaborated closely with Brazilian colleagues in developing his ideas (as Sebastian Gil-Riaño’s contribution suggests). Conversely, ideas that emerged out of a disciplinary or local political context that might have little per se to do with the Cold War could, upon traveling across borders, become enrolled in Cold War disputes, as was the case with dependency theory, which began as a debate within the Latin American left over industrialization strategies, but which upon arrival in the United States was deployed primarily as a counter–Cold War social scientific critique of modernization theory (as Margarita Fajardo’s contribution explains). A particular strength of the volume is its clear focus on the importance of UNESCO as an early Cold War–era institution for promoting social scientific inquiry worldwide. Several essays in the volume mention UNESCO’s role as a vehicle for funding the production and transmission of social scientific knowledge, but Per Wisselgren’s piece in particular highlights how the vision of social science promoted by UNESCO during its first decade was in fact at odds with the kind of social science that became hegemonic in the American academy during the 1950s and 1960s. Under the leadership of Alva Myrdal, UNESCO’s Social Science Department promoted methods and forms of social science whose normative baseline was not the promotion of liberal democratic capitalism but the development of world government, international peace, and “One Worldism.” An intriguing question left by this volume is how global social science might have unfolded differently had UNESCO rather than U.S. government-aligned visions of social science become the globally hegemonic ones in the second half of the twentieth century.
{"title":"Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961–1975 by Natalia Telepneva","authors":"Matt Mulhern","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01131","url":null,"abstract":"dimension of U.S. global hegemony and political ambitions in the context of the Cold War, as Nicolas Dirks and I recently explained in The Cambridge History of America and the World, vol. 4 (Cambridge University Press, 2021). Still, the authors are right to point out that the significance of U.S.-led or sponsored work often changed when it moved across national borders and into dialogue with local political and social scientific research contexts. Many U.S. social scientists were themselves well aware of this, often producing their work in partnership with local social scientists who were not just passive recipients of American social science but would instead actively shape the thinking of their U.S. partners—as was the case with the anthropologist Charles Wagley, who collaborated closely with Brazilian colleagues in developing his ideas (as Sebastian Gil-Riaño’s contribution suggests). Conversely, ideas that emerged out of a disciplinary or local political context that might have little per se to do with the Cold War could, upon traveling across borders, become enrolled in Cold War disputes, as was the case with dependency theory, which began as a debate within the Latin American left over industrialization strategies, but which upon arrival in the United States was deployed primarily as a counter–Cold War social scientific critique of modernization theory (as Margarita Fajardo’s contribution explains). A particular strength of the volume is its clear focus on the importance of UNESCO as an early Cold War–era institution for promoting social scientific inquiry worldwide. Several essays in the volume mention UNESCO’s role as a vehicle for funding the production and transmission of social scientific knowledge, but Per Wisselgren’s piece in particular highlights how the vision of social science promoted by UNESCO during its first decade was in fact at odds with the kind of social science that became hegemonic in the American academy during the 1950s and 1960s. Under the leadership of Alva Myrdal, UNESCO’s Social Science Department promoted methods and forms of social science whose normative baseline was not the promotion of liberal democratic capitalism but the development of world government, international peace, and “One Worldism.” An intriguing question left by this volume is how global social science might have unfolded differently had UNESCO rather than U.S. government-aligned visions of social science become the globally hegemonic ones in the second half of the twentieth century.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"219-222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44277544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Adopting an analytically eclectic approach that draws on theories of realist bargaining, identity, and socialization, this article investigates the early Cold War origins of the Five Eyes intelligence grouping (the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). An understanding of identity grounded in culture suggests a natural process of international intelligence community building, but this was not the case with the Five Eyes. The formation of the grouping was not preordained. Although Anglo-Saxonism was a necessary condition, it was not sufficient. In addition to being able to provide valuable sites for signals intelligence collection, aspiring members had to be seen as staunchly anti-Communist (and therefore politically trustworthy) by the United States in order to become full members of this exclusive community. Early postwar concerns over the political loyalties and secrecy protection regime of the Australian government prompted the British to initiate a process of socialization aimed at bolstering its affiliate's security institutions and practices and guaranteeing its own access to U.S. secrets.
