wars in Angola and Ethiopia. Castro won Soviet support for his foreign interventions, but he was the one who spearheaded them. His mix of “non-alignment” and close links to Moscow offered a proven way for a small country to punch well above its weight internationally. Under these circumstances, it would have been astonishing if FSLN leaders, flush with success and having momentum on their side, had decided to sacrifice their Marxist-Leninist program and seek a “new sort of revolutionary government.” Even for readers who are not persuaded by Lee’s view of the possibilities of the Sandinista revolution, this is an impressive book. Lee treats Nicaragua and Nicaraguans sympathetically and on their own merits, yet he is also mindful of larger international political, economic, social, and cultural forces. The Ends of Modernization deserves the attention of anyone interested in Central America and Caribbean, North-South, and East-West issues during the Cold War, U.S.-Latin American relations, and politics and international relations in Nicaragua.
{"title":"A Diplomatic Meeting: Reagan, Thatcher, and the Art of Summitry by James Cooper","authors":"Archie Brown","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01110","url":null,"abstract":"wars in Angola and Ethiopia. Castro won Soviet support for his foreign interventions, but he was the one who spearheaded them. His mix of “non-alignment” and close links to Moscow offered a proven way for a small country to punch well above its weight internationally. Under these circumstances, it would have been astonishing if FSLN leaders, flush with success and having momentum on their side, had decided to sacrifice their Marxist-Leninist program and seek a “new sort of revolutionary government.” Even for readers who are not persuaded by Lee’s view of the possibilities of the Sandinista revolution, this is an impressive book. Lee treats Nicaragua and Nicaraguans sympathetically and on their own merits, yet he is also mindful of larger international political, economic, social, and cultural forces. The Ends of Modernization deserves the attention of anyone interested in Central America and Caribbean, North-South, and East-West issues during the Cold War, U.S.-Latin American relations, and politics and international relations in Nicaragua.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"223-226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46793141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
intelligence or propaganda library and to set an agenda for multiple future research projects examining the U.S. role in anti-Communist resistance across Eastern Europe and the Baltics, as well as the CIA’s covert collaborations with Francisco Franco’s Spain and the Vatican. Issues of particular interest include excerpts from U.S.-Soviet negotiations in which the black propaganda stations are mentioned. The fact that Soviet leaders expressed concern about the stations suggests the CIA was achieving what it wanted. But the coincident U.S. abandonment of many of the stations suggests they were not successful enough to justify being retained. The exchanges suggest a kind of parallel process to arms control—information disarmament—by which the rougher edges were knocked off the propaganda war. Cummings ends with a rallying call to reconsider the value of broadcasting at a time when “some countries are slipping back into undemocratic governments.” In an era in which some leaders have sought to weaponize the mass media, this point is well made. Unfortunately, he goes on to dismiss social media as “basically impersonal with shorthand sentences and ‘selfie’ photographs that do not attempt to provoke the reader to action or contemplation.” If only this were the case. The last decade has surely shown that social media memes are well capable of provoking thoughts and actions around the world, too often to the detriment of international stability. Despite this cavil, Cummings’s book is a welcome addition to the literature of Cold War propaganda and a timely reminder that, whether through radio or the platforms of our digital age, engaging foreign audiences with news and argument in their own languages remains an important element of statecraft.
