I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force (hereafter the Task Force) unveiled a victory more than fifteen years in the making: the publication of a gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) awareness training manual for the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Its appearance coincided with the LAPD’s decision to recruit openly gay police officers and the emergence of Pride Behind the Badge, an association of previously closeted officers recently formed to staff LAPD recruitment events and trainings. As an apparent reversal of the LAPD’s long-standing hostility toward homosexuals, the manual signaled the LAPD’s growing willingness to protect white gay and lesbian privacy and property through policing.1 The manual, for instance, reminded officers that “self-identified,” or out, gays “have higher average household
I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s同性恋警察咨询工作队（以下简称“工作队”）公布了一项15年来取得的胜利：为洛杉矶警察局（LAPD）出版了一本同性恋意识培训手册。它的出现恰逢洛杉矶警察局决定招募公开的同性恋警察，以及徽章背后的骄傲的出现，这是一个由以前秘密的警察组成的协会，最近成立，为洛杉矶警察局的招募活动和培训提供工作人员。该手册明显扭转了洛杉矶警察局长期以来对同性恋者的敌意，表明洛杉矶警察局越来越愿意通过治安来保护白人同性恋者的隐私和财产。1例如，该手册提醒警察，“自我认同”或“同性恋者”的平均家庭比例更高
{"title":"One Out Gay Cop: Gay Moderates, Proposition 64, and Policing in Early AIDS-Crisis Los Angeles, 1969–1992","authors":"N. Ramos, Alex Burnett","doi":"10.7560/jhs31304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31304","url":null,"abstract":"I n l a t e 1992 t h e l o s a n g e l e s Gay and Lesbian Police Advisory Task Force (hereafter the Task Force) unveiled a victory more than fifteen years in the making: the publication of a gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) awareness training manual for the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Its appearance coincided with the LAPD’s decision to recruit openly gay police officers and the emergence of Pride Behind the Badge, an association of previously closeted officers recently formed to staff LAPD recruitment events and trainings. As an apparent reversal of the LAPD’s long-standing hostility toward homosexuals, the manual signaled the LAPD’s growing willingness to protect white gay and lesbian privacy and property through policing.1 The manual, for instance, reminded officers that “self-identified,” or out, gays “have higher average household","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42471656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W e a r i n g a b l a c k c l o t h W r a p p e d around her head that obscured her eyes and nose, a spokeswoman for the Marxist-feminist English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) gave a heated interview to a reporter from the British weekly The Observer in the wake of the second World Whores’ Congress in 1986. “Forget the reasons the academics and do-gooders come up with: women don’t go on the game for kicks, or because they were raped as children, or because they like the lifestyle—they do it for money,” she said, rejecting competing discourses that reduced women’s motives in selling sex to pleasure seeking, psychological pathology, or personal preference.1 Another masked woman, arms crossed defiantly, told the reporter that “women should have the right to choose whether to go on the game and not be forced into it because they need the money,” cautioning against what she understood to be a sanguine appraisal of the role of free will in sex work.2 Insisting on anonymity to protect the legal and social vulnerability of its members, the ECP rejected what it perceived as the prowork, institutional orientation of the congress, hosted by the European Parliament in Brussels and organized by two prostitutes’ advocacy organizations, US-based Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE) and the Red Thread of the Netherlands. Building on a history of radical confrontation with the state, ECP members boycotted the congress because of its alleged appeal to federal
