{"title":"“Are We to Treat Human Nature as the Early Victorian Lady Treated Telegrams?”: British and German Sexual Science, Investigations of Nature, and the Fight against Censorship, ca. 1890–1940","authors":"Kate Fisher, Jana Funke","doi":"10.7560/jhs33105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs33105","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139454280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n 1809 t h I r t y e I g h t y e a r o l d ship’s surgeon James Nehemiah Taylor was caught in the act of sodomy with his helper on a naval vessel at sea. After being court-martialed in the port of Portsmouth, the doctor was sentenced to death. During the two weeks before the execution, the marine chaplain tried to sway him to repentance by, for instance, organizing a church service, attended by the crew and the convicted man, which centered the biblical story of Sodom and Gomorrah. This did not keep Taylor from presenting to the chaplain an image of God that differed slightly from the wrathful supreme being who set these cities ablaze. Taylor, a well-read man who was familiar with Voltaire and other “infidel authors,” did not consider himself a sinner. He believed in God as creator, but in his view, God did not run the world in inscrutable and punishing ways. God was merciful and understanding of human frailties, especially when these “were implanted in our nature and constitution.”1 That Taylor frequently had given way to his irresistible urges did not, he stressed, detract from his moral righteousness—and this, after all, served as the base for community spirit and responsible handling of civil rights and freedom of religion. Taylor trusted that God, in the last judgment, would take into
{"title":"Sodomy, Possessive Individualism, and Godless Nature: Eighteenth-Century Traces of Homosexual Assertiveness","authors":"Harry Oosterhuis","doi":"10.7560/jhs32303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32303","url":null,"abstract":"I n 1809 t h I r t y e I g h t y e a r o l d ship’s surgeon James Nehemiah Taylor was caught in the act of sodomy with his helper on a naval vessel at sea. After being court-martialed in the port of Portsmouth, the doctor was sentenced to death. During the two weeks before the execution, the marine chaplain tried to sway him to repentance by, for instance, organizing a church service, attended by the crew and the convicted man, which centered the biblical story of Sodom and Gomorrah. This did not keep Taylor from presenting to the chaplain an image of God that differed slightly from the wrathful supreme being who set these cities ablaze. Taylor, a well-read man who was familiar with Voltaire and other “infidel authors,” did not consider himself a sinner. He believed in God as creator, but in his view, God did not run the world in inscrutable and punishing ways. God was merciful and understanding of human frailties, especially when these “were implanted in our nature and constitution.”1 That Taylor frequently had given way to his irresistible urges did not, he stressed, detract from his moral righteousness—and this, after all, served as the base for community spirit and responsible handling of civil rights and freedom of religion. Taylor trusted that God, in the last judgment, would take into","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A l t h o u g h m e d i e vA l g y n e c o l o g i c A l t e x t s are not perfect windows into the practice of women’s medicine in the past, they nonetheless can reveal encoded attitudes toward the female body. Gynecological texts combine ideas about nature, health, magic, and religion and draw from sources originating from all over Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Denmark did not produce any solely gynecological manuscripts in the Middle Ages; however, it did produce a number of more general medical texts that include a large number of gynecological cures. While medieval gynecological tracts in continental Europe have been studied extensively, the focus in Scandinavian research has largely been on other sources of knowledge about women’s health. There have been, for example, studies on the archaeological evidence for infanticide and death in childbirth, descriptions of birth and parental relationships in religious and miracle texts, discussions of the role of magic in birth, and examinations of depictions of birth in artworks and ballads.1 Grethe Jacobsen’s 1984 survey of possible sources for details on childbirth examines all of the above varieties of evidence. Yet in all these studies, very little attention has been paid to the presence of birth-related and gynecological cures in extant medieval medical texts. Despite her thorough accounting of other
