Ballot dropboxes provide voters who fill out mail-in ballots with a secure and convenient method for returning their ballot. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of ballot dropboxes increased dramatically as voters sought to cast ballots safely and conveniently. In the wake of the 2020 election, ballot dropboxes have come under considerable scrutiny as many Republican-controlled state legislatures have sought to eliminate them or sharply reduce the number available and/or limit the hours in which they can be used by voters. This article uses novel data on the number of ballots collected in Georgia dropboxes paired with measures of how accessible these dropboxes were to voters in order to analyze how the allocation of dropboxes affected voting behavior in an election where voters could choose to vote in a variety of ways. When controlling for the number of potential users, dropboxes closer in distance to voters are used at higher rates. Individuals located closer to dropboxes are more likely to vote by mail and are less likely to fail to return requested mail-in ballots. Our findings carry important implications for election administrators seeking to make voting accessible by adding additional ballot dropboxes and for administrators seeking to adjust to mandated decreases in the number of dropboxes provided to voters.
{"title":"Dropbox Allocation and Use Among Georgia Voters in the 2020 Election","authors":"Michael Greenberger, Jason M. Roberts","doi":"10.1089/elj.2023.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2023.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Ballot dropboxes provide voters who fill out mail-in ballots with a secure and convenient method for returning their ballot. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of ballot dropboxes increased dramatically as voters sought to cast ballots safely and conveniently. In the wake of the 2020 election, ballot dropboxes have come under considerable scrutiny as many Republican-controlled state legislatures have sought to eliminate them or sharply reduce the number available and/or limit the hours in which they can be used by voters. This article uses novel data on the number of ballots collected in Georgia dropboxes paired with measures of how accessible these dropboxes were to voters in order to analyze how the allocation of dropboxes affected voting behavior in an election where voters could choose to vote in a variety of ways. When controlling for the number of potential users, dropboxes closer in distance to voters are used at higher rates. Individuals located closer to dropboxes are more likely to vote by mail and are less likely to fail to return requested mail-in ballots. Our findings carry important implications for election administrators seeking to make voting accessible by adding additional ballot dropboxes and for administrators seeking to adjust to mandated decreases in the number of dropboxes provided to voters.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"77 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135270745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Does ranked choice voting (RCV) change the information search behavior of voters? I present a theory, consistent with past work on voter behavior and information, which shows that (1) RCV is a more complex informational environment than typical single preference voting, which then predicts that (2) voters should be motivated to search for and retain more information on the candidates, and particularly on non-copartisans. This change in behavior should correspond to an increase in the cost of voting. I design a survey experiment to test this theory on a nationally diverse sample of U.S. adults, and a follow-up survey with bonus incentives to add to the robustness of the results. Results indicate that voters do not adapt their information search and retention behaviors, nor do they spend more cognitive effort in the process of voting. The results are particularly important in the context of the rapid expansion of RCV.
{"title":"Voter Information Search and Ranked Choice Voting","authors":"Theodoros Ntounias","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0052","url":null,"abstract":"Does ranked choice voting (RCV) change the information search behavior of voters? I present a theory, consistent with past work on voter behavior and information, which shows that (1) RCV is a more complex informational environment than typical single preference voting, which then predicts that (2) voters should be motivated to search for and retain more information on the candidates, and particularly on non-copartisans. This change in behavior should correspond to an increase in the cost of voting. I design a survey experiment to test this theory on a nationally diverse sample of U.S. adults, and a follow-up survey with bonus incentives to add to the robustness of the results. Results indicate that voters do not adapt their information search and retention behaviors, nor do they spend more cognitive effort in the process of voting. The results are particularly important in the context of the rapid expansion of RCV.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"12 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135366589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Michael J. Ritter, Joseph A. Coll, Caroline J. Tolbert
Since the 2020 election, hundreds of bills have been introduced to state legislatures with new voting restrictions, while many states have made voting more accessible. Undergirding the operation of these laws are a set of rules, procedures, technologies, and local election officials that shape the voting process across the U.S. (Alvarez et al. 2013, 31). Despite evidence documenting election administration matters, little research has investigated the combined impact of multiple state election laws and election administration capacity, using two comprehensive nationwide indices, on voter behavior. Employing administrative data with vote histories from a national voter file over time (2012 to 2020 presidential elections), we test the effects of both election administration and election laws. Applying statistical matching, we find more restrictive state election laws reduce voter turnout, while more election administration capacity has a mixed effect on turnout. Despite a low correlation, these two factors can interact, with quality state election administration partially offsetting the negative effects of restrictive voting laws. The interaction effect is stronger in 2012 and 2020. Academics and policy makers need to consider election administration in models of voter turnout.