1986年第二次世界妓女大会结束后，马克思主义女权主义英国妓女协会(ECP)的女发言人在接受英国《观察家报》记者的采访时，激烈地进行了激烈的采访。她说:“忘掉那些学者和行善者们提出的理由吧:女人不是为了好玩，或者因为她们小时候被强奸过，或者因为她们喜欢这种生活方式——她们是为了钱——她们这样做的。”她拒绝了那些将女性卖淫的动机归结为寻求快乐、心理病理或个人偏好的争论另一名蒙面女子，双臂交叉，反抗地告诉记者，“女性应该有权选择是否参加这个游戏，而不是因为需要钱而被迫参加。”她警告说，她认为这是对性工作中自由意志作用的乐观评价ECP坚持匿名以保护其成员的法律和社会脆弱性，它拒绝了它所认为的大会的项目和制度取向。这次大会由布鲁塞尔的欧洲议会主办，由两个妓女倡导组织——美国的Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE)和荷兰的红线组织。在与国家激进对抗的历史基础上，ECP成员抵制了这次大会，因为它据称对联邦政府有吸引力
{"title":"A Prostitutes’ Jamboree: The World Whores’ Congresses of the 1980s and the Rise of a New Feminism","authors":"M. Weeks","doi":"10.7560/jhs31301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31301","url":null,"abstract":"W e a r i n g a b l a c k c l o t h W r a p p e d around her head that obscured her eyes and nose, a spokeswoman for the Marxist-feminist English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) gave a heated interview to a reporter from the British weekly The Observer in the wake of the second World Whores’ Congress in 1986. “Forget the reasons the academics and do-gooders come up with: women don’t go on the game for kicks, or because they were raped as children, or because they like the lifestyle—they do it for money,” she said, rejecting competing discourses that reduced women’s motives in selling sex to pleasure seeking, psychological pathology, or personal preference.1 Another masked woman, arms crossed defiantly, told the reporter that “women should have the right to choose whether to go on the game and not be forced into it because they need the money,” cautioning against what she understood to be a sanguine appraisal of the role of free will in sex work.2 Insisting on anonymity to protect the legal and social vulnerability of its members, the ECP rejected what it perceived as the prowork, institutional orientation of the congress, hosted by the European Parliament in Brussels and organized by two prostitutes’ advocacy organizations, US-based Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics (COYOTE) and the Red Thread of the Netherlands. Building on a history of radical confrontation with the state, ECP members boycotted the congress because of its alleged appeal to federal","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48230606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T h e o c e a n ’ s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l l . It was the early morning of 28 October 1897, and Pacific spring skies stretched over the island of Samoa. Around 4:00 a.m., the Samoan men sitting in va‘as (canoes) over the coral reef sprang into frantic motion. The water also began swirling: long, wispy tendrils began moving to the surface in circuitous motion. Within minutes, countless numbers of these creatures appeared, some dark blue and some light brown. Soon they covered the face of the water, and the Samoan men leaned over quickly, pulled them out, and stored them in special containers. The bearded German man who was sitting in one of these va‘as looked on in restrained awe. His name was Doctor Benedict Friedländer (1866–1908), a zoologist and sociologist from Berlin who had arrived alone in Samoa several weeks earlier. As occurred every year during the Pacific spring, the residents of Samoa gorged themselves on these sea worms, which they called palolo (Palola viridis). Friedländer himself also tried the dish, claiming its taste was reminiscent of caviar—especially when raw.1 He wasn’t the first European to witness the “palolo dance”; the phenomenon had been reported on by several British and German researchers.2 But in the following days, he began investigating the worms’ bodies and was surprised to discover that they in fact had no heads. It soon became apparent to Friedländer that the creatures who made such a sudden appearance were not the worms at all but rather their genitalia.
