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The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures by Francesca Orsini, Neelam Srivastava, and Laetitia Zecchini, eds. 《意识形态的形式和形式的意识形态:冷战、非殖民化和第三世界印刷文化》,Francesca Orsini、Neelam Srivastava和Laetitia Zecchini主编。
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01127
Stephan Delbos
Balint’s sensible attention to DPs’ intimacies and to “all the drama and the mystery of human relations” (p. 146) makes Destination Elsewhere a necessary read for historians of twentieth-century state-building, migration, refugees, gender, and family. Her close reading of personal histories will also be of interest to any social scientist who, “confronted with figures in the millions . . . wishes to understand individual experience” (p. 9).
巴林特对民主党人的亲密关系和“所有戏剧和人际关系的神秘性”的明智关注(第146页)使《目的地别处》成为20世纪国家建设、移民、难民、性别和家庭历史学家的必读之作。她对个人历史的细读也会引起任何“面对数以百万计的数字……希望了解个人经历”的社会科学家的兴趣(第9页)。
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引用次数: 0
Why the Five Eyes? Power and Identity in the Formation of a Multilateral Intelligence Grouping 为什么是五只眼睛?多边情报集团形成过程中的权力与身份
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01123
B. Williams
Abstract Adopting an analytically eclectic approach that draws on theories of realist bargaining, identity, and socialization, this article investigates the early Cold War origins of the Five Eyes intelligence grouping (the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). An understanding of identity grounded in culture suggests a natural process of international intelligence community building, but this was not the case with the Five Eyes. The formation of the grouping was not preordained. Although Anglo-Saxonism was a necessary condition, it was not sufficient. In addition to being able to provide valuable sites for signals intelligence collection, aspiring members had to be seen as staunchly anti-Communist (and therefore politically trustworthy) by the United States in order to become full members of this exclusive community. Early postwar concerns over the political loyalties and secrecy protection regime of the Australian government prompted the British to initiate a process of socialization aimed at bolstering its affiliate's security institutions and practices and guaranteeing its own access to U.S. secrets.
本文采用兼收并收的分析方法,借鉴现实主义讨价还价、身份认同和社会化理论,研究了冷战早期五眼情报组织(美国、加拿大、英国、澳大利亚和新西兰)的起源。对建立在文化基础上的身份认同的理解表明,建立国际情报界是一个自然的过程,但“五眼联盟”的情况并非如此。这个集团的形成并不是预先注定的。虽然盎格鲁-撒克逊主义是必要条件,但不是充分条件。除了能够为信号情报收集提供有价值的地点外,有抱负的成员必须被美国视为坚定的反共分子(因此在政治上值得信赖),才能成为这个排外团体的正式成员。战后早期对澳大利亚政府的政治忠诚和保密制度的担忧促使英国启动了一项社会化进程,旨在加强其附属机构的安全机构和做法,并保证自己能够获得美国的机密。
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引用次数: 0
Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961–1975 by Natalia Telepneva 冷战解放:苏联和葡萄牙帝国在非洲的崩溃,1961-1975,娜塔莉亚·特勒普涅娃
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01131
Matt Mulhern
dimension of U.S. global hegemony and political ambitions in the context of the Cold War, as Nicolas Dirks and I recently explained in The Cambridge History of America and the World, vol. 4 (Cambridge University Press, 2021). Still, the authors are right to point out that the significance of U.S.-led or sponsored work often changed when it moved across national borders and into dialogue with local political and social scientific research contexts. Many U.S. social scientists were themselves well aware of this, often producing their work in partnership with local social scientists who were not just passive recipients of American social science but would instead actively shape the thinking of their U.S. partners—as was the case with the anthropologist Charles Wagley, who collaborated closely with Brazilian colleagues in developing his ideas (as Sebastian Gil-Riaño’s contribution suggests). Conversely, ideas that emerged out of a disciplinary or local political context that might have little per se to do with the Cold War could, upon traveling across borders, become enrolled in Cold War disputes, as was the case with dependency theory, which began as a debate within the Latin American left over industrialization strategies, but which upon arrival in the United States was deployed primarily as a counter–Cold War social scientific critique of modernization theory (as Margarita Fajardo’s contribution explains). A particular strength of the volume is its clear focus on the importance of UNESCO as an early Cold War–era institution for promoting social scientific inquiry worldwide. Several essays in the volume mention UNESCO’s role as a vehicle for funding the production and transmission of social scientific knowledge, but Per Wisselgren’s piece in particular highlights how the vision of social science promoted by UNESCO during its first decade was in fact at odds with the kind of social science that became hegemonic in the American academy during the 1950s and 1960s. Under the leadership of Alva Myrdal, UNESCO’s Social Science Department promoted methods and forms of social science whose normative baseline was not the promotion of liberal democratic capitalism but the development of world government, international peace, and “One Worldism.” An intriguing question left by this volume is how global social science might have unfolded differently had UNESCO rather than U.S. government-aligned visions of social science become the globally hegemonic ones in the second half of the twentieth century.