{"title":"The War of Nerves: Inside the Cold War Mind by Martin Sixsmith","authors":"D. W. Larson","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01114","url":null,"abstract":"intelligence or propaganda library and to set an agenda for multiple future research projects examining the U.S. role in anti-Communist resistance across Eastern Europe and the Baltics, as well as the CIA’s covert collaborations with Francisco Franco’s Spain and the Vatican. Issues of particular interest include excerpts from U.S.-Soviet negotiations in which the black propaganda stations are mentioned. The fact that Soviet leaders expressed concern about the stations suggests the CIA was achieving what it wanted. But the coincident U.S. abandonment of many of the stations suggests they were not successful enough to justify being retained. The exchanges suggest a kind of parallel process to arms control—information disarmament—by which the rougher edges were knocked off the propaganda war. Cummings ends with a rallying call to reconsider the value of broadcasting at a time when “some countries are slipping back into undemocratic governments.” In an era in which some leaders have sought to weaponize the mass media, this point is well made. Unfortunately, he goes on to dismiss social media as “basically impersonal with shorthand sentences and ‘selfie’ photographs that do not attempt to provoke the reader to action or contemplation.” If only this were the case. The last decade has surely shown that social media memes are well capable of provoking thoughts and actions around the world, too often to the detriment of international stability. Despite this cavil, Cummings’s book is a welcome addition to the literature of Cold War propaganda and a timely reminder that, whether through radio or the platforms of our digital age, engaging foreign audiences with news and argument in their own languages remains an important element of statecraft.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"233-236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43887723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article discusses how West European governments reacted to U.S. efforts to control the emergence and spread of gaseous diffusion and ultracentrifuge technology for uranium enrichment. The article focuses on Dutch, British, and West German Cold War perspectives on nuclear technological cooperation with the United States. U.S. insistence on maintaining secrecy around the ultracentrifuge was driven not only by technological and nuclear nonproliferation concerns but also by overarching Cold War dynamics at the time of the 1961 Berlin crisis and NATO's nuclear modernization. The Dutch–West German exploration of bilateral nuclear cooperation on gas centrifuges and the subsequent U.S. classification efforts also reveal a story of transatlantic competition over technological ambitions, commercial interests, and Western Europe's strategic potential. The article thus highlights the intersection of the history of science and technology and Cold War diplomatic and nuclear history, combining fresh material from Dutch archives with U.S. and British primary sources.
{"title":"Containing Technology and Allies Alike: The Cold War, Intra-NATO Relations, and the U.S. Centrifuge Classification Initiative, 1958–1962","authors":"Elmar Hellendoorn","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01091","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses how West European governments reacted to U.S. efforts to control the emergence and spread of gaseous diffusion and ultracentrifuge technology for uranium enrichment. The article focuses on Dutch, British, and West German Cold War perspectives on nuclear technological cooperation with the United States. U.S. insistence on maintaining secrecy around the ultracentrifuge was driven not only by technological and nuclear nonproliferation concerns but also by overarching Cold War dynamics at the time of the 1961 Berlin crisis and NATO's nuclear modernization. The Dutch–West German exploration of bilateral nuclear cooperation on gas centrifuges and the subsequent U.S. classification efforts also reveal a story of transatlantic competition over technological ambitions, commercial interests, and Western Europe's strategic potential. The article thus highlights the intersection of the history of science and technology and Cold War diplomatic and nuclear history, combining fresh material from Dutch archives with U.S. and British primary sources.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"59-111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46479778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Limits of Détente: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1969–1973
《萨德的极限:1969-1973年的美国、苏联和阿以冲突》
{"title":"The Limits of Détente: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1969–1973","authors":"Thomas A. Dine","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01101","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span style=\"font-style:italic;\">The Limits of Détente: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1969–1973</span></span>","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138528142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
of cultural encounters in Europe in the 1920s. The aim to restore peace and to solve the problems caused by the war—such as the problem of refugees when millions of people were left without their countries and citizenship—became the main aim of the international actors. The First World War was both a military disaster and a humanitarian catastrophe confronting the League of Nations and individual actors. In the process, neutral Scandinavian countries had a role to play. Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an enlightening contribution to the international and transnational interaction of scientists, organizations, and smaller states in the interwar period. By analyzing themes such as neutrality, objectivity, impartiality, and internationalism in the context of a divided world, the volume sheds valuable light on themes that resurfaced during the Cold War. The book is well worth reading for those interested in Cold War–era developments in the fields of science, culture, and politics.