{"title":"The Woman Thing: Gynecological Cures in Medieval Danish Medical Manuscripts","authors":"Ailie Westbrook","doi":"10.7560/jhs32306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32306","url":null,"abstract":"A l t h o u g h m e d i e vA l g y n e c o l o g i c A l t e x t s are not perfect windows into the practice of women’s medicine in the past, they nonetheless can reveal encoded attitudes toward the female body. Gynecological texts combine ideas about nature, health, magic, and religion and draw from sources originating from all over Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Denmark did not produce any solely gynecological manuscripts in the Middle Ages; however, it did produce a number of more general medical texts that include a large number of gynecological cures. While medieval gynecological tracts in continental Europe have been studied extensively, the focus in Scandinavian research has largely been on other sources of knowledge about women’s health. There have been, for example, studies on the archaeological evidence for infanticide and death in childbirth, descriptions of birth and parental relationships in religious and miracle texts, discussions of the role of magic in birth, and examinations of depictions of birth in artworks and ballads.1 Grethe Jacobsen’s 1984 survey of possible sources for details on childbirth examines all of the above varieties of evidence. Yet in all these studies, very little attention has been paid to the presence of birth-related and gynecological cures in extant medieval medical texts. Despite her thorough accounting of other","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n 1965 t h e s o c I o l o g I s t M I c h a e l s c h o f I e l d published the first major survey of teenage sexuality in Britain.1 Researchers from the Central Council for Health Education had interviewed more than eigh teen hundred young people between age fifteen and nineteen. Beyond ask ing these teenagers about their attitudes toward sex, the survey prompted them to assess their levels of sexual knowledge and to evaluate the sex education they had received. Most notably, the survey recorded details of their sexual practice, including incidences of kissing, “petting,” and pene trative intercourse. The somewhat “unsensational” central finding of the research was that “premarital sexual relations are a long way from being universal . . . for well over threequarters of the boys and girls in our sample have never engaged in them.”2 Underpinning Schofield’s study was an assumption that there was something distinctive about teenage sexuality and that accounts of modern sexuality were missing something by having neglected to consider young people’s sexual attitudes and practices. Schofield’s survey was certainly a turning point in studies of British sexuality insofar as it was the first major study to interrogate premarital sexuality. However, Schofield’s impulse to investigate and quantify teenage sexuality was indicative of a longerterm shift in which sexuality became increasingly understood as an organizing marker of the life cycle. In the decades after the Second World War, the
{"title":"“How Far Should We Go?”: Adolescent Sexual Activity and Understandings of the Sexual Life Cycle in Postwar Britain","authors":"Hannah Charnock","doi":"10.7560/jhs32301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32301","url":null,"abstract":"I n 1965 t h e s o c I o l o g I s t M I c h a e l s c h o f I e l d published the first major survey of teenage sexuality in Britain.1 Researchers from the Central Council for Health Education had interviewed more than eigh teen hundred young people between age fifteen and nineteen. Beyond ask ing these teenagers about their attitudes toward sex, the survey prompted them to assess their levels of sexual knowledge and to evaluate the sex education they had received. Most notably, the survey recorded details of their sexual practice, including incidences of kissing, “petting,” and pene trative intercourse. The somewhat “unsensational” central finding of the research was that “premarital sexual relations are a long way from being universal . . . for well over threequarters of the boys and girls in our sample have never engaged in them.”2 Underpinning Schofield’s study was an assumption that there was something distinctive about teenage sexuality and that accounts of modern sexuality were missing something by having neglected to consider young people’s sexual attitudes and practices. Schofield’s survey was certainly a turning point in studies of British sexuality insofar as it was the first major study to interrogate premarital sexuality. However, Schofield’s impulse