正如尼古拉斯·德克斯和我最近在《剑桥美国和世界历史》第4卷(剑桥大学出版社,2021年)中所解释的那样,冷战背景下美国全球霸权和政治野心的维度。然而,作者正确地指出,当美国领导或赞助的研究跨越国界,与当地政治和社会科学研究背景进行对话时,其意义往往会发生变化。许多美国社会科学家自己也很清楚这一点,他们经常与当地的社会科学家合作完成他们的工作,这些社会科学家不仅是美国社会科学的被动接受者,而且会积极地塑造他们美国合作伙伴的思想——就像人类学家查尔斯·瓦格利(Charles Wagley)的例子一样,他与巴西同事密切合作,发展了他的想法(正如塞巴斯蒂安Gil-Riaño的贡献所表明的那样)。相反,从学科或地方政治背景中产生的思想本身可能与冷战没有什么关系,在跨越国界时,可能会成为冷战争端的一部分,就像依赖理论一样,它始于拉丁美洲遗留工业化战略的辩论,但在抵达美国后,它主要被用作对现代化理论的反冷战社会科学批判(正如玛格丽塔·法哈多的贡献所解释的那样)。本书的一个特别优点是它明确强调教科文组织作为冷战时期早期促进全球社会科学探究的机构的重要性。这本书中的几篇文章提到了联合国教科文组织作为资助社会科学知识的生产和传播的工具的作用,但是Per Wisselgren的文章特别强调了联合国教科文组织在其第一个十年中所倡导的社会科学愿景实际上与20世纪50年代和60年代在美国学术界占据主导地位的那种社会科学不一致。在阿尔瓦·默达尔的领导下,联合国教科文组织社会科学部推广了社会科学的方法和形式,其规范基准不是促进自由民主资本主义,而是发展世界政府、国际和平和“一个世界主义”。这本书留下的一个有趣的问题是,如果联合国教科文组织而不是美国政府支持的社会科学愿景在20世纪下半叶成为全球霸权,全球社会科学的发展可能会有怎样的不同。
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引用次数: 0
U.S. Cold War Policy and the Italian Far-Right: The Nixon Administration, Republican Party Operatives, and the Borghese Coup Plot of 1970 美国冷战政策和意大利极右翼:尼克松政府、共和党特工和1970年博尔盖塞政变阴谋
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01124
Jonathan D. Marshall
Abstract The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials’ willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies.