{"title":"We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes: Late Cold War Culture in the Age of Reagan","authors":"Greg Barnhisel","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01098","url":null,"abstract":"of cultural encounters in Europe in the 1920s. The aim to restore peace and to solve the problems caused by the war—such as the problem of refugees when millions of people were left without their countries and citizenship—became the main aim of the international actors. The First World War was both a military disaster and a humanitarian catastrophe confronting the League of Nations and individual actors. In the process, neutral Scandinavian countries had a role to play. Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an enlightening contribution to the international and transnational interaction of scientists, organizations, and smaller states in the interwar period. By analyzing themes such as neutrality, objectivity, impartiality, and internationalism in the context of a divided world, the volume sheds valuable light on themes that resurfaced during the Cold War. The book is well worth reading for those interested in Cold War–era developments in the fields of science, culture, and politics.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":" ","pages":"250-252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47509944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
life as a window into the complex political and economic realities of Africa since the end of colonialism. Eschewing the outmoded “great man” view of history, he presents Sankara as a visionary who was part of a broader social movement comprising urban workers, students, and leftist political parties. These actors fed Sankara’s vision and shaped his message. Peterson provides a new, more complex, and more critical appraisal than many earlier works. He details Sankara’s accomplishments and errors and offers conflicting views of Sankara’s record. Among the few exceptions to this characterization of earlier literature is Ernest Harsch, Thomas Sankara: An African Revolutionary (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2014), which offers a similarly balanced but briefer account that is particularly well-suited to students and popular audiences. Because Sankara presented his vision orally, Peterson’s sources included Sankara’s speeches, radio and television broadcasts, and interviews, as recorded or published by journalists and supporters, as well as newspapers from the revolutionary period. Challenged by the destruction of the Sankara government’s papers, Peterson sought out personal collections of salvaged records and conducted more than 100 interviews with Sankara’s family members and associates, labor leaders, grassroots activists, journalists, foreign diplomats, and scholars, who recounted their memories of the revolution, the coup, and the events leading to it. He culled information from previously classified U.S. diplomatic cables, including those from U.S. embassies in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Cuba, France, Mali, Niger, and Senegal, which exposed domestic and international efforts to undermine the Sankara government. Colonial-era reports provided the historical context for Sankara’s formation as a revolutionary and his rise to power. Unfortunately missing are French government documents pertaining to Sankara and his government, which remain classified under the label “secret défense.” In sum, Peterson’s Thomas Sankara deepens our knowledge of the vision and actions of an important African leader who has received far too little scholarly attention. The monograph constitutes an important contribution to our understanding of the complex political, economic, and social dynamics that shaped African countries during the Cold War. It is highly recommended for scholars and students of Africa and is an essential acquisition for college and university libraries.
作为了解殖民主义结束以来非洲复杂的政治和经济现实的窗口。他避开了过时的“伟人”历史观，把商羯罗描绘成一个有远见的人，他是由城市工人、学生和左翼政党组成的更广泛的社会运动的一部分。这些演员满足了商羯罗的愿景，塑造了他的信息。彼得森提供了一种新的、更复杂的、比许多早期作品更批判性的评价。他详细描述了商羯罗的成就和错误，并对商羯罗的记录提出了相互矛盾的观点。欧内斯特·哈希(Ernest Harsch)的《托马斯·桑卡拉:一位非洲革命者》(Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2014)是少数例外，该书提供了同样平衡但更简短的描述，特别适合学生和大众读者。由于商羯罗口头表达了他的观点，彼得森的资料来源包括商羯罗的演讲、广播和电视广播、记者和支持者录制或发表的采访，以及革命时期的报纸。面对商羯罗政府文件被毁的挑战，彼得森找到了个人收藏的抢救记录，并对商羯罗的家人和同事、劳工领袖、草根活动家、记者、外国外交官和学者进行了100多次采访，他们讲述了他们对革命、政变和导致政变的事件的记忆。他从以前的美国机密外交电报中挑选了一些信息，包括美国驻布基纳法索、Côte科特迪瓦、古巴、法国、马里、尼日尔和塞内加尔大使馆的电报，这些电报暴露了国内和国际上破坏桑卡拉政府的努力。殖民时代的报道为商羯罗作为革命者的形成和他的掌权提供了历史背景。不幸的是，有关桑卡拉及其政府的法国政府文件失踪了，这些文件仍然被归类为“秘密档案”。总而言之，彼得森的托马斯·桑卡拉加深了我们对这位重要的非洲领导人的远见和行动的了解，而他却很少受到学术界的关注。这本专著对我们理解冷战期间塑造非洲国家的复杂政治、经济和社会动态做出了重要贡献。它强烈推荐给非洲的学者和学生，是学院和大学图书馆必不可少的采购。