{"title":"Why the Five Eyes? Power and Identity in the Formation of a Multilateral Intelligence Grouping","authors":"B. Williams","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01123","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Adopting an analytically eclectic approach that draws on theories of realist bargaining, identity, and socialization, this article investigates the early Cold War origins of the Five Eyes intelligence grouping (the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). An understanding of identity grounded in culture suggests a natural process of international intelligence community building, but this was not the case with the Five Eyes. The formation of the grouping was not preordained. Although Anglo-Saxonism was a necessary condition, it was not sufficient. In addition to being able to provide valuable sites for signals intelligence collection, aspiring members had to be seen as staunchly anti-Communist (and therefore politically trustworthy) by the United States in order to become full members of this exclusive community. Early postwar concerns over the political loyalties and secrecy protection regime of the Australian government prompted the British to initiate a process of socialization aimed at bolstering its affiliate's security institutions and practices and guaranteeing its own access to U.S. secrets.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"101-137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45341649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials’ willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies.
{"title":"U.S. Cold War Policy and the Italian Far-Right: The Nixon Administration, Republican Party Operatives, and the Borghese Coup Plot of 1970","authors":"Jonathan D. Marshall","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01124","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials’ willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"138-167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64579347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The book is very well written, but if Daddis could have expanded upon any one thing, it is the idea that some Cold War youth rejected the pulp magazines’ themes. In his conclusion, Daddis includes one paragraph of veterans who did not subscribe to the pulps’ ideals. Daddis could have expanded on this more. Even better, he could have included a short discussion in each chapter of men who rejected the teachings of the specific chapter themes, such as the portrayal of women or whether war was a true man-making experience. Nevertheless, this is a small criticism of an extremely strong book. Historians and scholars wanting to expand their knowledge of military, racial, or gender history will find multiple uses for this work.
{"title":"The Greek Military Dictatorship: Revisiting a Troubled Past, 1967–1974 by Othon Anastasakis and Katerina Lagos, eds.","authors":"S. V. Papacosma","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01129","url":null,"abstract":"The book is very well written, but if Daddis could have expanded upon any one thing, it is the idea that some Cold War youth rejected the pulp magazines’ themes. In his conclusion, Daddis includes one paragraph of veterans who did not subscribe to the pulps’ ideals. Daddis could have expanded on this more. Even better, he could have included a short discussion in each chapter of men who rejected the teachings of the specific chapter themes, such as the portrayal of women or whether war was a true man-making experience. Nevertheless, this is a small criticism of an extremely strong book. Historians and scholars wanting to expand their knowledge of military, racial, or gender history will find multiple uses for this work.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"214-217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43072392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gregory Daddis’s Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men’s Adventure Magazines is a fantastic book that delves into the creation, reinforcement, and perpetuation of “martial masculinity” in the Cold War and its impact on the U.S. war in Vietnam. Daddis defines martial masculinity as the idea that men must prove their manhood through military service, sexual conquests, and domination over minority populations. Men’s adventure magazines, also known as “pulps,” were a prominent channel through which American males, both young and old, established and reinvigorated martial masculinity. Daddis argues that “men’s adventure magazines from the post-World War II era crafted a particular version of martial masculinity that helped establish and then normalize GIs’ expectations and perceptions in Vietnam” (p. 5). The pulps offered a haven for the disappearing ideals of martial masculinity in the early Cold War. When the masculine conception of war—based on stoicism, independence, and strength—declined in the years after World War II, the adventure magazines perpetuated those ideals to their readers. Veterans of World War II and the Korean War often read these magazines because, in an era when domesticity and softness seemed to threaten masculinity, pulps helped veterans remember how they had earned their manhood via military service. The magazines also attracted another class of readers: working-class youth. In an interesting and important discussion, Daddis shows that publishers targeted working-class young men. As Christian Appy argued in his book Working-Class War (1993), most of the soldiers drafted during the Vietnam War came from the working-class population. Thus, the pulps found significant influence among the majority of young people who eventually fought in Vietnam (pp. 15–16). This insight is crucial in helping readers to understand the prevalence and influence the pulps had on the men actually fighting the war. Organized thematically, each chapter addresses a topic that young readers found in the pulp magazines. Daddis demonstrates how each of those subjects had negative consequences on the readers once they fought in Vietnam. The themes include the notion that war is honorable and rewarding; that war is a man-making experience; and that foreign women, especially Asian women, are savage, seductive, and ready to please American men. As young readers read their pulps, these themes created false perceptions of war that eventually caused physical and psychological harm to Vietnamese citizens and U.S. soldiers themselves. Indeed, by hiding the true costs of war, such as injury and death, the pulps reinforced the myth of the Greatest Generation from