1970年9月,在极左总统当选后,尼克松政府试图在智利推动军事政变,这是美国官员愿意采取一切必要措施削弱苏联在第三世界影响力的一个充分证据。根据解密的白宫文件和美国中央情报局的记录,本文研究了大约在同一时间,美国与北大西洋公约组织创始成员国之一意大利的右翼极端分子之间的类似但基本上不为人知的故事。1970年12月,意大利极右翼激进分子发动了一场未遂政变,旨在阻止意大利左翼政党进一步得势。这篇文章利用新的、被广泛遗忘的信息来源,调查了两名与意大利高级政变策划者密切相关的共和党美国私人特工的背景和参与情况。他们与意大利新法西斯主义者的牵连应该引起人们对私人干预外交政策的危险的担忧,以及私人行为者对美国政府关键政策产生误解的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
The Greek Military Dictatorship: Revisiting a Troubled Past, 1967–1974 by Othon Anastasakis and Katerina Lagos, eds. 《希腊军事独裁:重访动荡的过去,1967-1974》,作者:Othon Anastasakis和kataterina Lagos主编。
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01129
S. V. Papacosma
The book is very well written, but if Daddis could have expanded upon any one thing, it is the idea that some Cold War youth rejected the pulp magazines’ themes. In his conclusion, Daddis includes one paragraph of veterans who did not subscribe to the pulps’ ideals. Daddis could have expanded on this more. Even better, he could have included a short discussion in each chapter of men who rejected the teachings of the specific chapter themes, such as the portrayal of women or whether war was a true man-making experience. Nevertheless, this is a small criticism of an extremely strong book. Historians and scholars wanting to expand their knowledge of military, racial, or gender history will find multiple uses for this work.
这本书写得很好,但如果达迪斯可以扩展到任何一件事的话,那就是一些冷战时期的年轻人拒绝了低俗杂志的主题。在他的结论中,Daddis包括了一段不认同讲坛理想的退伍军人。Daddis本可以在这方面做得更多。更好的是,他本可以在每一章中对拒绝特定章节主题教导的男性进行简短的讨论,比如对女性的刻画,或者战争是否是一种真正的造人经历。尽管如此,这只是对一本极其强势的书的小小批评。历史学家和学者想要扩大他们对军事、种族或性别历史的了解,他们会发现这项工作有多种用途。
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引用次数: 1
Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men’s Adventure Magazines by Gregory A. Daddis 格雷戈里A.达迪斯的《低俗越南:冷战时期男性冒险杂志中的战争与性别》
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01128
J. Pitt
Gregory Daddis’s Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men’s Adventure Magazines is a fantastic book that delves into the creation, reinforcement, and perpetuation of “martial masculinity” in the Cold War and its impact on the U.S. war in Vietnam. Daddis defines martial masculinity as the idea that men must prove their manhood through military service, sexual conquests, and domination over minority populations. Men’s adventure magazines, also known as “pulps,” were a prominent channel through which American males, both young and old, established and reinvigorated martial masculinity. Daddis argues that “men’s adventure magazines from the post-World War II era crafted a particular version of martial masculinity that helped establish and then normalize GIs’ expectations and perceptions in Vietnam” (p. 5). The pulps offered a haven for the disappearing ideals of martial masculinity in the early Cold War. When the masculine conception of war—based on stoicism, independence, and strength—declined in the years after World War II, the adventure magazines perpetuated those ideals to their readers. Veterans of World War II and the Korean War often read these magazines because, in an era when domesticity and softness seemed to threaten masculinity, pulps helped veterans remember how they had earned their manhood via military service. The magazines also attracted another class of readers: working-class youth. In an interesting and important discussion, Daddis shows that publishers targeted working-class young men. As Christian Appy argued in his book Working-Class War (1993), most of the soldiers drafted during the Vietnam War came from the working-class population. Thus, the pulps found significant influence among the majority of young people who eventually fought in Vietnam (pp. 15–16). This insight is