Asia Europe Journal最新文献

The way China promotes Asian regionalism through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been somewhat understudied. Drawing on a relational theory of world politics, this article examines the relational approach taken by China in initiating and negotiating BRI projects with partner countries and its repercussions for project implementation. It is argued that China’s relational governance emphasizes policy communication and coordination, cultivates high-level interpersonal relationships, and provides flexibility and adaptability in intergovernmental negotiations. However, China’s relational governance encounters formidable challenges and constraints in managing complex relationships and building trust in cross-national, multi-stakeholder conditions during BRI project implementation. Case studies on Chinese railway projects in three Maritime Southeast Asian countries provide supporting empirical evidence for the pragmatic but bounded nature of relational governance for China-led regionalism through the BRI. Asian regionalism calls for a synthetic model in the future, where relational governance and rule-based governance complement and reinforce each other.

Although primarily economic in nature, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often perceived as an economic instrument aimed at enhancing China’s geopolitical objectives. Despite the evident deployment of China’s geoeconomic strategy through the BRI, why does Indonesia continue to engage with the BRI? This paper aims to advance the discussion by shifting focus toward the implications of the BRI on the domestic political dynamics of Southeast Asian countries. It argues that Indonesia’s inability to perceive the BRI as a Chinese geoeconomic strategy stems from the initiative’s capacity to forge a new kind of regionalism. This new regionalism is characterized by the creation of network power, which strategically aligns local oligarchies and conglomerates with Chinese geopolitical interests. In a country like Indonesia, with deeply embedded patronage relations, such co-optation is an effective way to influence the decision-making process. In light of this, this paper conceptualizes the notion of patronage embeddedness to elucidate how Chinese foreign capital embeds itself within local political and economic networks to secure its interests through existing patronage relationships. Through this notion, our conceptualization not only shifts the narrative from a one-sided portrayal of Chinese agency but also highlights a dual agency scenario where Chinese capital and local oligarchs engage in a mutually beneficial relationship. Although this relationship offers advantages to both parties, it does not necessarily align with the broader interests of the Indonesian populace.

Sustainable development goals (SDGs) like zero hunger, no poverty, good health and well-being, reduced inequalities, climate action, and responsible consumption and production also figure in the agenda of G20 which is about poverty alleviation and food security through combatting global hunger and malnutrition, and cooperation in research on climate-resilient and nutritious crops such as millets. During the International Year of millets (2023), India, which had declared 2018 as the ‘National Year of Millets’, has taken many initiatives to promote millets, as a part of the G20 presidency. In the context of climate change, millets have gained substantial attention for their unique adaptability in harsh conditions like semi-arid lands and drought-prone environments. Millets, also called nutri-cereals in India, mainly comprise pearl millet (bajra), sorghum (jowar) and finger millet (ragi), and contribute about 5% to India’s cereals production. India is the largest producer of millets globally, accounting for 41% of global and 80% of Asian production. Millets have been a part of daily diets in many regions of India prior to the Green Revolution, but many farmers lost interest in millet crop following the Green Revolution, possibly due to higher yield and profitability of rice. However, the literature examining the value chains and social cost–benefit analysis of millets vis-à-vis conventional crops is scanty. This paper examines the value chain economics of the three major millets (pearl millet, sorghum and finger millet) which account for 85% of the total production of millets in India from a social cost–benefit analysis (SCBA) perspective and examines if millets can be recommended as a nutritional supplement to rice. It examines the major millets on macro- and micronutrient aspects of nutrition. The paper argues for policy support for expand millet production, strengthen its value chain, create public awareness about the health benefits of millets and to undertake activities to promote millets as nutritional supplement to rice in India.

The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) can play a pivotal role in various economic and geostrategic spheres by facilitating trade integration between Asia and Europe. The study portrays the mechanism through which the IMEC participating economies can achieve their respective policy goals. The study is focused on a dual research objective. Firstly, it attempts to develop an inter-country input–output (ICIO) and linear programming (LP) impact analysis framework to address the potential of trade integration across the IMEC participating members phase-wise, initially within the Asian countries and later expanded to some European countries. For a comparison between north–south and south-south trade, the study conducts separate simulation modeling exercises based on the entire IMEC and the Eastern Corridor IMEC respectively. Secondly, the study intends to present some first-hand alternative policy choices for IMEC negotiators and trade enthusiasts both from economic and environmental perspectives. The findings demonstrate that as the IMEC network expands, trade diversion away from other parts of the world decreases, leading to the creation of trade opportunities shared with a larger number of trading partners. This results in a minor reduction in national income growth for the European member economies, while significantly improving the economic prospects for the IMEC Asian members. The study also indicates that the emphasis on environmental priorities is impeding the economic objectives, particularly among Asian IMEC members, resulting in a policy trade-off. The restructuring of energy systems to lower CO₂ emissions is diminishing national income growth to nearly half of the figures achievable when economic policy goals take precedence.

