Asia Europe Journal最新文献

China’s perceptions of climate justice have changed since 2007, affecting the country’s domestic climate policies and its actions internationally. This study takes 2007 as a starting point, as that was a milestone year in China: climate change was made a national priority issue. Examining China’s views as to what were perceived as ‘fair’ regarding climate actions around 2007, we compare these with more recent perceptions of what ‘climate justice’ entails for China’s climate responsibilities. We find that China’s perceptions have changed regarding what being a ‘responsible’ country entails. From seeing itself as a developing country that should focus on other pressing challenges, China now views itself as a leading developing country that must reduce carbon emissions as soon as possible, and also as a donor providing aid to less wealthy developing countries. With ongoing feedback between the international and domestic levels on climate change, the principle of unequal burden sharing has also been incorporated into how China now delegates its domestic climate and energy targets, demanding more of its developed provinces and areas.

In its Indo-Pacific Strategy adopted in 2021, the EU reconfirmed the importance of “the voices of civil society, the private sector, social partners, and other key stakeholders count” in the region, highlighting the role of Asian civil society in the EU-Asia inter-regionalism. Therefore, this paper aims to evaluate Taiwanese people’s perception of the EU between January 2018 and May 2021 and analyze the key factors shaping the EU’s image in the region. At the same time, in terms of methodology, it also tries to establish an innovative and more efficient approach in this transnational survey of Asian people’s perception of the EU with the help of data sciences, which may contribute to the cognitive dimension of the EU study. Lastly, this paper aims to compare different theoretical doctrines on enhancing the visibility and support of the EU among Asians to indicate the optimal strategy for the EU to promote its image among Asians and its theoretical implications.

With the rapid internationalization and the recent development of the knowledge economy, universities are now facing challenges around the globe. Consequently, university governance is urged to be a strategic driving force of the university to transform efficiently and adapt to the changing needs. This special issue brings 4 articles together to enhance our understanding on university governance and broaden our perspectives through academic research on university governance cases. Specifically, it begins by introducing the cases of university governance structures in European and Chinese universities. Then, it goes on to explore the current reforms and the challenges encountered during transformation processes both in European and Chinese universities. This editorial discusses the university governance and its transformation, introduces the research papers, and presents the reflections and insights of the special issue.

This paper aims to analyse the comparative advantage of selected agricultural products for both EU and China in the context of EU-China bilateral trade and explore how the trade specialization changes along with the economic development based on the data between 2001 and 2017. First, we obtain the static results from both a comparative advantage perspective and a trade complementarity perspective. We then analyse three types of trade specialization dynamics by using the OLS regression and Markov transition probability matrix from a more dynamic perspective. Results show that EU’s comparative advantage includes meat products, dairy products, animal originated products, preparations of cereals or milk products, beverages, wool and vegetable textile fibres. China has a comparative advantage in fish, animal originated products, edible vegetable, lac, gums, resins, vegetable, plaiting materials, preparations of vegetables, silk, wool and vegetable textile fibres. We also find that both EU and China have unstable trade specialization for their agricultural products trade and we give policy implications for EU-China bilateral trade based on the results.

Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) has been exacerbating fears in the European Union (EU) by being concentrated in strategically important sectors. To address worries about Chinese investments with efficient policies and to identify wanted and unwanted investments, it is crucial to understand the determinants of Chinese FDI flows to the EU. This paper employs panel data analysis to investigate these determinants, using data from between 2005 and 2018. Results show that market growth, political stability, corruption control, and trade relations are not statistically significant. However, the number of patent applications in the host country has a positive significant impact on Chinese FDI inflows, while FDI restrictions have a significant negative impact. Results of this paper indicate that the EU’s recent FDI policy is targeting Chinese investments from the right angle and its screening mechanism, with improvements, can become the most efficient tool to handle Chinese investments in the bloc.

Leading Western economies face major dilemmas regarding China’s rise as different geopolitical considerations and economic interests inform how such states engage China. This article seeks to understand Western approaches to China’s rise through an analysis of Germany’s response to Chinese investment. The discussion shows that the Sino-German relationship has increasingly been affected by rising Chinese investment in Germany that entails common benefits in technology and industrial policy. Despite enhanced economic opportunities, however, Germany’s position is gradually shifting to a more cautious approach due to increasing economic asymmetry and political uncertainty in Sino-German ties. The concerns of the German leadership are focused on the lack of reciprocity, the exposure of the EU to China’s influence, and the antagonistic positions of the two economic powers in the global economy, and are imposing limits on Germany’s cooperation with China.

Negotiations between the European Union (EU) and India regarding a free trade agreement (FTA) have been hindered by numerous difficulties and disagreements since they began in 2007. A few studies have pointed at various key points of contention, including inter alia tariffs on sensitive products, intellectual property rights, trade in services, and chapters on non-trade issues. Despite a long-standing body of research into the ways in which interest groups, particularly business interests groups, influence economic policymaking and the outcomes of trade negotiations, the preferences of interest groups — especially on the Indian side — have been largely overlooked in the context of the FTA negotiations. This is reflective of a general lack of research on preferences toward trade agreements of interests groups in the Global South. In this paper, I analyse the preferences toward the agreement of India’s most influential chamber of commerce: the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI). The analysis shows that, since the start of negotiations, FICCI’s perception of the FTA has been deeply ambivalent and the policy preferences of the chamber are not likely to be met by an FTA between the EU and India. Additionally, the chamber’s preferences toward certain chapters of the agreement, particularly toward the key issues, may limit Indian negotiators’ ability to compromise, with several potential implications for the final agreement.

Pushed by structural transformations of geopolitics and world economy, China had to adjust its policy toward the European Union (EU) continuously during the period of 2014–2019, in pace with the dramatic changes in the European political landscape and the European Union’s policy orientations. During this process, the role of Chinese foreign policy think tanks has become more prominent and complex. This article conducts a comparative case study of the central-level China Institute of International Studies (CIIS) and the provincial-level Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), analyzing mechanisms of their influence over China’s EU policy. Based on a theoretical paradigm that interprets think tanks as the “central space” in a “field of power,” this article establishes an analytical framework regarding the policy influence of CIIS and SIIS as being determined by their differentiated positions within China’s foreign policy-making structure. It compares the flows of CIIS and SIIS publications on EU policy issues and the issuing of EU policy documents by the Chinese government, with a particular focus on the economic dimension of the relationship. It reveals patterns of synchronization and succession between think tank advice and official policy endorsements. Also, it analyzes the structural characteristics of meetings on EU policy sponsored by CIIS and SIIS, disclosing their varied connections with central and provincial policymakers, as well as other political actors. Generally speaking, the CIIS is in a more advantageous position than the SIIS. The findings also confirm the trend of a new round of centralization in China’s policy process.

In recent times, the European Commission has shown to have increasing difficulty keeping up its central position in trade diplomacy towards China, in the face of a growing wariness and assertiveness of the member states. In this article, we observe a changing balance, a development from EU diplomacy towards European diplomacy, meaning a growing influence of EU member states in the process. We call this the “Europeanisation” of EU economic diplomacy. This is not limited to China and reflects a broader development, as is visible in the politicisation of the negotiation processes towards the (failed) Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the (provisionally applied) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada, and also in the trend towards mixed agreements that require member state ratification. However, it was particularly in the relations with China that such trends became visible for the first time and have continued to manifest themselves throughout the years. Apart from the member states assembled in the Council, also the European Parliament has strengthened its position in the process at the expense of the Commission.