crucial in helping readers to understand the prevalence and influence the pulps had on the men actually fighting the war. Organized thematically, each chapter addresses a topic that young readers found in the pulp magazines. Daddis demonstrates how each of those subjects had negative consequences on the readers once they fought in Vietnam. The themes include the notion that war is honorable and rewarding; that war is a man-making experience; and that foreign women, especially Asian women, are savage, seductive, and ready to please American men. As young readers read their pulps, these themes created false perceptions of war that eventually caused physical and psychological harm to Vietnamese citizens and U.S. soldiers themselves. Indeed, by hiding the true costs of war, such as injury and death, the pulps reinforced the myth of the Greatest Generation from
格雷戈里·达迪斯的《低俗越南:冷战时期的战争与性别》是一本精彩的书,深入探讨了冷战时期“武侠男子气概”的创造、强化和延续,以及它对美国越战的影响。达迪斯将“军事男子气概”定义为男性必须通过服兵役、性征服和对少数民族的统治来证明自己的男子气概。男性冒险杂志,也被称为“低俗杂志”,是一个重要的渠道,通过它,美国男性,无论年轻还是年老,都建立并重新焕发了军事男子气概。达迪斯认为,“二战后时期的男性冒险杂志精心打造了一种特殊版本的军事男子气概,帮助建立并规范了美国大兵在越南的期望和看法”(第5页)。这些纸浆为冷战初期逐渐消失的军事男子气概理想提供了避风港。第二次世界大战后,以坚忍、独立和力量为基础的男性战争观念逐渐衰落,而冒险类杂志则将这些理想延续给了读者。第二次世界大战和朝鲜战争的退伍军人经常阅读这些杂志,因为在一个家庭生活和温柔似乎威胁到男子气概的时代,纸浆帮助退伍军人记住他们是如何通过服兵役赢得男子气概的。这些杂志还吸引了另一个读者群:工人阶级青年。在一场有趣而重要的讨论中,达迪斯指出,出版商的目标是工人阶级的年轻人。正如克里斯蒂安·阿皮在他的著作《工人阶级战争》(1993)中所指出的那样,在越南战争期间,大多数被征召入伍的士兵都来自工人阶级。因此,这些纸浆在最终参加越南战争的大多数年轻人中产生了重大影响(第15-16页)。这种洞察力对于帮助读者理解纸浆对实际参战的人的流行和影响至关重要。组织主题,每一章的主题,年轻的读者发现在纸浆杂志。达迪斯展示了这些主题是如何在越南战争中对读者产生负面影响的。主题包括战争是光荣和有益的观念;战争是一种人为的经历;外国女人,尤其是亚洲女人,野蛮、诱人,随时准备取悦美国男人。当年轻读者阅读他们的纸浆时,这些主题产生了对战争的错误看法,最终给越南公民和美国士兵自己造成了身体和心理上的伤害。事实上,通过隐藏战争的真实代价,如伤亡,纸浆强化了美国最伟大一代的神话
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引用次数: 0
A Shadow Party System: The Political Activities of Cold War Polish Exiles 影子政党制度:冷战时期波兰流亡者的政治活动
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_a_01121
Sławomir Łukasiewicz
Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both in the countries in which they had settled and in their countries of origin. This mixture of social and political dimensions was a specific phenomenon of Cold War intellectual history in Europe. The article draws on archival materials from Poland, Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States and builds on concepts developed by scholars such as Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, V. O. Key, Jr., Yossi Shain, and Idesbald Goddeeris.
摘要波兰移民是欧洲冷战时期的一个重要特征,来自其他中欧国家的流亡者也是如此。除了反对原籍国的共产主义制度外,他们还试图在西方推行独立政策。Émigrés活跃在政党中,包括基督教民主党、社会党和农业党,但同时他们试图创造新的形式,如新的政治和社会运动以及跨国组织。通过积极的国际议程,他们还努力影响自己的社会,无论是在他们定居的国家还是在他们的原籍国。这种社会和政治层面的混合是欧洲冷战知识史上的一个特殊现象。这篇文章借鉴了波兰、英国、法国、意大利和美国的档案材料,并建立在Maurice Duverger、Giovanni Sartori、V.O.Key,Jr.、Yossi Shain和Idesbald Godderis等学者提出的概念之上。
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引用次数: 0
The Emergence of Global Maoism: China's Red Evangelism and the Cambodian Communist Movement, 1949–1979 by Matthew Galway 《全球毛主义的兴起:1949-1979年中国红色福音派和柬埔寨共产主义运动》,作者马修·高威
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01132
C. Etcheson
Telepneva carefully leads the reader through a dizzying array of acronyms and actors in this multi-generational struggle, while never losing sight of her central thesis: the vital part played by the Soviet bureaucracy in the armed postcolonial liberation struggle and the African revolutionaries who used diplomacy to initiate and increase Soviet support for their cause. This is important reading for those interested in the agency of African liberation leaders and the divide between existing narratives of individual anti-colonial movements and those of superpower competition in sub-Saharan Africa during the Cold War.