T e o c e a n’s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l。那是1897年10月28日凌晨，太平洋春天的天空覆盖了萨摩亚岛。凌晨4点左右，坐在珊瑚礁上空的独木舟上的萨摩亚人开始疯狂地行动。水也开始旋转：细长的卷须开始以迂回的运动移动到水面。几分钟内，无数的这种生物出现了，有的是深蓝色，有的是浅棕色。很快，它们就盖住了水面，萨摩亚人迅速靠过来，把它们捞出来，放在特殊的容器里。坐在其中一辆面包车里的那个留着胡子的德国男子带着克制的敬畏目光看着。他的名字叫本尼迪克特·弗里德兰德博士（1866-1908），是一位来自柏林的动物学家和社会学家，几周前独自抵达萨摩亚。正如每年太平洋春季发生的那样，萨摩亚居民狼吞虎咽地吃着这些海虫，他们称之为palolo（Palola viridis）。Friedländer自己也尝试过这道菜，声称它的味道让人想起鱼子酱，尤其是生的时候。1他不是第一个见证“帕洛洛舞”的欧洲人；几位英国和德国的研究人员已经报道了这种现象。2但在接下来的几天里，他开始调查这些蠕虫的身体，并惊讶地发现它们实际上没有头部。弗里德兰德很快就意识到，突然出现的生物根本不是蠕虫，而是它们的生殖器。
{"title":"Worms, Ants, and Greek Love: Benedict Friedländer's \"Homosexual Instinct\"","authors":"Ofri Ilany","doi":"10.7560/jhs31203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31203","url":null,"abstract":"T h e o c e a n ’ s wa T e r wa s c l e a r a n d s T i l l . It was the early morning of 28 October 1897, and Pacific spring skies stretched over the island of Samoa. Around 4:00 a.m., the Samoan men sitting in va‘as (canoes) over the coral reef sprang into frantic motion. The water also began swirling: long, wispy tendrils began moving to the surface in circuitous motion. Within minutes, countless numbers of these creatures appeared, some dark blue and some light brown. Soon they covered the face of the water, and the Samoan men leaned over quickly, pulled them out, and stored them in special containers. The bearded German man who was sitting in one of these va‘as looked on in restrained awe. His name was Doctor Benedict Friedländer (1866–1908), a zoologist and sociologist from Berlin who had arrived alone in Samoa several weeks earlier. As occurred every year during the Pacific spring, the residents of Samoa gorged themselves on these sea worms, which they called palolo (Palola viridis). Friedländer himself also tried the dish, claiming its taste was reminiscent of caviar—especially when raw.1 He wasn’t the first European to witness the “palolo dance”; the phenomenon had been reported on by several British and German researchers.2 But in the following days, he began investigating the worms’ bodies and was surprised to discover that they in fact had no heads. It soon became apparent to Friedländer that the creatures who made such a sudden appearance were not the worms at all but rather their genitalia.","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42983561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n I t s A u g u s t 1973 I s s u e , the West German gay magazine du&ich reported on the first International Pedophile Meeting in Breda, the Netherlands, which was attended by “about 70 pedophiles and a number of interested listeners from the Netherlands, Belgium, France, the Federal Republic and Switzerland.”1 The main purpose of the meeting had been to end the isolation of pedophile men, but there had also been two academic lectures on the subject. In a photo attached to the article, one could see the two Dutch lecturers: the psychologist Dr. Frits Bernard and the lawyer and senator of the Partij van de Arbeid Dr. Edward Brongersma. A closer look at Bernard’s hands reveals an issue of the German educational studies journal betrifft: erziehung from earlier that year. The title theme of this issue had also been pedophilia and the question of its possible decriminalization. Bernard himself had written the central article, in which he formulated the thesis that “nonviolent and consensual” sexual contact with adults was even conducive to child development. With the choice of the issue’s title, “Pedophilia: Crime without Victims,” the editorial team had positioned itself clearly.2 At the meeting in Breda, Bernard distributed
{"title":"Transnational Networks of Child Sexual Abuse and Consumerism: Edward Brongersma and the Pedophilia Debate of the 1970s and 1980s","authors":"Jan-Henrik Friedrichs","doi":"10.7560/jhs31202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31202","url":null,"abstract":"I n I t s A u g u s t 1973 I s s u e , the West German gay magazine du&ich reported on the first International Pedophile Meeting in Breda, the Netherlands, which was attended by “about 70 pedophiles and a number of interested listeners from the Netherlands, Belgium, France, the Federal Republic and Switzerland.”1 The main purpose of the meeting had been to end the isolation of pedophile men, but there had also been two academic lectures on the subject. In a photo attached to the article, one could see the two Dutch lecturers: the psychologist Dr. Frits Bernard and the lawyer and senator of the Partij van de Arbeid Dr. Edward Brongersma. A closer look at Bernard’s hands reveals an issue of the German educational studies journal betrifft: erziehung from earlier that year. The title theme of this issue had also been pedophilia and the question of its possible decriminalization. Bernard himself had written the central article, in which he formulated the thesis that “nonviolent and consensual” sexual contact with adults was even conducive to child development. With the choice of the issue’s title, “Pedophilia: Crime