This paper underscores the critical significance of climate-related risks within the banking and industrial sectors, emphasizing the need for a climate-resilient response system and strategic loan portfolio planning. The study introduces an efficient methodology for identifying key Climate-Linked Risks (CLRs) across impacted sectors, capturing their diverse impacts, quantifying them, and subsequently designing optimal loan portfolios. A comprehensive review of literature and primary responses from CLR experts, coupled with secondary data sources, forms the basis of our analysis. Initially, CLR impacts were categorized into push and pull indicators based on empirical weighted averages. Subsequently, fuzzy logic theory was employed to quantify CLR in form of composite index across industries. Finally, the study proposes portfolio planning for banks using mean variance portfolio. The proposed control approach assesses sectoral severity, prioritizes sectors, identifies root causes, and recommends cost-effective strategies, enhancing the overall resilience of the banking ecosystem.

This paper examines the British approach to Asia and its regional institutions from the Brexit vote in 2016 to the British general election of July 2024. The paper analyses official government statements and debates among political elites about Britain’s foreign policy posture in the region, from the broad ‘Indo-Pacific tilt’ and the Belt and Road Initiative to engagement with specific regional institutions such as ASEAN, BRI, AIIB, CPTPP and bilateral trade and investment agreements. It argues that approaches to regional institutions in and across Asia are driven by a combination of a dominant policy view that there is a need to engage with Asia which is becoming economically and strategically more important in a changing world, alongside a desire to decentre China in British strategic approaches to the region (partly in response to US-China strategic rivalry). However, given China’s centrality to regional economic growth in Asia, this approach creates contradictions which are rarely addressed in British policy debates. This paper will contribute not only to understanding British foreign policy, but also shed light on the evolving “new regionalism” and power dynamics across the Indo/Asia–Pacific, and how actors external to the region view and engage with the development of regional institutions in Asia.

This article examines the evolution of Asian regionalism, through the analytical prism of securitised regionalism, a concept that marries security concerns with regional cooperative efforts. It highlights the transformation from an initial focus on economic integration to a tool for geopolitical manoeuvring in response to evolving international relations in Asia. Initially shaped by the Cold War’s ideological confrontations, organisations like the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) underscored the security-driven nature of early Asian regionalism. However, the post–Cold War era witnessed a shift towards economic collaboration and integration, as evidenced by the development of the ASEAN Free Trade Area, Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, indicating a phase of de-securitisation. Recent trends, however, suggest an America-led resurgence of securitised regionalism in Asia, marked by the emergence of initiatives like the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and a series of supply chain alliances. These initiatives, influenced by major power competition, especially the strategic interests of the United States in Asia, signify a renewed emphasis on geopolitical and security concerns. Additionally, the formation of strategic supply chain alliances aimed at reducing dependency on China points towards an enhanced focus on internal economic security within securitised regional blocs.

Global changes in power distribution and successive international crises have inevitably affected the European Union (EU) as an international player, heightening geo-economical and geopolitical considerations. China’s growing economic and military weight is a particular concern, not only as it relates to the Sino-US confrontation but also due to its economic and political influence in the Asia region, a region where the EU has significant trade and investment interests and depends heavily on the safe passage of maritime transport in the Indo-Pacific oceans. Relying on studies of economic statecraft, this research will explore the types and nature of economic instruments that the EU has introduced to defend or promote security relations with Asia and whether they have advanced the geopolitical ends of the EU. It will suggest that the EU has made considerable strides in linking trade/economic tools with geostrategic objectives, in promoting non-traditional security aspects generally, in consolidating and expanding EU connectivity and security partnerships with Asian countries, and in enhancing its naval presence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans.

Uzbekistan has the potential to become a regional hub linking Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Commonwealth of Independent States and Europe. In order to inform the implementation of Uzbekistan’s Strategy for the Development of the Transport System, a triangulated research approach was followed to develop a spatially and commodity-level freight flow model for the country. The model outputs highlight that freight flow distribution is heavily skewed towards the East, that the country has significant exposure to freight risks beyond the borders due to the inordinate long distances of cross-border flows, and that demand for transport, and logistics costs, are high relative to gross domestic product. Transport policy, infrastructure development and the role of transport and logistics in development planning should therefore be prioritised as a strategic input into economic growth and development success, including the intelligence that enables these activities. There seem to be opportunities for domestic and regional consolidation, which can lead to the improved use of rail and intermodal solutions and support the development of effective special economic zones. These outputs can be refined with access to more detailed data.