自2020年大选以来，各州立法机构已经提出了数百项法案，规定了新的投票限制，而许多州也让投票变得更容易。这些法律运作的基础是一套规则、程序、技术和地方选举官员，这些规则、程序、技术和官员塑造了美国各地的投票过程(Alvarez et al. 2013,31)。尽管有证据证明选举管理问题，但很少有研究使用两个全国性的综合指数来调查多个州的选举法和选举管理能力对选民行为的综合影响。利用全国选民档案中随时间(2012年至2020年总统选举)的带有投票历史的行政数据，我们测试了选举管理和选举法的影响。通过统计匹配，我们发现更严格的州选举法降低了选民投票率，而更多的选举管理能力对投票率的影响是混合的。尽管相关性较低，但这两个因素可以相互作用，高质量的州选举管理可以部分抵消限制性选举法的负面影响。2012年和2020年的交互效应更强。学者和政策制定者需要考虑选民投票率模型中的选举管理。
{"title":"Can Election Administration Overcome the Effects of Restrictive State Voting Laws?","authors":"Michael J. Ritter, Joseph A. Coll, Caroline J. Tolbert","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0034","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 2020 election, hundreds of bills have been introduced to state legislatures with new voting restrictions, while many states have made voting more accessible. Undergirding the operation of these laws are a set of rules, procedures, technologies, and local election officials that shape the voting process across the U.S. (Alvarez et al. 2013, 31). Despite evidence documenting election administration matters, little research has investigated the combined impact of multiple state election laws and election administration capacity, using two comprehensive nationwide indices, on voter behavior. Employing administrative data with vote histories from a national voter file over time (2012 to 2020 presidential elections), we test the effects of both election administration and election laws. Applying statistical matching, we find more restrictive state election laws reduce voter turnout, while more election administration capacity has a mixed effect on turnout. Despite a low correlation, these two factors can interact, with quality state election administration partially offsetting the negative effects of restrictive voting laws. The interaction effect is stronger in 2012 and 2020. Academics and policy makers need to consider election administration in models of voter turnout.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nicholas D. Bernardo, Bridgett A. King, Gretchen A. Macht
The Supreme Court ruling on Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013) provided states and local jurisdictions with increased discretion when operating elections. Since this decision, voters across the United States have experienced a reduction in polling locations through precinct consolidation and polling location closures. Further, passed and pending legislation will restrict vote-by-mail use and early voting in future elections. For many, these changes will restructure the in-person voting experience as more voters will vote in-person on Election Days at fewer locations. While scholarship has demonstrated the effects of polling location consolidation on voter turnout and voter disenfranchisement, less research has investigated the effects on system performance and voter wait times. This analysis applies a simulation optimization to assess the consequences of three polling location consolidation strategies on voter wait time. We find that allocating resources in combination with the consolidation strategy directly affects voter wait times. Our results suggest that consolidating precincts and polling locations requires deliberate resource allocation planning to distribute voting equipment efficiently.