without Victims,” the editorial team had positioned itself clearly.2 At the meeting in Breda, Bernard distributed","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47070827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I n h I s m e m o I r a b o u t b e I n g a low-ranking American soldier during World War I, Joseph N. Rizzi repeatedly stated that his participation in the war—from enlistment to training to battlefield engagement—was motivated by women. The first-generation son of Italian immigrants initially enlisted because his sweetheart explicitly told him that she would not marry him unless he went and fought, and throughout training and his brief deployment in France (where he took part in the decisive Meuse-Argonne offensive), Rizzi derived meaning and motivation from his connection to his sweetheart, as well as to his mother. He testified to the encouraging influences of their letters and confessed that the thought of their opprobrium prevented him from deserting his unit or committing any other offense that could lead to court-martial or dishonor. One night in France, he recalled, he had a strong desire to “enjoy the comradeship of the opposite sex and to indulge in the physical emotion of love” but was prevented from doing so partially by the knowledge that the military police guarded the entrances to the brothels in the town in which he was stationed, stopping American soldiers from entering. In his frustration, he recalled, “I took out my mother’s and sweetheart’s pictures to look at.” Upon looking at their faces, he explained, “the will to conquer became strong.”1
{"title":"The Men behind the Girl behind the Man behind the Gun: Sex and Motivation in the American Morale Campaigns of the First World War","authors":"Eric Rogers","doi":"10.7560/jhs31204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31204","url":null,"abstract":"I n h I s m e m o I r a b o u t b e I n g a low-ranking American soldier during World War I, Joseph N. Rizzi repeatedly stated that his participation in the war—from enlistment to training to battlefield engagement—was motivated by women. The first-generation son of Italian immigrants initially enlisted because his sweetheart explicitly told him that she would not marry him unless he went and fought, and throughout training and his brief deployment in France (where he took part in the decisive Meuse-Argonne offensive), Rizzi derived meaning and motivation from his connection to his sweetheart, as well as to his mother. He testified to the encouraging influences of their letters and confessed that the thought of their opprobrium prevented him from deserting his unit or committing any other offense that could lead to court-martial or dishonor. One night in France, he recalled, he had a strong desire to “enjoy the comradeship of the opposite sex and to indulge in the physical emotion of love” but was prevented from doing so partially by the knowledge that the military police guarded the entrances to the brothels in the town in which he was stationed, stopping American soldiers from entering. In his frustration, he recalled, “I took out my mother’s and sweetheart’s pictures to look at.” Upon looking at their faces, he explained, “the will to conquer became strong.”1","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46650705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A r e p o r t p u b l i s h e d i n 1 7 4 3 informed readers about a recent sodomy trial in Kingston upon Thames.1 One night early that summer, a London waterman had received a tip from a woman selling gingerbread that two “mollies” had just sneaked into Pepper Alley, in Southwark. Mollies were members of an underground queer subculture, mostly workingand lower-middle-class men notorious for their effeminacy and predilection for that “worst of crimes,” sodomy. The waterman understood what the woman was suggesting, and he followed the tip. He stalked the two until they entered a house of office, a lavatory. He spied on them as they whispered together and “talk’d in a very ludicrous manner.” Soon, “he was very well assured, they were Sodomites.” The door could not shut fully with them inside, and through the gap that remained he saw that “they were b——g one another.” In the criminal law, “buggering” had a precise meaning: phallic penetration of the anus. It was a grievous offense, carrying a mandatory capital penalty. But there was no doubt: he “saw them in the very Fact.” The waterman was not satisfied merely with visual inspection. He went to investigate manually but found that the two “were so close that he could not put his Hand between them.” Only “with Difficulty” did he force it in. He grasped the penis and drew it from the other’s anus. (The report renders this action as taking “Hunt’s —— out of the other’s ——.”) In court, the waterman told what he had found. The offending phallus “was wet, and wet his Hand very much.” Some courts and jurists believed that evidence of ejaculation inside the body was necessary to prove this felony.