to investigate and quantify teenage sexuality was indicative of a longerterm shift in which sexuality became increasingly understood as an organizing marker of the life cycle. In the decades after the Second World War, the","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S i g m u n d F r e u d ’ S c a S e S t u d i e S are among his most wellresearched writings and include Dora (1905), Little Hans (1909), Rat Man (1909), Dr. Daniel Schreber (1911), and Wolf Man (1918). However, his sixth case, written in 1920 and dedicated to the homosexuality of a young woman, has received much less attention among psychoanalytic scholars and historians. The theorist Diana Fuss noted that it “may well be Freud’s most overlooked case study; certainly, compared to the volume of criticism generated by the Dora case.”1 Titled “The Psychogenesis of a Case of Homosexuality in a Woman,” it is often omitted from “Freud’s cases,” despite being the only explicit instance of female homosexuality that Freud analyzed.2 Such scholarly
{"title":"“Not Unsympathetic”: Freud’s Lesser-Known 1920 Case of the Female Homosexuality of Margarethe Csonka","authors":"Michal Shapira","doi":"10.7560/jhs32305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32305","url":null,"abstract":"S i g m u n d F r e u d ’ S c a S e S t u d i e S are among his most wellresearched writings and include Dora (1905), Little Hans (1909), Rat Man (1909), Dr. Daniel Schreber (1911), and Wolf Man (1918). However, his sixth case, written in 1920 and dedicated to the homosexuality of a young woman, has received much less attention among psychoanalytic scholars and historians. The theorist Diana Fuss noted that it “may well be Freud’s most overlooked case study; certainly, compared to the volume of criticism generated by the Dora case.”1 Titled “The Psychogenesis of a Case of Homosexuality in a Woman,” it is often omitted from “Freud’s cases,” despite being the only explicit instance of female homosexuality that Freud analyzed.2 Such scholarly","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
F o r a w r i t e r c r e d i t e d w i t h i n v e n t i n g medical and moral anxiety about female masturbation, the author of Onania fought shy of offering too many details. “It would be impossible,” he protested, “to rake into so much Filthiness, as I should be obliged to do, without offending Chastity.”1 Such admirable delicacy was perhaps overstated. Addressed to readers of both sexes, an exposé of the secret vices of the fairer sex was integral to Onania’s appeal, and the author’s professed scruples proved little bar to waxing lyrical on the subject. Self-pollution, he claimed, was almost universal among women, subjecting them to disease, disfigurement, and even death. The most lurid and arresting depictions of women, however, he displaced onto his correspondents. The readers’ letters reproduced in Onania offered the most dramatic descriptions of women in the entire work: candid, allegedly firsthand accounts of the physical destruction that masturbation supposedly wrought on the body. This correspondence played a key role in its rhetorical and commercial strategy, with advertisements trumpeting the existence of letters from and about women as soon as they appeared.2 Although critics were quick to seize on their dubious provenance, the accounts in these letters took on a life of their own. Within a few years of their first appearance, these stories of female masturbation were appearing elsewhere. More critical writers like Samuel
{"title":"<i>Onania</i>’s Letters and the Female Masturbator: Women, Gender, and the “Abominable Crime” of Self-Pollution","authors":"Elizabeth Schlappa","doi":"10.7560/jhs32304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32304","url":null,"abstract":"F o r a w r i t e r c r e d i t e d w i t h i n v e n t i n g medical and moral anxiety about female masturbation, the author of Onania fought shy of offering too many details. “It would be impossible,” he protested, “to rake into so much Filthiness, as I should be obliged to do, without offending Chastity.”1 Such admirable delicacy was perhaps overstated. Addressed to readers of both sexes, an exposé of the secret vices of the fairer sex was integral to Onania’s appeal, and the author’s professed scruples proved little bar to waxing lyrical on the subject. Self-pollution, he claimed, was almost universal among women, subjecting them to disease, disfigurement, and even death. The most lurid and arresting depictions of women, however, he displaced onto his correspondents. The readers’ letters reproduced in Onania offered the most dramatic descriptions of women in the entire work: candid, allegedly firsthand accounts of the physical