{"title":"America and the Making of Modern Turkey: Science, Culture and Political Alliances","authors":"Erdem Sönmez","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01067","url":null,"abstract":"life as a window into the complex political and economic realities of Africa since the end of colonialism. Eschewing the outmoded “great man” view of history, he presents Sankara as a visionary who was part of a broader social movement comprising urban workers, students, and leftist political parties. These actors fed Sankara’s vision and shaped his message. Peterson provides a new, more complex, and more critical appraisal than many earlier works. He details Sankara’s accomplishments and errors and offers conflicting views of Sankara’s record. Among the few exceptions to this characterization of earlier literature is Ernest Harsch, Thomas Sankara: An African Revolutionary (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2014), which offers a similarly balanced but briefer account that is particularly well-suited to students and popular audiences. Because Sankara presented his vision orally, Peterson’s sources included Sankara’s speeches, radio and television broadcasts, and interviews, as recorded or published by journalists and supporters, as well as newspapers from the revolutionary period. Challenged by the destruction of the Sankara government’s papers, Peterson sought out personal collections of salvaged records and conducted more than 100 interviews with Sankara’s family members and associates, labor leaders, grassroots activists, journalists, foreign diplomats, and scholars, who recounted their memories of the revolution, the coup, and the events leading to it. He culled information from previously classified U.S. diplomatic cables, including those from U.S. embassies in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Cuba, France, Mali, Niger, and Senegal, which exposed domestic and international efforts to undermine the Sankara government. Colonial-era reports provided the historical context for Sankara’s formation as a revolutionary and his rise to power. Unfortunately missing are French government documents pertaining to Sankara and his government, which remain classified under the label “secret défense.” In sum, Peterson’s Thomas Sankara deepens our knowledge of the vision and actions of an important African leader who has received far too little scholarly attention. The monograph constitutes an important contribution to our understanding of the complex political, economic, and social dynamics that shaped African countries during the Cold War. It is highly recommended for scholars and students of Africa and is an essential acquisition for college and university libraries.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"242-244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44603102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tanya Harmer has written a creative and deeply researched political biography of Beatriz (“Tati”) Allende, the daughter of Salvador Allende Gossens, the first democratically elected self-proclaimed Marxist president in Latin America, who took office in 1970. Harmer provides an easy to read (but not easy to “hear”) narrative of Beatriz’s political life as well as her death by suicide in 1977 when she was in exile in Cuba. Much of the biography is based on more than a decade of Harmer’s research on Chile’s place in the inter-American Cold War, on Cuban support for insurrection throughout the Western Hemisphere, on Cuban and Chilean Socialist Party support for the Che Guevara–led guerrilla movement in Bolivia (ELN), and on counterinsurgency operations by U.S. and allied regional governments (mostly, but not always, military dictatorships). An essential starting point is Harmer’s pathbreaking book Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011), which was based on her 2008 doctoral dissertation, “The Rules of the Game: Allende’s Chile, the United States and Cuba, 1970–1973.” Harmer’s latest book also draws on her “‘Serémos como el Che’: Chilean elenos, Bolivia and the cause of Latinoamericanismo, 1967–1970,” Contemporánea, Vol. 7, No. 7 (2016), pp. 45–66; her “The View from Havana: Chilean Exiles in Cuba and Early Resistance to Chile’s Dictatorship, 1973–1977,” Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 96, No. 1 (2016), pp. 109–146; and “Two, Three, Many Revolutions? Cuba and the Prospects for Revolutionary Change in Latin America, 1967–1975,” Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 45, No. 1 (February 2013), pp. 61–89. Combining this earlier work with new research, Harmer takes the interAmerican Cold War that she knows so well to the “micro” level: the life of Beatriz Allende. Harmer tells the story of Beatriz Allende’s life as part of the “long 1960s,” the “internationalization of national political life,” and also of the idiosyncrasies of Chilean politics and political culture from the late 1930s to 1973. Part of this political culture was traditional gender roles and expectations, even within the Socialist and Communist parties, the Marxist-controlled labor unions, and other leftist political entities. Beatriz fought against these traditional gender roles, including limits on female leadership and “outside the family” activities, and also against Chile’s capitalist institutions until her death. But she could not overcome Chilean (and Cuban) political and cultural limitations on female revolutionaries or even on everyday female spouses,