{"title":"\"O My Poor Arse, My Arse Can Best Tell\": Surgeons, Ordinary Witnesses, and the Sodomitical Body in Georgian Britain","authors":"S. LeJacq","doi":"10.7560/jhs31201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31201","url":null,"abstract":"A r e p o r t p u b l i s h e d i n 1 7 4 3 informed readers about a recent sodomy trial in Kingston upon Thames.1 One night early that summer, a London waterman had received a tip from a woman selling gingerbread that two “mollies” had just sneaked into Pepper Alley, in Southwark. Mollies were members of an underground queer subculture, mostly workingand lower-middle-class men notorious for their effeminacy and predilection for that “worst of crimes,” sodomy. The waterman understood what the woman was suggesting, and he followed the tip. He stalked the two until they entered a house of office, a lavatory. He spied on them as they whispered together and “talk’d in a very ludicrous manner.” Soon, “he was very well assured, they were Sodomites.” The door could not shut fully with them inside, and through the gap that remained he saw that “they were b——g one another.” In the criminal law, “buggering” had a precise meaning: phallic penetration of the anus. It was a grievous offense, carrying a mandatory capital penalty. But there was no doubt: he “saw them in the very Fact.” The waterman was not satisfied merely with visual inspection. He went to investigate manually but found that the two “were so close that he could not put his Hand between them.” Only “with Difficulty” did he force it in. He grasped the penis and drew it from the other’s anus. (The report renders this action as taking “Hunt’s —— out of the other’s ——.”) In court, the waterman told what he had found. The offending phallus “was wet, and wet his Hand very much.” Some courts and jurists believed that evidence of ejaculation inside the body was necessary to prove this felony.","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47848462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 'politics of art' is an openended subject which might admit consideration of any of a number of difficult and exciting issues, from the role of politics in the construction of art to the role of art as a political tool in the construction of the individual or nation, from the possibilities of art as a mechanism of political resistance or social change, to questions of international relations concerning cultural colonisation or the exploitation and appropriation of cultural products. At a more mundane level, there are political questions of whether the arts are to be encouraged by national governments, and if so to what extent and by what mechanisms the arts can and should be promoted. In Art, Culture and Enterprise, Lewis is concerned primarily with these latter questions of arts funding policy in the United Kingdom, and while the issues are somewhat parochial, they are certainly no less complex than the broader socio-
{"title":"Book Reviews","authors":"L. Bently","doi":"10.7560/jhs31205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31205","url":null,"abstract":"The 'politics of art' is an openended subject which might admit consideration of any of a number of difficult and exciting issues, from the role of politics in the construction of art to the role of art as a political tool in the construction of the individual or nation, from the possibilities of art as a mechanism of political resistance or social change, to questions of international relations concerning cultural colonisation or the exploitation and appropriation of cultural products. At a more mundane level, there are political questions of whether the arts are to be encouraged by national governments, and if so to what extent and by what mechanisms the arts can and should be promoted. In Art, Culture and Enterprise, Lewis is concerned primarily with these latter questions of arts funding policy in the United Kingdom, and while the issues are somewhat parochial, they are certainly no less complex than the broader socio-","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49211491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
O n C h r i s t m a s E v E 1942 , in the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don, a soldiers’ brothel opened its doors for business.1 Set up and run by the occupying German army (the Wehrmacht), this establishment provided military men a place to pay for a brief sexual encounter with a local woman. These women were Soviet civilians who had been living under German control since the summer of 1942, when the Wehrmacht occupied Southern Russia on its way to the oil fields of the Caucasus and the city of Stalingrad. Prior to this, Rostov residents had also lived through a brief, failed German occupation, which lasted less than ten days in late November 1941. The second, more substantial occupation of the city began in late July 1942 and continued until early February 1943. From the moment the German occupiers returned to Rostov-on-Don, women were exposed to a particular, gendered threat. They were attacked indiscriminately on the street or in their homes throughout the duration of the occupation, forced to perform unwanted sexual acts. Women were also