destruction that masturbation supposedly wrought on the body. This correspondence played a key role in its rhetorical and commercial strategy, with advertisements trumpeting the existence of letters from and about women as soon as they appeared.2 Although critics were quick to seize on their dubious provenance, the accounts in these letters took on a life of their own. Within a few years of their first appearance, these stories of female masturbation were appearing elsewhere. More critical writers like Samuel","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n t h e s u m m e r o f 1891 , J u l e s V a n d e n p e e r e b o o m , a Belgian Catholic politician who had become the first minister of telegraphs, mail, and railroads in 1884, declared a “war on pornography” by banning the transportation of five pornographic journals by mail and train. The minister proclaimed in Parliament: “We are invaded by pornographers. . . . I declare war on these scoundrels.”1 In a manner similar to what scholars describe as “concept wars,” such as “the war on terrorism” and “the war on drugs,” Vandenpeereboom used the metaphor of war to stress that his responsibility was to stop the “transportation of pornography.”2 Vandenpeereboom’s declaration of war can be seen as the final step of a process in which pornography became understood as a danger of movement; hence, it was the responsibility of the government to stop its transportation. Vandenpeereboom’s ban on the transportation of pornographic material was almost immediately contested by liberal politicians and some publishers of the targeted journals, with one of them even suing the Belgian government. The court ruled in favor of Vandenpeereboom’s actions. Celebrating his win, he wrote a letter to Jules Lammens, a Catholic Party member of the Belgian Senate, informing him that the court agreed with him and that the state could “refuse the transportation of [pornographic] writings [by train and mail].”3 Lammens was pleased with this news, since
{"title":"Pornography on Rails: Trains and Belgium’s “War on Pornography,” 1880–1891","authors":"Leon Janssens","doi":"10.7560/jhs32302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32302","url":null,"abstract":"I n t h e s u m m e r o f 1891 , J u l e s V a n d e n p e e r e b o o m , a Belgian Catholic politician who had become the first minister of telegraphs, mail, and railroads in 1884, declared a “war on pornography” by banning the transportation of five pornographic journals by mail and train. The minister proclaimed in Parliament: “We are invaded by pornographers. . . . I declare war on these scoundrels.”1 In a manner similar to what scholars describe as “concept wars,” such as “the war on terrorism” and “the war on drugs,” Vandenpeereboom used the metaphor of war to stress that his responsibility was to stop the “transportation of pornography.”2 Vandenpeereboom’s declaration of war can be seen as the final step of a process in which pornography became understood as a danger of movement; hence, it was the responsibility of the government to stop its transportation. Vandenpeereboom’s ban on the transportation of pornographic material was almost immediately contested by liberal politicians and some publishers of the targeted journals, with one of them even suing the Belgian government. The court ruled in favor of Vandenpeereboom’s actions. Celebrating his win, he wrote a letter to Jules Lammens, a Catholic Party member of the Belgian Senate, informing him that the court agreed with him and that the state could “refuse the transportation of [pornographic] writings [by train and mail].”3 Lammens was pleased with this news, since","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135348394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Wh e n C a p i t o l h i l l s e C r e t a r y e l i z a b e t h r a y told Washington Post reporters in the spring of 1976 that she had been having an affair with her powerful boss, Rep. Wayne Hays (D-OH), they were not surprised; he had a reputation. Illicit sex had long been a topic of gossip on and around the Hill, but the majority-male press corps avoided reporting on political leaders’ sexual affairs out of a sense that what men did in their “private lives” was their own business and off-limits for public scrutiny. “That’s the sort of thing that legitimate newspaper people don’t write about or don’t even make any implications about,” White House
1976年春天，当C a p i t o l h i l l s e C r e t a r y e l i z a b e t h r a y告诉《华盛顿邮报》记者，她与她强大的老板、俄亥俄州民主党众议员韦恩·海斯有染时，他们并不感到惊讶；他有名声。非法性行为长期以来一直是国会山内外的八卦话题，但大多数男性记者团避免报道政治领导人的性行为，因为他们认为男性在“私生活”中所做的是自己的事，不允许公众监督。白宫说：“这是合法的报纸人不会写的事情，甚至不会对此产生任何影响。”