{"title":"Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men’s Adventure Magazines by Gregory A. Daddis","authors":"J. Pitt","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01128","url":null,"abstract":"Gregory Daddis’s Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men’s Adventure Magazines is a fantastic book that delves into the creation, reinforcement, and perpetuation of “martial masculinity” in the Cold War and its impact on the U.S. war in Vietnam. Daddis defines martial masculinity as the idea that men must prove their manhood through military service, sexual conquests, and domination over minority populations. Men’s adventure magazines, also known as “pulps,” were a prominent channel through which American males, both young and old, established and reinvigorated martial masculinity. Daddis argues that “men’s adventure magazines from the post-World War II era crafted a particular version of martial masculinity that helped establish and then normalize GIs’ expectations and perceptions in Vietnam” (p. 5). The pulps offered a haven for the disappearing ideals of martial masculinity in the early Cold War. When the masculine conception of war—based on stoicism, independence, and strength—declined in the years after World War II, the adventure magazines perpetuated those ideals to their readers. Veterans of World War II and the Korean War often read these magazines because, in an era when domesticity and softness seemed to threaten masculinity, pulps helped veterans remember how they had earned their manhood via military service. The magazines also attracted another class of readers: working-class youth. In an interesting and important discussion, Daddis shows that publishers targeted working-class young men. As Christian Appy argued in his book Working-Class War (1993), most of the soldiers drafted during the Vietnam War came from the working-class population. Thus, the pulps found significant influence among the majority of young people who eventually fought in Vietnam (pp. 15–16). This insight is crucial in helping readers to understand the prevalence and influence the pulps had on the men actually fighting the war. Organized thematically, each chapter addresses a topic that young readers found in the pulp magazines. Daddis demonstrates how each of those subjects had negative consequences on the readers once they fought in Vietnam. The themes include the notion that war is honorable and rewarding; that war is a man-making experience; and that foreign women, especially Asian women, are savage, seductive, and ready to please American men. As young readers read their pulps, these themes created false perceptions of war that eventually caused physical and psychological harm to Vietnamese citizens and U.S. soldiers themselves. Indeed, by hiding the true costs of war, such as injury and death, the pulps reinforced the myth of the Greatest Generation from","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"212-214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43745492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both in the countries in which they had settled and in their countries of origin. This mixture of social and political dimensions was a specific phenomenon of Cold War intellectual history in Europe. The article draws on archival materials from Poland, Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States and builds on concepts developed by scholars such as Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, V. O. Key, Jr., Yossi Shain, and Idesbald Goddeeris.
{"title":"A Shadow Party System: The Political Activities of Cold War Polish Exiles","authors":"Sławomir Łukasiewicz","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01121","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both in the countries in which they had settled and in their countries of origin. This mixture of social and political dimensions was a specific phenomenon of Cold War intellectual history in Europe. The article draws on archival materials from Poland, Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States and builds on concepts developed by scholars such as Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, V. O. Key, Jr., Yossi Shain, and Idesbald Goddeeris.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"46-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44143295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
persecution and purges” were “strong evidence of a Kampucheanization of Maoism” (p. 173), as if this did not also occur in the Soviet Union. One might rather argue that it is actually strong evidence of Stalinism. Galway exaggerates the influence of some and underplays that of others. He says Yuon and Nim helped develop the party’s strategy of “combined political and armed struggle” and initiated the party’s secret defense units (p. 145). He offers no evidence for this. Neither man was ever a member of the party’s Central Committee. Khieu Samphan wrote a doctoral dissertation on “Cambodia’s Economy and Its Problems with Industrialization “(1959), drawing on Samir Amin’s center-periphery theory. Like Yuon and Nim, he, too, was Paris-educated, joined the CPF, initially took the parliamentary route to reform as part of Sihanouk’s government, and then was driven into the maquis in 1967. But unlike Yuon and Nim, Samphan went on to become head of state in DK and a leading defender of the regime. He is now in his 90s, the only surviving senior leader of the CPK. The autarkic development model advocated by Samphan in his thesis is precisely what the CPK implemented. It is striking that Galway mentions Samphan repeatedly but does not credit him as one of the regime’s intellectual leading lights. Despite these issues, Galway’s volume exhibits immense scholarship and is likely to ignite considerable debate among Cambodia scholars. It is a fascinating contribution to the historiography of modern Cambodia.
