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Reform Interrupted? State Innovation, Court Decisions, and the Past and Future of Campaign Finance Reform in the States 改革中断?国家创新,法院判决,以及美国竞选资金改革的过去和未来
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-06-10 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0320
KuleszaChristopher, WitkoChristopher, WaltenburgEric
Abstract As politics and policymaking appear to increasingly benefit “special interests” rather than the mass public, reformers, politicians, and the public have often embraced campaign finance reform. Nationally, this was most visible in the McCain-Feingold Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act (2002), but a number of states have undertaken major overhauls of their campaign finance systems in recent decades. In this article we discuss these changes to state campaign finance law since the early 1990s. In the process, we update and validate Witko's (2005) measure of state campaign finance stringency for the period of 1992 to 2012. In the last part of the article, we discuss what effect recent U.S. Supreme Court and state court rulings will have on future reform efforts.
由于政治和政策制定似乎越来越有利于“特殊利益集团”而不是大众,改革者、政治家和公众经常接受竞选资金改革。在全国范围内,这在《麦凯恩-法因戈尔德两党竞选资金改革法案》(2002年)中表现得最为明显,但近几十年来,许多州对其竞选资金体系进行了重大改革。在本文中,我们将讨论自20世纪90年代初以来州竞选财务法的这些变化。在此过程中,我们更新并验证了Witko(2005)对1992年至2012年期间各州竞选资金紧缩程度的衡量。在文章的最后一部分,我们讨论了最近美国最高法院和州法院的裁决将对未来的改革努力产生什么影响。
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引用次数: 8
The Adoption of Anti-Defection Laws in Parliamentary Democracies 议会民主国家反叛逃法的采用
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0345
NikolenyiCsaba
Abstract Over the past couple of decades a number of new democracies have adopted anti-defection laws that penalize individual parliamentary deputies for changing their partisan affiliation during the inter-election period. The adoption of these measures seems reasonable in new democracies, where political parties are still weak and are not yet “parliamentary fit” (Sartori 1997), which is an important prerequisite for the proper functioning of parliamentary government. However, it is much more puzzling to find that alone among the more established democracies, India and Israel have also chosen to do so. In this article, we argue that anti-defection laws are adopted in rare circumstances in established democracies: freely elected legislators do not easily choose to give up their freedom of movement in the legislature. In order to uncover the conditions that may lead to such reforms we compare the experience of three democracies: India and Israel, where such reforms were successfully adopted, as well as Can...
在过去的几十年里,一些新的民主国家通过了反叛逃法,惩罚在选举期间改变党派关系的个别议会代表。在新民主国家,采取这些措施似乎是合理的,因为这些国家的政党仍然很弱,还没有“适合议会”(Sartori 1997),这是议会政府正常运作的重要先决条件。然而,更令人费解的是,在更成熟的民主国家中,只有印度和以色列也选择这样做。在本文中,我们认为反叛逃法在成熟民主国家的罕见情况下被采用:自由选举的立法者不会轻易选择放弃他们在立法机构中的行动自由。为了揭示可能导致这种改革的条件,我们比较了三个民主国家的经验:印度和以色列,这两个国家成功地采用了这种改革,以及伊朗……
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引用次数: 6
Party Thresholds for Registration and Resources—Mechanical Hurdles or Promoting Genuine Political Discourse 政党注册门槛与资源——机械障碍或推动真正的政治话语
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/elj.2015.0339
KellyNorm
Abstract Minimum membership thresholds are commonly used in democracies as a criterion for political party registration. These thresholds can have the empowering quality of showing a specified level of popular support for a party and/or its ideology, policies, or leader, but are often a simple mathematical test for a new party, without requirements for political activism or internal party democracy. Thresholds for registration, and/or for access to state resources, impact on the style and scope of political discourse in a democracy, and can also be used as a mechanism to limit political competition. This article provides an international focus centering on three countries. Two countries, Australia and New Zealand, are developed democracies with well-established regulatory regimes. The third country, Papua New Guinea, provides a contrast as a developing democracy attempting to strengthen its party system through regulation. The article provides a comparative analysis of the mechanical nature of membership ...