坦尼娅·哈默为比阿特丽斯·阿连德(“塔蒂”)撰写了一本富有创意且深入研究的政治传记。她是萨尔瓦多·阿连德·戈森斯的女儿，萨尔瓦多·阿连德·戈森斯是拉丁美洲第一位民主选举的、自称为马克思主义者的总统，于1970年上任。哈默对比阿特丽丝的政治生活以及她1977年在古巴流亡期间自杀的经历进行了通俗易懂(但不容易“听”)的叙述。这本传记的大部分内容是基于哈默十多年来对智利在美洲冷战中的地位、古巴对整个西半球叛乱的支持、古巴和智利社会党对切·格瓦拉领导的玻利维亚游击队运动(ELN)的支持，以及美国及其盟国地区政府(主要是军事独裁)的反叛乱行动的研究。一个重要的起点是哈默的开创性著作《阿连德的智利和美洲间的冷战》(2011年)，该书基于她2008年的博士论文《游戏规则:阿连德的智利、美国和古巴，1970-1973》。哈默的新书还引用了她的“ser莫斯como el Che”:1967-1970年，智利elenos，玻利维亚和拉丁美洲主义的原因”Contemporánea，第7卷，第7号(2016)，第45-66页;她的“从哈瓦那的观点:智利流亡者在古巴和早期抵抗智利的独裁统治，1973-1977年，”西班牙裔美国历史评论，第96卷，第1(2016)，第109-146页;和“两次，三次，多次革命?”《古巴与拉丁美洲革命变革的前景，1967-1975》，《拉丁美洲研究杂志》，第45卷，第1期(2013年2月)，第61-89页。将早期的工作与新的研究结合起来，哈默将她熟知的美洲间冷战带入了“微观”层面:比阿特丽斯·阿连德的生活。哈默讲述了比阿特丽斯·阿连德在“漫长的20世纪60年代”、“国家政治生活的国际化”以及从20世纪30年代末到1973年智利政治和政治文化的特质中的生活。这种政治文化的一部分是传统的性别角色和期望，甚至在社会党和共产党、马克思主义者控制的工会和其他左翼政治实体中也是如此。比阿特丽斯一直反对这些传统的性别角色，包括对女性领导和“家庭之外”活动的限制，并反对智利的资本主义制度，直到她去世。但她无法克服智利(和古巴)对女性革命者甚至日常女性配偶的政治和文化限制，
{"title":"Beatriz Allende: A Revolutionary Life in Cold War Latin America","authors":"B. Loveman","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01095","url":null,"abstract":"Tanya Harmer has written a creative and deeply researched political biography of Beatriz (“Tati”) Allende, the daughter of Salvador Allende Gossens, the first democratically elected self-proclaimed Marxist president in Latin America, who took office in 1970. Harmer provides an easy to read (but not easy to “hear”) narrative of Beatriz’s political life as well as her death by suicide in 1977 when she was in exile in Cuba. Much of the biography is based on more than a decade of Harmer’s research on Chile’s place in the inter-American Cold War, on Cuban support for insurrection throughout the Western Hemisphere, on Cuban and Chilean Socialist Party support for the Che Guevara–led guerrilla movement in Bolivia (ELN), and on counterinsurgency operations by U.S. and allied regional governments (mostly, but not always, military dictatorships). An essential starting point is Harmer’s pathbreaking book Allende’s Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011), which was based on her 2008 doctoral dissertation, “The Rules of the Game: Allende’s Chile, the United States and Cuba, 1970–1973.” Harmer’s latest book also draws on her “‘Serémos como el Che’: Chilean elenos, Bolivia and the cause of Latinoamericanismo, 1967–1970,” Contemporánea, Vol. 7, No. 7 (2016), pp. 45–66; her “The View from Havana: Chilean Exiles in Cuba and Early Resistance to Chile’s Dictatorship, 1973–1977,” Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 96, No. 1 (2016), pp. 109–146; and “Two, Three, Many Revolutions? Cuba and the Prospects for Revolutionary Change in Latin America, 1967–1975,” Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 45, No. 1 (February 2013), pp. 61–89. Combining this earlier work with new research, Harmer takes the interAmerican Cold War that she knows so well to the “micro” level: the life of Beatriz Allende. Harmer tells the story of Beatriz Allende’s life as part of the “long 1960s,” the “internationalization of national political life,” and also of the idiosyncrasies of Chilean politics and political culture from the late 1930s to 1973. Part of this political culture was traditional gender roles and expectations, even within the Socialist and Communist parties, the Marxist-controlled labor unions, and other leftist political entities. Beatriz fought against these traditional gender roles, including limits on female leadership and “outside the family” activities, and also against Chile’s capitalist institutions until her death. But she could not overcome Chilean (and Cuban) political and cultural limitations on female revolutionaries or even on everyday female spouses,","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"233-238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43176206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Advanced geophysical techniques developed in Hungary contributed immensely to the success of geological surveys carried out in the PRC after 1956. A group of Hungarian geophysicists played a pivotal role in discovering and exploring oil deposits in the Songliao Basin, which later became known as Daqing, the largest oil field in China. Based on declassified primary sources from Hungarian archives and firsthand testimony from people involved in the expedition, this article examines how Sino-Hungarian cooperation in Cold War activities evolved against the backdrop of the radicalization of Chinese politics and growing tensions between the Soviet Union and China. Taking the Hungarian geophysicists’ expedition as an example, the article explores the historical setting of early exchanges and the daily practice of scientific and technological interactions between the PRC and one of the closest East European allies of the Soviet Union.