{"title":"Her Cold War: Women in the U.S. Military 1945–1980 by Tanya L. Roth","authors":"B. L. Moore","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01133","url":null,"abstract":"persecution and purges” were “strong evidence of a Kampucheanization of Maoism” (p. 173), as if this did not also occur in the Soviet Union. One might rather argue that it is actually strong evidence of Stalinism. Galway exaggerates the influence of some and underplays that of others. He says Yuon and Nim helped develop the party’s strategy of “combined political and armed struggle” and initiated the party’s secret defense units (p. 145). He offers no evidence for this. Neither man was ever a member of the party’s Central Committee. Khieu Samphan wrote a doctoral dissertation on “Cambodia’s Economy and Its Problems with Industrialization “(1959), drawing on Samir Amin’s center-periphery theory. Like Yuon and Nim, he, too, was Paris-educated, joined the CPF, initially took the parliamentary route to reform as part of Sihanouk’s government, and then was driven into the maquis in 1967. But unlike Yuon and Nim, Samphan went on to become head of state in DK and a leading defender of the regime. He is now in his 90s, the only surviving senior leader of the CPK. The autarkic development model advocated by Samphan in his thesis is precisely what the CPK implemented. It is striking that Galway mentions Samphan repeatedly but does not credit him as one of the regime’s intellectual leading lights. Despite these issues, Galway’s volume exhibits immense scholarship and is likely to ignite considerable debate among Cambodia scholars. It is a fascinating contribution to the historiography of modern Cambodia.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"224-227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49528554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This new book by Jeffrey C. Herf, a prolific historian of modern European politics and societies at the University of Maryland, examines an early and important post-1945 geopolitical question facing governments: whether to favor or oppose the establishment of a sovereign Jewish state on the eastern rim of the Mediterranean Sea. This issue deeply divided Western governments, Western publics, and international bodies, whereas Soviet-bloc governments were unified on the matter. From May 1947 to May 1949, to the surprise of many, the United States and the Soviet Union cooperated for one remarkable moment in facilitating the launch of the nascent state of Israel onto the regional and world scene. This is the story Herf heavily documents and tells in Israel’s Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945–1949. He magnifies the centrality of European affairs in the first half of the twentieth century and highlights what occurred when international rivals collaborated on a complicated and controversial issue amid a deepening Cold War. Even though the United States and the Soviet Union converged to recognize the independence of the Zionist entity, a motley group of governments, political parties, and private and non-profit entities strongly opposed bringing Israel into legal existence. The latter included Great Britain’s Labour government and a political hierarchy clinging to empire in its Palestinian Mandate and beyond, including defending its access through the strategic Suez Canal. The sweep of Arab leaders included authoritarian strongmen and quasi-governments such as Arab League members and the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine led by Haj Amin al-Husayni, the grand mufti of Jerusalem who had been a leading Nazi collaborator. Opposition inside the United State included the Truman administration’s top diplomatic, military, and intelligence brass, plus corporate energy and industrial board heads who were invested in cultivating the Arab Middle East and its petroleum—with or without President Harry S. Truman. Herf makes clear his admiration of the extraordinary efforts of post-Holocaust Jews in Palestine, a patchwork of groups under the aegis of Prime Minister David Ben Gurion. Herf consistently praises Ben Gurion, who understood there was only a brief window of opportunity for a U.S.-Soviet agreement to support partitioning
这本新书由马里兰大学多产的现代欧洲政治和社会历史学家杰弗里·c·赫夫(Jeffrey C. Herf)撰写，探讨了1945年后各国政府面临的一个早期和重要的地缘政治问题:是支持还是反对在地中海东岸建立一个主权的犹太国家。在这个问题上，西方政府、西方公众和国际组织存在严重分歧，而苏联集团的政府在这个问题上是统一的。从1947年5月到1949年5月，令许多人惊讶的是，美国和苏联合作了一个非凡的时刻，促进了新生的以色列国家在地区和世界舞台上的崛起。这就是赫夫在《以色列的时刻:1945-1949年建立犹太国家的国际支持和反对》一书中大量记录和讲述的故事。他放大了20世纪上半叶欧洲事务的中心地位，并强调了在冷战不断加深的情况下，国际竞争对手在一个复杂而有争议的问题上合作所发生的事情。尽管美国和苏联一致承认犹太复国主义实体的独立性，但政府、政党、私人和非营利实体等形形色色的团体强烈反对将以色列纳入合法存在。后者包括英国的工党政府，以及在巴勒斯坦及其以外地区依附于帝国的政治等级，包括保卫其通过战略苏伊士运河的通道。阿拉伯领导人包括专制强人和准政府，如阿拉伯联盟成员和巴勒斯坦阿拉伯高级委员会，由耶路撒冷大穆夫提哈吉·阿明·胡赛尼领导，他曾是纳粹的主要合作者。美国国内的反对者包括杜鲁门政府的外交、军事和情报高层，以及能源和工业公司的负责人，他们投资于发展中东阿拉伯地区及其石油，不管有没有杜鲁门总统。赫夫明确表达了他对大屠杀后犹太人在巴勒斯坦做出的非凡努力的钦佩，这些犹太人是在以色列总理大卫·本·古里安(David Ben Gurion)的支持下，由不同团体组成的。赫夫一直赞扬本·古里安，他明白美苏达成协议支持分治的机会只有一个短暂的窗口