摘要最低入党门槛是民主国家普遍采用的政党登记标准。这些门槛可以显示对一个政党和/或其意识形态、政策或领导人的特定程度的民众支持,但通常是对一个新政党的简单数学测试,不需要政治激进主义或党内民主。登记门槛和/或获得国家资源的门槛影响民主政治话语的风格和范围,也可以用作限制政治竞争的机制。这篇文章提供了一个以三个国家为中心的国际焦点。澳大利亚和新西兰这两个国家是发达的民主国家,拥有完善的监管制度。第三个国家巴布亚新几内亚形成了鲜明对比,它是一个发展中的民主国家,试图通过监管加强其政党制度。这篇文章对构件的力学性质进行了比较分析。
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引用次数: 0
Manipulating Elections Across the World 操纵世界各地的选举
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0355
KerrNicholas
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引用次数: 0
The Legal Regulation of Political Parties: Promoting Integrity? 政党的法律规制:促进廉洁?
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0354
GaujaAnika
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引用次数: 5
The Role of Political Parties in Electoral Governance: Delegation and the Quality of Elections in Latin America 政党在选举治理中的作用:拉丁美洲的授权和选举质量
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0338
T. D. Silva
Abstract How does electoral governance affect the quality of elections? This article compares legislative elections in Latin America since re-democratization to verify the relationship between the models of electoral governance and the quality of elections. The logit panel analysis runs on an original dataset on electoral institutions to find that among other features of electoral governance, the delegation to non-partisan actors plays a critical role, being associated with institutional environments with no concerns about the fairness of elections. On the other hand, when political parties manage electoral competition, there is a greater likelihood of concerns about the fairness of the elections.
选举治理如何影响选举质量?本文比较了拉丁美洲再民主化以来的立法选举,以验证选举治理模式与选举质量之间的关系。logit小组分析在选举机构的原始数据集上运行,发现在选举治理的其他特征中,无党派行为者的授权起着关键作用,与不关心选举公平性的制度环境有关。另一方面,当政党管理选举竞争时,人们更有可能担心选举的公正性。
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引用次数: 4
The Partisan Ordering of Candidacies and the Pluralism of the Law of Democracy: The Case of Taiwan 政党候选顺序与民主法律的多元性:以台湾为例
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/elj.2015.0334
SuYen-tu
Abstract Political parties are more than key players of democratic politics under the law of democracy. In addition to acting behind the scenes of election lawmaking, political parties regulate themselves in the name of “party autonomy,” and the extra-legal self-regulations they make often have external effects on the democratic political process as a whole. The most important function political parties perform is to select candidates for electoral competition, and how parties regulate candidate selection in general and candidacy in particular exemplifies their role as co-regulators of electoral democracy. Using Taiwan as a case study, this article explores how partisan self-regulation of legislative candidacies has diversified and complicated the qualifications for representatives. It also attempts to grasp the normative significance and implications of partisan rules by theorizing a pluralistic account of democratic authorities and election lawmaking: the pluralism of the law of democracy. By taking plu...
政党不仅是民主政治的主体,也是民主政治的主体。政党除了在选举立法的幕后活动外,还以“政党自治”的名义进行自我规制,其法外自我规制往往对整个民主政治进程产生外部影响。政党最重要的职能是为选举竞争选择候选人,政党如何规范候选人的选择,特别是候选人资格,体现了它们作为选举民主的共同监管者的作用。本文以台湾为个案,探讨立法机关候选人的党派自律如何使代表资格多元化和复杂化。它还试图通过对民主当局和选举立法的多元化解释进行理论化,即民主法律的多元化,来把握党派规则的规范性意义和含义。通过采取措施……
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引用次数: 0
The Legal Regulation of Political Parties: Is There a Global Normative Standard? 政党的法律规制:是否有一个全球性的规范标准?
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0332
GaujaAnika
Abstract A global comparison of the laws governing political parties reveals a significant degree of diversity—in the sources from which these laws derive, the specific functions they target, and the extent to which they regulate parties as political organizations and electoral actors. Previous studies have provided accounts of this diversity as the product of institutional arrangements, historical circumstances, and partisan politics, but little research has been done to establish whether international norms and standards play any role. Is there a set of universally accepted principles that govern the regulation of political parties? If not, what are the opposing principles and competing rights that are at play? Although international conventions and other instruments establish a set of basic principles that recognize the qualified right of parties to exist and to contest elections, significant normative disagreements exist surrounding the desirability of parties as electoral actors, qualifications upon ...