最高法院对谢尔比县诉霍尔德案(570 U.S. 529(2013))的裁决赋予各州和地方司法管辖区在选举中更大的自由裁量权。自这一决定以来，通过选区合并和投票站关闭，美国各地的选民都经历了投票站的减少。此外，已通过和未决的立法将限制在未来选举中使用邮寄投票和提前投票。对许多人来说，这些变化将重新调整亲自投票的体验，因为更多的选民将在选举日在更少的地点亲自投票。虽然学术研究已经证明了投票地点整合对选民投票率和选民权利剥夺的影响，但很少有研究调查投票地点整合对系统性能和选民等待时间的影响。该分析应用模拟优化来评估三种投票地点合并策略对选民等待时间的影响。我们发现资源分配与整合策略的结合直接影响选民等待时间。我们的结果表明，巩固选区和投票地点需要深思熟虑的资源分配计划，以有效地分发投票设备。
{"title":"Assessing Precinct Consolidation Strategies Through Simulation Optimization","authors":"Nicholas D. Bernardo, Bridgett A. King, Gretchen A. Macht","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"The Supreme Court ruling on Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013) provided states and local jurisdictions with increased discretion when operating elections. Since this decision, voters across the United States have experienced a reduction in polling locations through precinct consolidation and polling location closures. Further, passed and pending legislation will restrict vote-by-mail use and early voting in future elections. For many, these changes will restructure the in-person voting experience as more voters will vote in-person on Election Days at fewer locations. While scholarship has demonstrated the effects of polling location consolidation on voter turnout and voter disenfranchisement, less research has investigated the effects on system performance and voter wait times. This analysis applies a simulation optimization to assess the consequences of three polling location consolidation strategies on voter wait time. We find that allocating resources in combination with the consolidation strategy directly affects voter wait times. Our results suggest that consolidating precincts and polling locations requires deliberate resource allocation planning to distribute voting equipment efficiently.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136116383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As a response to foreign election interference efforts, politicians and news media have adopted various frames which highlight the hinderance of such interference in electoral processes. However, little research has examined the impact of the framing of this election interference discourse on the attitudes and behaviours of voters. This research examines the impact of negative and positive election interference frames on Canadian voters using an experimental vignette design. Specifically, this study focuses on three dependent variables: citizens' trust in electoral institutions, their likelihood of voting, and their level of comfort using alternative methods of electoral participation. The results suggest that the framing of information on the topic of election interference can have an important impact on citizens' attitudes toward the electoral process. We find that positive, but not negative, information regarding election interference influences respondents' trust in the electoral system. We also find that the effect is greatest in politically uninterested individuals. Lastly, the results show that conservatives hold more negative attitudes towards elections and voting.
{"title":"Does the Framing of Information Regarding Foreign Election Interference Matter? Evidence from a Survey Experiment in Canada","authors":"Jean-Nicolas Bordeleau, Holly Ann Garnett","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0042","url":null,"abstract":"As a response to foreign election interference efforts, politicians and news media have adopted various frames which highlight the hinderance of such interference in electoral processes. However, little research has examined the impact of the framing of this election interference discourse on the attitudes and behaviours of voters. This research examines the impact of negative and positive election interference frames on Canadian voters using an experimental vignette design. Specifically, this study focuses on three dependent variables: citizens' trust in electoral institutions, their likelihood of voting, and their level of comfort using alternative methods of electoral participation. The results suggest that the framing of information on the topic of election interference can have an important impact on citizens' attitudes toward the electoral process. We find that positive, but not negative, information regarding election interference influences respondents' trust in the electoral system. We also find that the effect is greatest in politically uninterested individuals. Lastly, the results show that conservatives hold more negative attitudes towards elections and voting.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"192 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136097521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ranked Choice Voting in Presidential Elections in Maine—A State That Appoints Electors Statewide and By District","authors":"Michael L. Rosin","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0035","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135591418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Some states specify a cure process so that voters can address deficiencies with returned mail ballots that would cause them to be rejected. We identify three key elements of a cure process that we theorize affect whether voters utilize it to make their ballots count. First, how voters are informed about disqualifying deficiencies on their ballots. Second, the actions available to voters to cure their ballots. Third, whether stakeholders who engage in voter outreach are given information about ballots with disqualifying deficiencies. We highlight the importance of these elements in the cure process used by North Carolina in the 2020 general election. In this election, about 82 percent of the roughly 26,000 voters who submitted mail ballots eligible for a cure process ultimately cast a counted ballot. About 39 percent of these counted ballots were cured in-person, and greater access to in-person curing options increased the likelihood that a ballot was cured. Democratic and non-major party registrants cured their ballots more often than Republican registrants, particularly when they lived in a county in which the Democratic Party was running a coordinated campaign focused on curing. While election officials sometimes attempted to inform voters by phone about the need to cure, there was no clear relationship between having a phone number recorded in a registration record and the likelihood that a ballot was cured.