{"title":"Friendly Assistance and Self-Reliance","authors":"P. Vámos","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01075","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Advanced geophysical techniques developed in Hungary contributed immensely to the success of geological surveys carried out in the PRC after 1956. A group of Hungarian geophysicists played a pivotal role in discovering and exploring oil deposits in the Songliao Basin, which later became known as Daqing, the largest oil field in China. Based on declassified primary sources from Hungarian archives and firsthand testimony from people involved in the expedition, this article examines how Sino-Hungarian cooperation in Cold War activities evolved against the backdrop of the radicalization of Chinese politics and growing tensions between the Soviet Union and China. Taking the Hungarian geophysicists’ expedition as an example, the article explores the historical setting of early exchanges and the daily practice of scientific and technological interactions between the PRC and one of the closest East European allies of the Soviet Union.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"116-150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41513472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When John Connelly was writing his excellent book on captive universities some 30 years ago, he decided to take a closer look at three countries dominated by the Soviet Union after the Second World War: Poland, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany. This comparative approach was a fruitful way of studying the modern history of the region. Molly Pucci uses a similar approach in her book on Communist states’ internal security organs, focusing on the institutionalization and anthropology of the repressive agencies. By tracing the history of these agencies’ rank-and-file, she seeks “to place the early history of communist secret police institutions back into the entangled and violent history of Europe and Russia in the twentieth century” (p. 284). Pucci’s well-written book offers a great narrative and is a pleasure to read. She goes further and wider than have other historians who focused only on single countries. The book offers an illuminating comparative analysis of the repressive organs’ early formative years, roughly 1945–1956. However, Pucci does not simply present three pictures of the countries one by one. She shows how the Soviet model of state security agencies and a certain organizational culture were adopted in the countries that came under Soviet domination. At the same time, she emphasizes that Soviet patterns were not perfectly transplanted and implemented; rather, they were “imperfectly translated” into the Central European languages. The book reveals that although the general approach in the three countries was the same with the introduction of the Soviet model, the implementation differed significantly depending on the circumstances and the people who were responsible for such processes. An interesting example is the presence of so-called Soviet advisers in the agencies overseeing the East European secret police. In the case of Poland and East Germany, Soviet personnel were installed almost immediately because it was clear that supreme power in both countries was held by the Communist party, which exercised control over the state security forces. In the case of Czechoslovakia, the situation was more complex. Edvard Beneš’s return from exile to Prague and the emergence of a relatively pluralist party system excluded the presence of Soviet advisers during the initial years after the Second World War. They were not brought in until 1949. Thus,