对治理政党的法律进行全球比较,可以发现这些法律的来源、它们所针对的具体功能以及它们对政党作为政治组织和选举参与者的监管程度存在显著的多样性。以前的研究将这种多样性描述为制度安排、历史环境和党派政治的产物,但很少有研究确定国际规范和标准是否发挥了作用。是否有一套普遍接受的原则来管理政党?如果不是,那么在起作用的是什么对立的原则和相互竞争的权利?虽然国际公约和其他文书确立了一套基本原则,承认政党有资格存在和参加选举,但围绕政党作为选举行为者的可取性、资格……
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引用次数: 4
Considering the Appropriateness of State Regulation of Intra-Party Democracy: A Comparative Politics Perspective 论党内民主国家规制的适当性:一个比较政治学的视角
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0337
P. CrossWilliam
Abstract This article considers the appropriateness of state regulation of the internal decision-making processes and organizational structures of political parties. After reviewing the most common arguments made in support of state regulation, the article takes a political science perspective in examining both the practical and democratic implications of such regulation with a focus on parties' internal decision making. While state mandates are often an impulsive response to identified shortcomings in the ways parties operate, I argue here that regulation potentially comes with significant costs to the democratic operation of parties and the role they play in state-wide democracy more broadly. Regulation of the internal functions of parties challenges their role as civil society organizations operating independent of the state. It also dampens opportunity for diversity and experimentation in democratic practice and prioritizes some democratic values over others. State regulation also potentially deprives...
摘要:本文考虑了国家对政党内部决策过程和组织结构进行监管的适当性。在回顾了支持国家监管的最常见论点之后,本文以政治科学的视角审视了这种监管的实践和民主含义,重点关注了政党的内部决策。虽然州的授权通常是对政党运作方式中已发现的缺陷的一种冲动反应,但我在这里认为,监管可能会给政党的民主运作以及它们在更广泛的州民主中发挥的作用带来重大成本。对政党内部职能的监管挑战了它们作为独立于国家运作的公民社会组织的角色。它还抑制了民主实践中多样性和试验的机会,并将一些民主价值观置于其他价值观之上。国家监管也可能剥夺……
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引用次数: 3
Does Party Finance Regulation Create a Level Playing Field 党的财务监管是否创造了一个公平的竞争环境
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-03-04 DOI: 10.1089/ELJ.2015.0335
KöllnAnn-Kristin
Abstract The major objective of party finance laws is to create equitable, free, and fair party competition in which the true popularity of policy proposals matter most for electoral outcomes. But to what extent have party finance laws encouraged homogenous financial conditions for fair party competition? This article draws on the level playing field conception prominent in theories of egalitarianism and tests the assumption that party finance regulation eliminates or reduces inequalities arising from unequal starting points. It analyzes data on the party finances of 47 parties in six European countries between 1960 and 2010. The findings indicate that party finance law has been effective in some countries. Specifically, despite significant legislative differences, the introduction of party finance law in Denmark and the Netherlands was most effective in encouraging financial convergence amongst parties and thus more similar financial conditions. The findings suggest that party finance regulation has not ...
政党财务法的主要目标是创造公平、自由和公平的政党竞争,其中政策提案的真正受欢迎程度对选举结果最重要。但是,政党财务法在多大程度上鼓励了同质化的财务条件,以促进政党公平竞争?本文借鉴了平等主义理论中突出的公平竞争环境概念,并检验了政党财务监管消除或减少由不平等起点引起的不平等的假设。它分析了1960年至2010年间欧洲6个国家47个政党的政党财务数据。研究结果表明,政党财务法在一些国家是行之有效的。具体来说,尽管立法上存在重大差异,丹麦和荷兰的政党财务法在鼓励政党之间的财务趋同方面最为有效,从而使财务状况更加相似。研究结果表明,党的财务监管并没有……
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引用次数: 3
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Election Law Journal
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