Asia Europe Journal最新文献

The relationship between supervisors and postgraduates is a key factor in postgraduate education, and a harmonious supervisor-postgraduate relationship is a prerequisite for ensuring the quality of postgraduate education. This study analyzes the problems, causes, and solutions of the distorted supervisor-postgraduate relationship. In order to clarify the specific manifestations and causes of the distorted supervisor-postgraduate relationship, this study analyzed ten suicide cases through case studies. In order to sort out the governance initiatives to address the distorted supervisor-postgraduate relationship, this study analyzed the policy documents of postgraduate education in China through policy analysis. The findings indicated that the distortion of supervisor-postgraduate relationship manifests itself as a relationship of employment and control, stemming from the influence of the traditional apprenticeship value habits, and the distortion of academic value under academic capitalism. In order to address the distortion of the supervisor-postgraduate relationship, China has introduced various policy initiatives, such as attaching importance to ethics education and refining the duties and standards of supervisors, reforming the supervisor selection system and establishing supervisor certification, improving the tutor evaluation mechanism and implementing a “one vote veto” on tutor ethics, and strengthening tutor training and improving supervisors’ moral education capabilities.

In this article, we explore the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a case of “Contingent Power Extension” (CPE) towards the European Union (EU), assessing its implications for regional (dis)integration in the latter. CPE is a conceptual prism that interprets the BRI as a polymorphous, dynamic, and context-specific mechanism through which Chinese foreign policy elites intend to convey, amplify, and legitimize the regime’s power-reach into other regions, including the EU. Along two examples—the 14 + 1 Cooperation Forum and the Port of Genoa in Italy—we examine the power dynamics of the BRI by tracing (a) the processual impact of power extension towards the EU and (b) the (un)intended consequences for the EU in terms of (dis)integration. The findings of our analysis provide an insight into the multicausal relations between the BRI and European (dis)integration not as a static outcome but rather as a contested process of struggle. The article concludes by discussing whether and how the EU can strengthen its own institutional foundations and use its systemic leverage to respond to the BRI while enhancing regional integration in the process.

Amid rising uncertainty in the global economy and unprecedented economic disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the concept of supply chain resilience has gained increasing popularity in ASEAN and the EU. However, by comparing their paths to resilient supply chains, this article argues that while both organizations regard resilience as a departure from past doctrines of pure economic efficiency, each has a different understanding of and approach to supply chain resilience. While for ASEAN, supply chain resilience is meant to reconcile inward- and outward-looking dimensions to support ASEAN competitiveness, within the EU, resilience is associated with the search for strategic autonomy with an internal focus. Despite these differences, both groups regard sustainability and digital transformation as crucial components of supply chain resilience, which they see as a way to enhance their economic cooperation and strategic partnership.

Chinese universities are undergoing a decentralization reform that academic schools take the responsibility for its own running. Under the framework of the financial management system of “Unified Leadership, Two-level Management, and Centralized Accounting,” this decentralization reform primarily targets to establish a cost accounting and settlement system for various undertakings with schools as the main body; build a multi-level economic responsibility system centered at the school; and establish and improve efficient system restraint mechanism, supervision and management mechanism, accountability mechanism, and performance evaluation mechanism. The main purpose of this study is to introduce a case of a Chinese university concentrating on this reform. The primary contents of the reform will be introduced, followed by a discussion about some responses and introspections to the reform.

Abstract

Abstract

This study analyses the effects of the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) on Japan and the EU’s 28 countries since it was enforced in 2019. The Japan-EU EPA has positive beneficial effects on the two participating economies, Japan and the EU. The removal of trade barriers and NTMs leads to more competition, more trade efficiency improvements, and ultimately more benefits to the participating countries/regions. Japan and the EU can benefit from the Japan-EU EPA by removing tariffs as a part of a trade liberalisation policy. The reduction of NTMs is important to liberalise international trade and get more benefits from the Japan-EU EPA. The Japan-EU EPA and trade liberalisation deal can contribute to not only Japan and the EU’s bilateral trade but also mutual GDPs and welfare levels. However, while non-participating countries, such as South Korea, may be negatively affected by the Japan-EU EPA, it produces positive overall welfare effects for the rest of the world.

The China-EU Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) is a balanced, high-level, and mutually beneficial investment agreement. It not only sets up a new legal framework for China-EU economic and trade relations, but also provides stability for China-EU bilateral relations in an uncertain world experiencing major changes.