Telepneva小心翼翼地引导读者通过一系列令人眼花缭乱的首字母缩略词和这场几代人斗争中的角色,同时从未忘记她的中心论点:苏联官僚在殖民后的武装解放斗争中发挥的重要作用,以及利用外交手段发起并增加苏联对他们事业的支持的非洲革命者。对于那些对非洲解放领导人的作用和现存的个人反殖民运动与冷战期间撒哈拉以南非洲超级大国竞争的叙述之间的分歧感兴趣的人来说,这本书是一本重要的读物。
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引用次数: 0
Israel's Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945–1949 by Jeffrey Herf 《以色列的时刻:国际社会支持和反对建立犹太国家,1945-1949》,杰弗里·赫夫著
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01134
Thomas A. Dine
This new book by Jeffrey C. Herf, a prolific historian of modern European politics and societies at the University of Maryland, examines an early and important post-1945 geopolitical question facing governments: whether to favor or oppose the establishment of a sovereign Jewish state on the eastern rim of the Mediterranean Sea. This issue deeply divided Western governments, Western publics, and international bodies, whereas Soviet-bloc governments were unified on the matter. From May 1947 to May 1949, to the surprise of many, the United States and the Soviet Union cooperated for one remarkable moment in facilitating the launch of the nascent state of Israel onto the regional and world scene. This is the story Herf heavily documents and tells in Israel’s Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945–1949. He magnifies the centrality of European affairs in the first half of the twentieth century and highlights what occurred when international rivals collaborated on a complicated and controversial issue amid a deepening Cold War. Even though the United States and the Soviet Union converged to recognize the independence of the Zionist entity, a motley group of governments, political parties, and private and non-profit entities strongly opposed bringing Israel into legal existence. The latter included Great Britain’s Labour government and a political hierarchy clinging to empire in its Palestinian Mandate and beyond, including defending its access through the strategic Suez Canal. The sweep of Arab leaders included authoritarian strongmen and quasi-governments such as Arab League members and the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine led by Haj Amin al-Husayni, the grand mufti of Jerusalem who had been a leading Nazi collaborator. Opposition inside the United State included the Truman administration’s top diplomatic, military, and intelligence brass, plus corporate energy and industrial board heads who were invested in cultivating the Arab Middle East and its petroleum—with or without President Harry S. Truman. Herf makes clear his admiration of the extraordinary efforts of post-Holocaust Jews in Palestine, a patchwork of groups under the aegis of Prime Minister David Ben Gurion. Herf consistently praises Ben Gurion, who understood there was only a brief window of opportunity for a U.S.-Soviet agreement to support partitioning