{"title":"Sexpo '76: Gender, Media, and the 1976 Hays-Ray Congressional Sex Scandal","authors":"Sarah B. Rowley","doi":"10.7560/jhs32202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32202","url":null,"abstract":"Wh e n C a p i t o l h i l l s e C r e t a r y e l i z a b e t h r a y told Washington Post reporters in the spring of 1976 that she had been having an affair with her powerful boss, Rep. Wayne Hays (D-OH), they were not surprised; he had a reputation. Illicit sex had long been a topic of gossip on and around the Hill, but the majority-male press corps avoided reporting on political leaders’ sexual affairs out of a sense that what men did in their “private lives” was their own business and off-limits for public scrutiny. “That’s the sort of thing that legitimate newspaper people don’t write about or don’t even make any implications about,” White House","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45710570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n a n I n t e r v I e w c o n d u c t e d I n 2018 , Elżbieta, a female laboratory technician born in 1961 and living in the large industrial city of Łódź in central Poland, narrated her experience of sex education: “When I was fourteen or fifteen the famous book Sztuka kochania [Art of love] was published. And during winter holidays, it so happened that the secondary school pupils did a work placement at a press, and each of us got a copy. So the four of us [who did the placement], two boys, a girl, and myself, had the book, and we lent it out as well. It had influence. Of course, our parents did not know what kind of a book it was. We considered it to be forbidden fruit, because we were still underaged.”1 Individual and collective interaction with expert literature was central to Elżbieta’s narrative of how she acquired sexual knowledge. This article examines personal narratives of formal and informal sex education by two generations of Poles, the first coming of age in the immediate aftermath of World War II and the second approximating to their children’s generation. We argue that the state-supported expertization of sexuality and reproduction played an important role in the development of sexual identities among Polish men and women during the second half of the twentieth century. We demonstrate how, from the 1950s onward, knowledge about the sexual body began and continued to be framed as valuable and symptomatic of modernity, as well as necessary for personal and familial happiness. The
{"title":"Unawareness and Expertise: Acquiring Knowledge about Sexuality in Postwar Poland","authors":"Agata Ignaciuk, Natalia Jarska","doi":"10.7560/jhs32201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32201","url":null,"abstract":"I n a n I n t e r v I e w c o n d u c t e d I n 2018 , Elżbieta, a female laboratory technician born in 1961 and living in the large industrial city of Łódź in central Poland, narrated her experience of sex education: “When I was fourteen or fifteen the famous book Sztuka kochania [Art of love] was published. And during winter holidays, it so happened that the secondary school pupils did a work placement at a press, and each of us got a copy. So the four of us [who did the placement], two boys, a girl, and myself, had the book, and we lent it out as well. It had influence. Of course, our parents did not know what kind of a book it was. We considered it to be forbidden fruit, because we were still underaged.”1 Individual and collective interaction with expert literature was central to Elżbieta’s narrative of how she acquired sexual knowledge. This article examines personal narratives of formal and informal sex education by two generations of Poles, the first coming of age in the immediate aftermath of World War II and the second approximating to their children’s generation. We argue that the state-supported expertization of sexuality and reproduction played an important role in the development of sexual identities among Polish men and women during the second half of the twentieth century. We demonstrate how, from the 1950s onward, knowledge about the sexual body began and continued to be framed as valuable and symptomatic of modernity, as well as necessary for personal and familial happiness. The","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46671542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"Your Town Is Rotten\": Prostitution, Profit, and the Governing of Vice in Kingston, Ontario, 1860s–1920s","authors":"Margaret O'Riordan Ross","doi":"10.7560/jhs32203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs32203","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41618753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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