{"title":"Sexual Violence under Occupation during World War II: Soviet Women's Experiences inside a German Military Brothel and Beyond","authors":"Maris Rowe-McCulloch","doi":"10.7560/jhs31101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31101","url":null,"abstract":"O n C h r i s t m a s E v E 1942 , in the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don, a soldiers’ brothel opened its doors for business.1 Set up and run by the occupying German army (the Wehrmacht), this establishment provided military men a place to pay for a brief sexual encounter with a local woman. These women were Soviet civilians who had been living under German control since the summer of 1942, when the Wehrmacht occupied Southern Russia on its way to the oil fields of the Caucasus and the city of Stalingrad. Prior to this, Rostov residents had also lived through a brief, failed German occupation, which lasted less than ten days in late November 1941. The second, more substantial occupation of the city began in late July 1942 and continued until early February 1943. From the moment the German occupiers returned to Rostov-on-Don, women were exposed to a particular, gendered threat. They were attacked indiscriminately on the street or in their homes throughout the duration of the occupation, forced to perform unwanted sexual acts. Women were also","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42936643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
O n 31 O c t O b e r 1989 , members of the Housing Committee of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power/New York (ACT UP/NY), dressed as witches and ghouls, led a Halloween-themed protest in front of the Trump Tower. In addition to candy and condoms, the protesters offered a message for the City of New York: Do not give Donald Trump a forty-year tax abatement to develop the Grand Hyatt while thousands of people with HIV/AIDS sleep on the streets. The protesters explained that a previous tax abatement to build the Trump Tower cost the city $6,208,773—money that could have rehabilitated approximately 1,200 city-owned apartments (fig. 1). “Instead,” a flyer explained, “the apartments remain vacant. And sick people [with AIDS] remain on the streets.” At the time, the city offered a mere forty-four beds through an institution called Bailey House for “people who [were] too sick for the shelters but too healthy for a hospital.” The small fortune the city kicked back to Trump, AIDS activists insisted, should be, in their words, going to “housing for people with AIDS, not condos for people with maids.”1 In that year alone, ACT UP and the Partnership for the Homeless estimated, there were more than ten thousand people with HIV/AIDS who were unhoused in New York City.2 Scholarship on the AIDS epidemic routinely focuses on very public grassroots activism—like that in front of the Trump Tower—and often frames it in opposition to the state. The battle for housing rights and care that erupted in 1980s New York City, however, defies these assumptions. The Halloween protest of 1989 garnered headlines for a day, but AIDS
{"title":"\"We Lived as Do Spouses\": AIDS, Neoliberalism, and Family-Based Apartment Succession Rights in 1980s New York City","authors":"René Esparza","doi":"10.7560/jhs31103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31103","url":null,"abstract":"O n 31 O c t O b e r 1989 , members of the Housing Committee of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power/New York (ACT UP/NY), dressed as witches and ghouls, led a Halloween-themed protest in front of the Trump Tower. In addition to candy and condoms, the protesters offered a message for the City of New York: Do not give Donald Trump a forty-year tax abatement to develop the Grand Hyatt while thousands of people with HIV/AIDS sleep on the streets. The protesters explained that a previous tax abatement to build the Trump Tower cost the city $6,208,773—money that could have rehabilitated approximately 1,200 city-owned apartments (fig. 1). “Instead,” a flyer explained, “the apartments remain vacant. And sick people [with AIDS] remain on the streets.” At the time, the city offered a mere forty-four beds through an institution called Bailey House for “people who [were] too sick for the shelters but too healthy for a hospital.” The small fortune the city kicked back to Trump, AIDS activists insisted, should be, in their words, going to “housing for people with AIDS, not condos for people with maids.”1 In that year alone, ACT UP and the Partnership for the Homeless estimated, there were more than ten thousand people with HIV/AIDS who were unhoused in New York City.2 Scholarship on the AIDS epidemic routinely focuses on very public grassroots activism—like that in front of the Trump Tower—and often frames it in opposition to the state. The battle for housing rights and care that erupted in 1980s New York City, however, defies these assumptions. The Halloween protest of 1989 garnered headlines for a day, but AIDS","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45404853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Price of the Ride in New York City: Sex, Taxis, and Entrepreneurial Resilience in the Dry Season of 1919","authors":"Austin Gallas","doi":"10.7560/jhs31104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7560/jhs31104","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45704,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the History of Sexuality","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48922976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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