这本新书由马里兰大学多产的现代欧洲政治和社会历史学家杰弗里·c·赫夫(Jeffrey C. Herf)撰写,探讨了1945年后各国政府面临的一个早期和重要的地缘政治问题:是支持还是反对在地中海东岸建立一个主权的犹太国家。在这个问题上,西方政府、西方公众和国际组织存在严重分歧,而苏联集团的政府在这个问题上是统一的。从1947年5月到1949年5月,令许多人惊讶的是,美国和苏联合作了一个非凡的时刻,促进了新生的以色列国家在地区和世界舞台上的崛起。这就是赫夫在《以色列的时刻:1945-1949年建立犹太国家的国际支持和反对》一书中大量记录和讲述的故事。他放大了20世纪上半叶欧洲事务的中心地位,并强调了在冷战不断加深的情况下,国际竞争对手在一个复杂而有争议的问题上合作所发生的事情。尽管美国和苏联一致承认犹太复国主义实体的独立性,但政府、政党、私人和非营利实体等形形色色的团体强烈反对将以色列纳入合法存在。后者包括英国的工党政府,以及在巴勒斯坦及其以外地区依附于帝国的政治等级,包括保卫其通过战略苏伊士运河的通道。阿拉伯领导人包括专制强人和准政府,如阿拉伯联盟成员和巴勒斯坦阿拉伯高级委员会,由耶路撒冷大穆夫提哈吉·阿明·胡赛尼领导,他曾是纳粹的主要合作者。美国国内的反对者包括杜鲁门政府的外交、军事和情报高层,以及能源和工业公司的负责人,他们投资于发展中东阿拉伯地区及其石油,不管有没有杜鲁门总统。赫夫明确表达了他对大屠杀后犹太人在巴勒斯坦做出的非凡努力的钦佩,这些犹太人是在以色列总理大卫·本·古里安(David Ben Gurion)的支持下,由不同团体组成的。赫夫一直赞扬本·古里安,他明白美苏达成协议支持分治的机会只有一个短暂的窗口
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引用次数: 1
Her Cold War: Women in the U.S. Military 1945–1980 by Tanya L. Roth Tanya L.Roth著《她的冷战:1945–1980年美国军队中的女性》
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1162/jcws_r_01133
B. L. Moore
persecution and purges” were “strong evidence of a Kampucheanization of Maoism” (p. 173), as if this did not also occur in the Soviet Union. One might rather argue that it is actually strong evidence of Stalinism. Galway exaggerates the influence of some and underplays that of others. He says Yuon and Nim helped develop the party’s strategy of “combined political and armed struggle” and initiated the party’s secret defense units (p. 145). He offers no evidence for this. Neither man was ever a member of the party’s Central Committee. Khieu Samphan wrote a doctoral dissertation on “Cambodia’s Economy and Its Problems with Industrialization “(1959), drawing on Samir Amin’s center-periphery theory. Like Yuon and Nim, he, too, was Paris-educated, joined the CPF, initially took the parliamentary route to reform as part of Sihanouk’s government, and then was driven into the maquis in 1967. But unlike Yuon and Nim, Samphan went on to become head of state in DK and a leading defender of the regime. He is now in his 90s, the only surviving senior leader of the CPK. The autarkic development model advocated by Samphan in his thesis is precisely what the CPK implemented. It is striking that Galway mentions Samphan repeatedly but does not credit him as one of the regime’s intellectual leading lights. Despite these issues, Galway’s volume exhibits immense scholarship and is likely to ignite considerable debate among Cambodia scholars. It is a fascinating contribution to the historiography of modern Cambodia.
迫害和清洗”是“毛主义柬埔寨化的有力证据”(第173页),就好像这在苏联没有发生一样。有人可能会认为,这实际上是斯大林主义的有力证据。戈尔韦夸大了某些人的影响力,而低估了其他人的影响力。他说,Yuon和Nim帮助制定了党的“政治和武装斗争相结合”的战略,并发起了党的秘密防御部队(第145页)。他没有为此提供任何证据。两人都不是中共中央委员。Khieu Samphan在1959年根据Samir Amin的中心-边缘理论撰写了一篇关于“柬埔寨经济及其工业化问题”的博士论文。与Yuon和Nim一样,他也受过巴黎教育,加入了中央公积金,最初作为西哈努克政府的一部分走上了议会改革的道路,然后在1967年被赶入马奎斯。但与Yuon和Nim不同的是,Samphan后来成为了DK的国家元首,也是该政权的主要捍卫者。他现在90多岁了,是CPK唯一幸存的高级领导人。桑潘在论文中所倡导的自给自足的发展模式,正是中国共产党所推行的。令人惊讶的是,戈尔韦一再提到桑潘,但并不认为他是该政权的知识分子领军人物之一。尽管存在这些问题,戈尔韦的著作显示出巨大的学术性,并可能在柬埔寨学者中引发相当大的争论。这是对现代柬埔寨史学的一个引人入胜的贡献。
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