{"title":"Israel's Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945–1949 by Jeffrey Herf","authors":"Thomas A. Dine","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01134","url":null,"abstract":"This new book by Jeffrey C. Herf, a prolific historian of modern European politics and societies at the University of Maryland, examines an early and important post-1945 geopolitical question facing governments: whether to favor or oppose the establishment of a sovereign Jewish state on the eastern rim of the Mediterranean Sea. This issue deeply divided Western governments, Western publics, and international bodies, whereas Soviet-bloc governments were unified on the matter. From May 1947 to May 1949, to the surprise of many, the United States and the Soviet Union cooperated for one remarkable moment in facilitating the launch of the nascent state of Israel onto the regional and world scene. This is the story Herf heavily documents and tells in Israel’s Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945–1949. He magnifies the centrality of European affairs in the first half of the twentieth century and highlights what occurred when international rivals collaborated on a complicated and controversial issue amid a deepening Cold War. Even though the United States and the Soviet Union converged to recognize the independence of the Zionist entity, a motley group of governments, political parties, and private and non-profit entities strongly opposed bringing Israel into legal existence. The latter included Great Britain’s Labour government and a political hierarchy clinging to empire in its Palestinian Mandate and beyond, including defending its access through the strategic Suez Canal. The sweep of Arab leaders included authoritarian strongmen and quasi-governments such as Arab League members and the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine led by Haj Amin al-Husayni, the grand mufti of Jerusalem who had been a leading Nazi collaborator. Opposition inside the United State included the Truman administration’s top diplomatic, military, and intelligence brass, plus corporate energy and industrial board heads who were invested in cultivating the Arab Middle East and its petroleum—with or without President Harry S. Truman. Herf makes clear his admiration of the extraordinary efforts of post-Holocaust Jews in Palestine, a patchwork of groups under the aegis of Prime Minister David Ben Gurion. Herf consistently praises Ben Gurion, who understood there was only a brief window of opportunity for a U.S.-Soviet agreement to support partitioning","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"227-230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45758485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Telepneva carefully leads the reader through a dizzying array of acronyms and actors in this multi-generational struggle, while never losing sight of her central thesis: the vital part played by the Soviet bureaucracy in the armed postcolonial liberation struggle and the African revolutionaries who used diplomacy to initiate and increase Soviet support for their cause. This is important reading for those interested in the agency of African liberation leaders and the divide between existing narratives of individual anti-colonial movements and those of superpower competition in sub-Saharan Africa during the Cold War.
{"title":"The Emergence of Global Maoism: China's Red Evangelism and the Cambodian Communist Movement, 1949–1979 by Matthew Galway","authors":"C. Etcheson","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01132","url":null,"abstract":"Telepneva carefully leads the reader through a dizzying array of acronyms and actors in this multi-generational struggle, while never losing sight of her central thesis: the vital part played by the Soviet bureaucracy in the armed postcolonial liberation struggle and the African revolutionaries who used diplomacy to initiate and increase Soviet support for their cause. This is important reading for those interested in the agency of African liberation leaders and the divide between existing narratives of individual anti-colonial movements and those of superpower competition in sub-Saharan Africa during the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"222-224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44176726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：