{"title":"Who Cures Ballots? Evidence from North Carolina's 2020 General Election","authors":"Marc Meredith, Lucy Kronenberg","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0050","url":null,"abstract":"Some states specify a cure process so that voters can address deficiencies with returned mail ballots that would cause them to be rejected. We identify three key elements of a cure process that we theorize affect whether voters utilize it to make their ballots count. First, how voters are informed about disqualifying deficiencies on their ballots. Second, the actions available to voters to cure their ballots. Third, whether stakeholders who engage in voter outreach are given information about ballots with disqualifying deficiencies. We highlight the importance of these elements in the cure process used by North Carolina in the 2020 general election. In this election, about 82 percent of the roughly 26,000 voters who submitted mail ballots eligible for a cure process ultimately cast a counted ballot. About 39 percent of these counted ballots were cured in-person, and greater access to in-person curing options increased the likelihood that a ballot was cured. Democratic and non-major party registrants cured their ballots more often than Republican registrants, particularly when they lived in a county in which the Democratic Party was running a coordinated campaign focused on curing. While election officials sometimes attempted to inform voters by phone about the need to cure, there was no clear relationship between having a phone number recorded in a registration record and the likelihood that a ballot was cured.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135859266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To explore the psychology of voting secrecy, we conducted a field experiment to examine voter sensitivity to arrangements for ballot paper selection under the French ballot system (i.e., multiple ballot papers). Working closely with Swedish election authorities, we randomly assigned participants to vote in a fictional election under low, medium-high and high privacy conditions with a follow up paper-and-pen survey to record perceived voting secrecy. Results show that participants perceived an arrangement for selecting ballot papers behind a closed screen as clearly more secret than one where selection was public, and that a third and even more private arrangement, where voters did not have to walk a few meters with ballot papers in hand, potentially visible to onlookers, provided even higher levels of perceived secrecy. The study demonstrates that voters are sensitive even to small changes in the voting environment. Accordingly, election administrators should be aware that details matter for the experience of voting secretly.
{"title":"Details Matter: Secluded Areas and Voting Secrecy with French Ballots","authors":"Peter Esaiasson, Annika Fredén, Jan Teorell","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0011","url":null,"abstract":"To explore the psychology of voting secrecy, we conducted a field experiment to examine voter sensitivity to arrangements for ballot paper selection under the French ballot system (i.e., multiple ballot papers). Working closely with Swedish election authorities, we randomly assigned participants to vote in a fictional election under low, medium-high and high privacy conditions with a follow up paper-and-pen survey to record perceived voting secrecy. Results show that participants perceived an arrangement for selecting ballot papers behind a closed screen as clearly more secret than one where selection was public, and that a third and even more private arrangement, where voters did not have to walk a few meters with ballot papers in hand, potentially visible to onlookers, provided even higher levels of perceived secrecy. The study demonstrates that voters are sensitive even to small changes in the voting environment. Accordingly, election administrators should be aware that details matter for the experience of voting secretly.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135864126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01Epub Date: 2023-09-05DOI: 10.1089/elj.2021.0061.correx
[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1089/elj.2021.0061.].
[这更正了文章DOI:10.1089/elj.2021.0061.]。
{"title":"<i>Correction to:</i> No Accountability Without Transparency and Consistency: Evaluating Mexico's Redistricting-by-Formula, by Trelles et al. <i>Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 2023</i>;22(1):80-99; doi: 10.1089/elj.2021.0061.","authors":"","doi":"10.1089/elj.2021.0061.correx","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2021.0061.correx","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1089/elj.2021.0061.].</p>","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"22 3","pages":"286"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10515185/pdf/elj.2021.0061.correx.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41161642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
False information about the legitimacy of recent American elections has prompted a barrage of harsh rhetoric against the officials who administer them. This spike in negativity, largely occurring through social media, is driving people out of these essential jobs. This article measures the extent of this negativity, how it has trended over time, which state administrations are targeted by it most, and what sorts of accounts are sending it. By collecting every reply to any Twitter account managed by the agency or person officially responsible for administering a state's elections, we show that the usage of keywords related to election fraud has spiked in recent years, while the sentiments of the replies have grown almost universally harsher. While left-leaning repliers are usually negative towards Republican officials, and vice versa, some officials have begun to receive negative replies from both the left and right, with sustained pile-ons led almost entirely by right-leaning repliers.
{"title":"What Happens When the President Calls You an “Enemy of the People?” Election Officials and Public Sentiment","authors":"Joelle Gross, Samuel Baltz, Charles Stewart","doi":"10.1089/elj.2022.0058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2022.0058","url":null,"abstract":"False information about the legitimacy of recent American elections has prompted a barrage of harsh rhetoric against the officials who administer them. This spike in negativity, largely occurring through social media, is driving people out of these essential jobs. This article measures the extent of this negativity, how it has trended over time, which state administrations are targeted by it most, and what sorts of accounts are sending it. By collecting every reply to any Twitter account managed by the agency or person officially responsible for administering a state's elections, we show that the usage of keywords related to election fraud has spiked in recent years, while the sentiments of the replies have grown almost universally harsher. While left-leaning repliers are usually negative towards Republican officials, and vice versa, some officials have begun to receive negative replies from both the left and right, with sustained pile-ons led almost entirely by right-leaning repliers.","PeriodicalId":45644,"journal":{"name":"Election Law Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135220296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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