{"title":"Security Empire: The Secret Police in Communist Eastern Europe","authors":"Sławomir Łukasiewicz","doi":"10.1162/jcws_r_01099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01099","url":null,"abstract":"When John Connelly was writing his excellent book on captive universities some 30 years ago, he decided to take a closer look at three countries dominated by the Soviet Union after the Second World War: Poland, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany. This comparative approach was a fruitful way of studying the modern history of the region. Molly Pucci uses a similar approach in her book on Communist states’ internal security organs, focusing on the institutionalization and anthropology of the repressive agencies. By tracing the history of these agencies’ rank-and-file, she seeks “to place the early history of communist secret police institutions back into the entangled and violent history of Europe and Russia in the twentieth century” (p. 284). Pucci’s well-written book offers a great narrative and is a pleasure to read. She goes further and wider than have other historians who focused only on single countries. The book offers an illuminating comparative analysis of the repressive organs’ early formative years, roughly 1945–1956. However, Pucci does not simply present three pictures of the countries one by one. She shows how the Soviet model of state security agencies and a certain organizational culture were adopted in the countries that came under Soviet domination. At the same time, she emphasizes that Soviet patterns were not perfectly transplanted and implemented; rather, they were “imperfectly translated” into the Central European languages. The book reveals that although the general approach in the three countries was the same with the introduction of the Soviet model, the implementation differed significantly depending on the circumstances and the people who were responsible for such processes. An interesting example is the presence of so-called Soviet advisers in the agencies overseeing the East European secret police. In the case of Poland and East Germany, Soviet personnel were installed almost immediately because it was clear that supreme power in both countries was held by the Communist party, which exercised control over the state security forces. In the case of Czechoslovakia, the situation was more complex. Edvard Beneš’s return from exile to Prague and the emergence of a relatively pluralist party system excluded the presence of Soviet advisers during the initial years after the Second World War. They were not brought in until 1949. Thus,","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"252-254"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45390466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Reagan administration not only pursued democratization in hostile states but also pressured allied authoritarian regimes to reform and occasionally supported “soft” regime changes to defuse internal tensions in countries that were important for U.S. strategic interests. The convergence between mid-level officials, autonomous democracy promoters, and key policymakers was most fruitful when these groups believed that U.S. interests would be vulnerable without political intervention. Evaluations of the stability and legitimacy of the existing governments influenced judgments about whether to pursue regime reform, either by keeping the existing elites in power within new democratic structures or by seeking to empower opposition groups and facilitating the rise of new elites. A critique of this approach is an essential addition to our understanding of the Reagan administration’s policies vis-à-vis allied states.
{"title":"Reevaluating Democracy Promotion","authors":"R. Pee, S. Lucas","doi":"10.1162/jcws_a_01090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01090","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Reagan administration not only pursued democratization in hostile states but also pressured allied authoritarian regimes to reform and occasionally supported “soft” regime changes to defuse internal tensions in countries that were important for U.S. strategic interests. The convergence between mid-level officials, autonomous democracy promoters, and key policymakers was most fruitful when these groups believed that U.S. interests would be vulnerable without political intervention. Evaluations of the stability and legitimacy of the existing governments influenced judgments about whether to pursue regime reform, either by keeping the existing elites in power within new democratic structures or by seeking to empower opposition groups and facilitating the rise of new elites. A critique of this approach is an essential addition to our understanding of the Reagan administration’s policies vis-à-vis allied states.","PeriodicalId":45551,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cold War Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"151-199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42406125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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